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History  of  the 
United  States 
REFfiREN€E  ROOM  STORAGS 


Central  Library 


I 


PASADENA  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 

REFERENCE 


P  -'7^    0.: 


SRLF. 


A   H  istory   of 
the    United    States 


VoLU  ME      I 


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■S.  y^    -s  ■ 

D<  ^^^  y 


Portrait  of 

Christopher    Columbus 

From  the  painting  in  the  Marine 
Museum  at  Madrid 


"Bjproduced  from  Lef art's 
etching,  by  permission  of 
M.  Knoedler  ^  Company, 
New    York. 


Signature  from  his  letter 
to  the  Spanish  Sovereigns, 
February     6  th,     1502. 


AHISTORYOFTHE 
UNITED  STATES 
AND  ITS  PEOPLE 

FROM  THEIR  EARLIEST  RECORDS  TO 
THE  PRESENT  TIME 

ELROY  M^KENDREE  AVERY 


■> 


IN  TWELVE  VOLUMES 
VOLUME   I 


^^A 


m 


CLEVELAND 
THE  BURROWS  BROTHERS 
COMPANY '^'—-'- MCMFV 


iJfJrii'^-^^ 


COPYRIGHT       1904       BY 
ELROY       MCKENDREE      AVERY 


MAPS,  ILLUSTRATIONS,  COMPOSITION, 

PLATES,  AND    PRESSWORK    BY 

THE  MATTHEWS-NORTHRIP  WORKS, 

BUFFALO,  NEW   YORK 


I   DEDICATE  THESE  VOLUMES 
TO  MY  FRIEND 

Charles  William  Burrows 

WHO,  TWENTY  YEARS  AGO,  ASKED  ME  TO 
JOIN  HIM  IN  A  WORK  TO  WHICH  HE  EVI- 
DENTLY HAD  BEEN  CALLED  MORE  BY  A 
SOLDIER'S  DESIRE  TO  SERVE  HIS  COUNTRY 
THAN  BY  A  PUBLISHER'S  LONGING  FOR 
PECUNIARY  GAIN.  FROM  THAT  DAY  TO 
THIS,  AN  UNSELFISH  PURPOSE  HAS  GUIDED 
HIS  UNFALTERING  STEPS  AND  MADE  EACH 
SURMOUNTED  OBSTACLE  A  BETTER  POINT 
OF  VIEW  FOR  A  HIGHER  IDEAL.  THIS  IS 
WHY  THIS  HISTORY  APPEARS  IN  A  GARB 
RICHER  THAN  THAT  OF  ANY  THAT  HAVE 
GONE  BEFORE  IT.  I  SHOULD  BE  HAPPY 
IF  I  COULD  THINK  THAT  MY  WORK  HAS 
BEEN    DONE    AS    WELL    AS    HIS. 

ELROY    M.   AVERY 

CLEVELAND,   AUGUST,  1904 


R 


E 


A 


C 


E 


THIS  volume  is  the  beginning  of  an  attempt  to 
tell  the  story    of  the   men    and   measures    that 
have    made     the     United     States    what    it    is. 
History  is 

An  orchard  bearing  several  trees 
And  fruits  of  several  taste. 

In  this  work,  I  have  tried  to  meet  the  wants  of  men 
and  women  of  general  culture  rather  than  those  of  pro- 
fessional historical  students.  Whatever  may  have  been 
thought  a  generation  ago,  it  is  now  admitted  that  such 
a  design  is  entirely  legitimate.  For  instance.  Professor 
Marshall  S.  Brown  says  that  "the  work  of  familiarizing  juiy,  1901 
the  general  reader  with  the  history  of  his  own  country 
and  of  inciting  him  to  further  study  of  that  history  is  as 
useful  and  necessary  as  that  of  investigation  for  the 
benefit  of  a  limited  number  of  specialists."  This  general 
reader  lacks  leisure  and,  in  some  cases,  inclination  to 
dig  among  the  original  sources  of  historical  knowledge, 
but  he  knows  that  he  has  rights  to  be  respected  and 
needs  to  be  met. 

My  purpose,  thus  frankly  avowed,  explains  why  1 
have  made  no  effort  to  provide  "a  mere  collection  of 
data  for  contingent  reference,  no  more  intended  to  be 
read  than  a  table  of  logarithms,"  and  why  I  have 
avoided  frequent  citations  of  authorities  in  the  form  of 
foot-notes.  The  general  reader  finds  such  notes  dis- 
tracting and,  therefore,  prefers  that  they  be  omitted. 
If  now  and  then  he  finds  that  his  appetite  grows  by  that 
on  which   it  feeds,  he  will   find   suggestions   for  supple- 


X  Preface 

mentary  reading  in  the  bibliographical  appendix  to  this 
and  to  each  of  the  succeeding  volumes. 

Moreover,  I  have  tried  to  narrow  the  gulf  between 
special  and  popular  thinking,  to  avoid  either  running 
into  "a  cold  intellectualism  that  seems  to  be  heading 
straight  for  the  poverty  and  decay  that  must  always 
follow  the  separation  of  the  brain  from  the  heart,"  or 
feeding  "a  popular  taste  that  is  daily  accommodating 
itself  to  an  aesthetic  and  intellectual  pabulum  that  would 
have  seemed  to  our  forefathers,  at  best,  a  sad  waste  of 
time." 

The  researches  and  discussions  of  the  last  quarter- 
century  have  thrown  a  new  light  on  many  parts  of  our 
early  history.  I  venture  to  hope  that  some  of  this 
illumination  may  be  reflected  from  these  pages.  To 
secure  accuracy,  1  have  not  spared  honest,  earnest  effort 
which  in  many  cases  sent  me  to  the  original  sources. 
But  I  have  tried  not  to  attempt  the  impossible.  An 
eminent  historian  says  that  no  longer  does  any  one  try 
to  write  a  complete  history  of  America  from  the  sources, 
and  that  each  man  now  assumes  that  he  may  begin  on 
the  foundations  laid  by  somebody  else. 

I  hereby  acknowledge  my  deep  obligation  to  many 
helping  friends.  Common  fairness  demands  that  special 
mention  should  be  made  of  the  assistance  given  by  Otis 
T.  Mason  in  the  preparation  of  the  second  chapter,  by 
James  Mooney  in  the  preparation  of  the  twenty-second 
chapter,  by  George  Frederick  Wright  in  the  revision  of 
the  first  chapter,  and  by  Frederick  W.  Hodge,  Adolph 
F.  A.  Bandelier,  Frank  H.  Hodder,  and  George  P. 
Winship  in  the  revision  of  various  parts  of  the  work, 
especially  those  relating  to  the  Spanish  explorations,  and 
by  my  wife  from  beginning  to  end. 

Elroy   M.  Avery 

Cleveland,  September,  1904 


PUBLISHER'S    STATEMENT 


As  mentioned  by  Doctor  Avery  in  his  preface,  foot- 
notes have  been  ahnost  entirely  omitted  from  this 
.  history  because  the  consensus  of  opinion  is  that 
the  general  reader  finds  the  continuity  of  his  thought 
seriously  interrupted  by  their  presence.  The  readability 
of  the  history  is  thereby  diminished.  If  the  nation  is 
ever  to  have  a  literary  monument  containing  a  record  of 
its  birth,  growth,  and  maturity,  and  of  the  causes  and 
events  which  have  led  thereto,  one  to  which  it  can  point 
with  pride,  and  which  will  serve  by  its  existence  to 
strengthen  and  perpetuate  the  great  work  begun  and 
achieved  by  illustrious  forefathers,  it  must  be  one  that 
will  be  generally  read. 

But  of  even  greater  importance  than  readability  must 
ever  stand  trustworthiness.  To  secure  this,  we  have 
adopted  many  precautions  for  the  elimination  of  the  com- 
mon errors  —  which  are  more  numerous  than  the  general 
reader  can  well  imagine.  We  do  not  for  a  moment  sup- 
pose that  we  have  attained  perfection,  but  we  hope  that 
our  work  will  be  recognized  as  a  conscientious  struggle 
for  betterment.  We  offer  it  as  a  comprehensive,  accurate, 
well-balanced,  and  readable  history  of  the  nation  from  the 
earliest  times  to  the  present  day,  with  the  belief  that  it 
will  fill  a  place  heretofore  vacant. 

To  the  many  specialists  who  hav^e  read  the  manuscript 
critically,  one  for  one  purpose,  another  with  a  different 
object,  we  are  indebted  for  valuable  suggestions.  That 
the  deep  fund  of  critical,  historical  knowledge  possessed 
by  Mr.  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits  of  the  Lenox  Library   has 


xii  Publisher's  Statement 

been  so  freely  at  our  disposal,  it  would  ill  become  us  to 
forget.  Many,  many  others  to  whom  our  projects  were 
explained  and  our  hopes  and  fears  outlined,  have  so 
heartily  and  sympathetically  lent  cooperation  that  we 
regret  our  inability  to  name  them  separately. 

Doctor  Avery  has  made  mention  of  the  great  assistance 
rendered  by  his  wife,  Mrs.  Catherine  H.  T,  Avery,  the 
able  editor  of  the  American  Monthly  Magazine^  the  official 
organ  of  the  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution. 
She  is  entitled  to  grateful  recognition  in  this  place,  also. 

In  its  mechanical  details,  we  have  striven  to  make  the 
book  more  useful  than  it  could  otherwise  be  by  making 
it  beautiful.  In  his  chapter  on  the  difference  between 
the  true  and  false  grotesque,  Ruskin  tells  us  that  "true 
art  is  decorated  utility."  To  those  who  have  painfully 
studied  out  the  deductions  to  be  made  from  maps  in  one 
color  only,  the  utility  of  the  extra  printings  that  we  have 
given  will  appeal  forcibly.  Their  artistic  value  is  self- 
evident. 

A  word  regarding  our  style-book  prepared  for  the  guidance  of  composi- 
tors, proof-readers,  etc.  It  has  been  made  selective,  and,  in  general 
terms,  without  going  to  extremes,  tends  towards  simplicity.  The  under- 
use  rather  than  the  over-abuse  of  punctuation  marks  is  an  example. 

And  now,  as  our  craft  glides  from  the  ways  on  which 
its  keel  was  laid  twenty  years  ago,  we  humbly  dedicate  it 

To  The   United   States  and   Its   People 

Sail  on,  O  UNION,  strong  and  great ! 

Our  hearts,  our  hopes,  our  prayers,  our  tears, 
Our  faith  triumphant  o'er  our  fears, 
Are  all  with  thee, —  are  all  with  thee  ! 


c      o 


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T        E 


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I  ntroduCtOry  :     Lists  of  Maps  and  Illustrations  ;   Chronology. 

I.  The  First  Americans          .          .          .          ,  i 
II.  The  Neolithic  Americans            .          .          .11 

III.  Maze  and  Myth 62 

IV.  The  Northmen  (about  1000  a.d.)       .          .  74 

V.  Early  Geographical  Knowledge            .          .  97 

VI.  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  (1394- 1460)  108 

VII.  Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea  (1446-92)  112 

VIII.  Columbus's  First  Voyage  (1492)        .          .  134 

IX.  Diplomacy  and  Preparation  (1493)     •          •  ^5^ 

X.  Columbus's  Second  Voyage  (1493  —  96)       .  162 

XI.  Da  Gama  (1498)  and  Cabot  (1497)    .          .  179 

XII.  Columbus's  Third  Voyage  (1498- 1500)    .  191 

XIII.  Voyages  of  the  Cortereals  (1500-02)          .  208 

XIV.  Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage  (1502-04)       .  213 
XV.  Vespucius  and  "America"  ( 145 1  — 1507)    .  226 

XVI.  Balboa  (1513)  and  Magellan  (1519-21)     .   241 
XVII.  Cortes  (1519),  Ponce  de  Leon  (1513),  and 

Las  Casas  (1502-47)     ....   252 
XVIII.  East    Coast    Exploration:     Ayllon,  Verra- 

zano,  and  Gomez,  (1521—26)  .  .   272 

XIX.  Spanish   Explorations:    Narvaez,  De  Vaca, 

De  Soto,  and  Coronado,  (1527—42)         .   280 
XX.  Pioneers  of  New  France:    Cartier,  Ribault, 

Laudonniere,and  De  Gourgues,(  i  534—68)  303 
XXI.  Westward  Ho!      Hawkins,  Drake,  Caven- 
dish, Gilbert,  and    Ralegh  (1565- 1600)   322 
XXII.  The  Indians  of  North  America  .  .  338 

Statistics  Regarding  Indians,  etc.         .  -359 

Bibliographical  Appendix  .  .  -369 

Note. —  A  general  index  will  be  found  in  the  latter  part  of  the  twelfth  volume. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Christopher  Columbus  .  .  .  Frontispiece 

Portrait : 

From  the  painting  in  the  Marine  Museum  at  Madrid.  Over  eighty  por- 
traits of  Columbus  are  known,  none  painted  either  from  life  or  even  during 
the  lifetime  of  the  discoverer.  This  one  was  probably  painted  during  the 
nineteenth  century  upon  order  from  the  ministry  of  marine.  Doubtless,  the 
old  engraving  known  as  the  Capriolo  served  the  artist  to  some  extent  as 
model.  He  has,  however,  made  a  noble  representation,  and  even  though 
it  is  a  work  of  constructive  imagination  it  is  still  the  most  generally  satisfac- 
tory portrait  of  Columbus  in  existence.  On  De  la  Cosa's  ox-hide  map, 
facing  page  208,  will  be  found  another  portrait  of  the  great  discoverer. 

Signature  : 

From  the  letter  written  by  Columbus  on  February  6,  1502,  from  Granada 
to  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  The  original  is  in  the  national  archives  at 
Madrid.  This  letter  shows  him  to  have  been  a  consummate  seaman,  a 
masterly  and  scientific  sailor,  and  an  able  pilot.  More  than  sixty  distinct 
pieces  of  Columbus's  handwriting  are  in  existence,  and  though  he  was  an 
Italian  by  birth,  they  are  all  in  Spanish.  Thirty-three  of  these  MSS. 
bear  a  signature.  Fifteen  bear  his  name  and  both  of  his  peculiar  mono- 
grams as  reproduced  in  the  present  instance.  A  smaller  number  are  signed 
with  his  marine  title  of  admiral,  el  Almirante,  and  the  large  monogram. 
To  this  large  seven-letter  monogram,  Columbus  attached  great  impor- 
tance, and  provided  that  his  heirs  should  forever  employ  its  peculiar  form. 
No  certain  explanation  of  the  letters  is  known.  A  religious  interpretation 
is,  however,  universal.  The  smaller  monogram  is  probably  produced  by 
intertwining  the  J  and  5  of  yesus.  It  always  appears  in  the  lower  left- 
hand  corner. 

The  Ouiatchouan  Falls,  Lake  Saint  John         .  .  i 

Map  of  North  America  .....  3 

Glacier  and  Iceberg        ......  5 

Glacial  Strias  .......  6 

Rock  Waste  at  the  Foot  of  a  Glacier      ...  6 

Map  of  the  United  States 7 


Indicating  the  greatest  extension  of  the  continental  ice-sheet, 
for  this  work  by  Professor  George  Frederick  Wright. 


Prepared 


XVI 


Illustrations 


Sectional  View  of  the  Trough  of  the  Ohio  River      .        9 
Map    Showing   the    River  Terraces    of   the   Upper 

Ohio  Valley  ......        9 

The  glaciated  area  is  untinted,  while  the  terraces  are  shown  by  dots. 

Map  of  the  United  States      .  .  .  .  .11 

Indicating  the  recession  of  the  ice-front  nearly  to  the  Mohawk  valley. 
Prepared  for  this  work  by  Professor  George  Frederick  Wright. 

Bird's-eye  View  of  the  Niagara  Gorge      .  .  .12 

Section  across  Table  Mountain,  California        .  .      13 

The  Calaveras  Skull       .  .  .  .  .  -14 

Now  in  Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  thinly  coated  with  wax  for  preservation. 

The  Nampa  Image        ,  .  .  .  .  -14 

Actual  size. 

The  Lansing  (Kansas)  Skull  and  Thigh-bone  .      15 

Reduced  from  original  which  was  i  8 '4^  inches  long. 

A  Trenton  (New  Jersey)  Paleolith  .  .  -15 

Reduced  one-half. 

Map  Showing  the  River  Terraces  of  the  Delaware 

Valley  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .16 

The  glaciated  area  is  untinted  :   the  terraces  are  shown  by  dots. 

The  Newcomerstown  (Ohio)  Paleolith    .  .  •      i? 

Side  and  edge  view,  reduced  to  one-quarter  of  natural  size. 

Obsidian  Spear-head  from  Lake  Lahontan       .  .18 

Reduced  one-half.  From  the  United  States  Geological  Sur-vey,  under 
Major  J.  W.  Powell  (Washington,  1885). 

Lake-dwellings  Restored        .  .  .  .  -19 

The  picture  is  constructed  from  data  furnished  by  recent  researches  in  this 
field  of  archseology. 

Arrow-head  from  Puzzle  Lake,  Florida  .  .      24 

Actual  height,  two  and  one-eighth  inches.  Reproduced  from  paper  by 
Clarence  B.  Moore  in  the  American  Naturalist  for  January,  1894. 

Mound  on  Little  Island,  South  Carolina  .  .      25 

From  Clarence  B.  Moore's  Certain  Aboriginal  Mounds  of  the  Coast  of 
South  Carolina  (  I  898  ) . 

Round-house  of  Lava-blocks  .  .  .  .26 

Map  of  the  Pueblo  Region   .  .  .  .  -27 

After  the  map  accompanying  Cosmos  Mindeleff's  Aboriginal  Remains  in 
Verde  Valley,  Arizona,  in  the  thirteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  United 
States  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  ;  with  corrections  and  additions  from 
latest  data  supplied  by   Frederick   Webb   Hodge,  editor  of   the   American 

Anthropologic. 

Cliff-dwellings        .  .  .  .  .  .  .28 

From  a  photograph. 

Open-front  Cavate  Lodges     .  .  .  .  -29 


Illustrations  xvii 


A  Communal  Pueblo,  Zuni   .  .  .  .  -29 

Section   Showing  the  Evolution   of  the  Flat    Roof 

and  Terrace  .  .  .  .  .  .  -30 

Plan  of  Walpi,  a  Hopi  Pueblo  in  Arizona       .  -31 

From  the  eighth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology. 

View  of  Walpi,  Arizona         .  .  .  .  -32 

From  the  same. 

Stone  Grave,  Jackson  County,  Illinois    .  .  -34 

From  the  twelfth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology. 

A  Sepulchral  Urn  .  .  .  .  .  -34 

From  frontispiece  to  Clarence  B.  Moore's  Certain  Aboriginal  Alounds  of 
the  Georgia  Coast  (1897). 

A  Mound  (reproduced  from  De  Bry)     .  .  ■     3S 

A  reduced  facsimile  from  his  Collectiones  Peregrinationum  in  Indiam  Orien- 
talem  et  OcciJentalem,  published  at  Frankfort,  1590—1634.  Probably  a 
representation  of  a  burial-mound  incomplete  within  the  historic  period. 

The    Great    Cahokia    Mound,    East    Saint    Louis,' 

Illinois  .  .  .  .  .  .  -36 

View  from  the  east.      From  an  original  photograph  made  in  1900. 

The  Serpent  Mound,  Adams  County,  Ohio    .  -37 

After  W.  H.  Holmes's  drawing,  made  on  the  spot  in  1888,  and  published 
in  the  twelfth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology. 

Section  of  an  Ossuary   Mound,  Crawford   County, 

Wisconsin     .  .  .  .  .  .  -37 

From  the  fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology. 

Section  of  a  Burial   Mound,  near  Davenport,  Iowa     38 

From  the  same.  The  diagram  on  the  right  shows  the  relative  positions  of 
the  skeletons. 

Vertical  and  Horizontal  Sections  of  a  Burial  Mound, 

East  Dubuque,  Illinois  .  .  .  .  -38 

From  the  same. 

View  and  Section  of  the  Grave  Creek  Mound,  near 

Wheeling,  West  Virginia         .  .  .  .40 

From  Squier  and  Davis's  Ancient  Monuments  of  the  Mississippi  Valley 
(Washington:   Smithsonian  Institution,  1848). 

The     Nelson     Mound,     Caldwell    County,    North 

Carolina,  after  Excavation        ,  .  .  -41 

From  the  fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology. 


XVlll 


Illustrations 


Prehistoric  Vase  from  Florida         .  .  .  -43 

Original  is  eight  inches  high.  Reproduced  from  Clarence  B.  Moore's 
Certain  Aboriginal  Remains  of  the  Northiveit  Florida  Coast,  part  2, 
page  205. 

Map  of  Fort  Ancient,  Warren  County,  Ohio           .  45 

Map  of  the  Ancient  Works  at  Newark,  Ohio  .  47 
Map  Showing  Some  of  the  Ancient  Works  of  the 

Scioto  Valley,  Ohio         .  .  .  .  .48 

Chipped    Celt,    from    a    Mound    in    the    Kanawha 

Valley  ........  53 

Grooved  Ax,  from  Brown  County,  Ohio          .          .  54 

The  Etowah  Bust          ......  54 

Reduced  one-half  from  the  cut  given  by  Cyrus  Thomas  in  the  twelfth 
Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology. 

Bottle,  from  a  Tumulus  at  Saint  George,  Utah         .      c^c^ 

Reduced  to  one-sixth  natural  size. 

Vase,  from  Davenport,  Iowa  .  .  .  •     SS 

Reduced  to  one-ninth  natural  size. 

Mug,  from  Tusayan,  Arizona  .  .  .  •      SS 

Reduced  to  one-fifth  natural  size. 

Bowl,  from  Tusayan,  Arizona         .  .  .  •      SS 

Reduced  to  one-sixth  natural  size. 

Charred  Fabric,  from  a  Mound  in  Ohio  .  .      56 

An  example  of  diagonal  weaving. 

Moccasin,  from  a  Cave  in  Kentucky       .  .  -57 

Fabric-marked    Vase,    from    a    Mound    in  North 

Carolina         .  .  .  .  .  .  -58 

The  Sea  of  Darkness    .  .  .  .  .  .68 

From  an  original  drawing  by  Harry  Fenn. 

Title-page  of  the  Zeni  Annals        .  .  .  -69 

Reduced  one-half. 

The  Zeni  Map     .......      70 

Reduced  facsimile;  the  original  measures  I5j^  x  12  inches. 

Norse  Ship  Unearthed  at  Sandefjord      .  .  -74 

Norse  Ship  Restored     ......      75 

The  discovery  at  Sandefjord,  some  very  imperfect  representations  carved  on 
rocks  and  runic  stones,  and  a  design  on  the  Bayeux  tapestry,  have  formed 
the  basis  for  the  restoration. 

Map  of  the  North  Atlantic  Ocean  .  .  -77 

A  Saga  Manuscript        ......      79 

From  Reeves's  Finding  of  IVineland  the  Good. 

Map  of  Bjarni's  Course,  after  Harrisse  .  .  .81 

Ruins  of  the  Church  at  Katortok  .  .  .  .81 


Illustrations 


XIX 


Landing  of  the  Northmen     .  .  .  .  .82 

After  a  drawing  by  J.  Steeple  Davis. 

Norse  Boat  Used  as  a  Habitation  .  .  -83 

Map  of  Cape  Cod  "Restored"      .  .  .  .84 

Eskimo  Skin-boat  .  .  .  .  .  -87 

Norse  Ruins  in  Greenland     .  .  .  .  •     90 

Rafn's  Map  of  Vinland 92 

The  Dighton  Rock 93 

A  New  Mexico  Inscription  Rock  .  .  .  -94 

The  Newport  Tower     .  .  .  .  .  -94 

The  Chesterton  Mill 95 

Statue  of  Leif  Ericson  .  .  .  .  -95 

Unveiled  at  Boston,  October  29,  1887. 

Homer's  World    .......      97 

Ptolemy's  World  .  .  .  .  .  -98 

These  two  maps  have  been  constructed  from  the  extant  writings  of  the 
authors,  with  other  data  furnished  by  contemporaneous  sources.  They 
illustrate  the  notions  concerning  the  earth  and  its  surface  generally  enter- 
tained at  those  periods.  The  latter  map  shows  also  the  position  assigned 
to  Sera  by  Marinus,  to  illustrate  the  difference  of  opinion  between  these  two 
authorities  concerning  the  earth's  size. 

Andreas  Benincasa's  Map  of  1476 

Reduced,  with  slight  modifications,  from  the  facsimile  given  in  the  atlas  to 
Lelewel's  Geographic  du  Moyen  Age  (Brussels,  1850). 

The  Atlantic  Ocean       ...... 

Marco  Polo 

After  the  original  portrait,  at  Rome. 

Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  .... 

After  a  portrait  in  a  contemporary  manuscript  chronicle,  now  in  the  national 
library  at  Paris  —  probably  the  only  authentic  one. 

Map  Illustrating  Early  Portuguese  Discoveries 
Ship  of  the  Fifteenth  Century         .... 
An  Attempt  to  Reconstruct  the  Alleged  Toscanelli 
Map 

Also  shouting  the  coast  of  Asia  as  it  appears  on  the  planisphere  of  1457 
and  on  Behaim's  globe  of  1492.  Adapted  from  Professor  Gustava 
Uzielli's  compilation  in  his  La  Vita  e  i  Tempi  di  Paolo  dal  Pozzo 
Toscanelli,  published  at  Rome,  in  1894,  by  the  Reale  Commissione 
Columbiana. 

Map  of  the  World  by  Henricus  Martellus  Germanus, 

about  1492    .  .  .  .  .  .  -119 

From  the  original  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum.  This  is  a  so-called 
Portuguese  map  of  the  world  of  about  1492.  From  the  inscription  east  of 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  from  its  evident  priority  to  the  discoveries 


104 

108 
108 

109 
I  10 

117 


XX  Illustrations 


made  by  Columbus  and  Da  Gama  its  probable  date  is  conjectured.  An 
adapted  facsimile  of  the  original  is  in  the  Kohl  collection  in  the  department 
of  state  at  Washington.  On  this  account  this  map  is  prepared  from  photo- 
graphs taken  direct  from  the  original  copy  in  the  British  Museum. 
It  has  been  conjectured  that  Martellus  was  a  German  miniature-painter 
working  at  Rome  during  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
This  map  is  erroneously  described  by  many. 

Behaim's  Globe  of  1492  .  .  .  .    120,   121 

Adapted  from  the  facsimile  given  in  Ghillany's  Geschichte  des  Seefahrers 
Ritter  Martin  Behaim  (Nuremberg,  1853). 

The  Convent  of  La  Rabida  ,  .  .  .  .124 

The  Franciscan  convent  of  Santa  Maria  de  Rabida  stands  on  a  hill  near  the 
town  of  Palos.      It  had  fallen  into  decay,  but  was  restored  in  1855. 

Map  of  Spain  and  Portugal  .  .  .  .  •    1^5 

Columbus's  Fleet  .  .  .  .  .  -132 

Map  of  the  Spanish  Coast  between  Huelva  and  Cadiz    135 
Map  of  Columbus's  Course,  First  Voyage       .  -137 

Columbus  Sighting  the  Light  .  .  .  -138 

From  an  original  drawing  by  Will  H.  Drake. 

The  Landing  of  Columbus    .....    140 

From  the  painting  by  Albert  Bierstadt,  in  the  rotunda  of  the  capitol  at 
Washington. 

Map  Showing  Columbus's  Course  after  his  Landfall 

(with  map  of  Watling  Island  in  corner)    .  .    141 

The  true  landfall  of  Columbus  has  been  the  subject  of  much  investigation, 
and  will  always  be  a  matter  of  great  interest.  The  site  was  on  one  of  the 
Bahamas,  and  evidently  on  an  island  of  moderate  size,  though  not  one  of 
the  smallest.  Each  of  some  half  a  dozen  different  islands  of  the  Bahamas 
has  had  the  claim  made  in  its  behalf  that  it  is  the  true  site  of  the  landfall. 
Alexander  von  Humboldt  accorded  the  honor  to  Cat  Island,  and  so  did 
Washington  Irving. 

Captain  G.  V.  Fox,  U.  S.  N.,  assigned  it  to  Atwood  Cay  (Samana).  His 
paper,  the  most  elaborate  treatment  of  the  subject  yet  made,  forms  part  of 
the  government  report,  yet  it  is  now  regarded  as  practically  established  that 
Watling  Island  is  the  true  Guanahani,  the  San  Salvador  of  Columbus. 
The  methods  used  in  determining  this,  we  indicate  below  : 
First.  The  physical  description  given  by  Las  Casas  in  the  abridgment  of 
Columbus's  journal  (the  original  is  lost)  is  found  to  apply  more  perfectly  to 
Watling  than  to  any  other  island. 

Second.  After  leaving  the  island  and  sailing  by  a  devious  but  quite  fully 
recorded  course,  Cuba  was  struck  at  a  harbor  whose  location  is  definitely 
established  by  description.  With  a  chart  of  the  Bahamas  and  a  knowledge 
of  the  currents,  the  backward  route  of  Columbus  may,  by  the  aid  of  the 
journal,  be  laid  out,  many  points  being  fixed  with  precision  and  others  with 
the  highest  degree  of  probability.  This  method  also  indicates  (in  fact,  in 
the  judgment  of  most  recent  expert  investigators  it  requires)  the  acceptance 
of  Watling  Island  as  the  correct  site  of  the  landfall. 


Illustrations  xxi 


Third.  Follow  by  the  aid  of  the  journal  the  course  sailed  from  the  Cana- 
ries to  the  Bahamas.  This,  while  less  certain,  readily  admits  of  the  selec- 
tion of  Watling  as  the  correct  site  of  the  landfall,  although  the  method 
is  unsatisfactory  when  used  by  itself.  The  ocean  currents,  the  varia- 
tions of  the  compass,  the  rude  method  of  measuring  time  by  an  hour-glass, 
the  lack  of  a  log-line  record  (this  last  not  having  been  invented  until  a  later 
period),  render  any  deductions  made  by  this  method  alone  extremely  uncer- 
tain. At  best,  it  can  simply  furnish  corroborative  evidence  of  the  correct- 
ness of  deductions  made  in  other  ways.  This  it  does  sufficiently  well. 
Columbus  described  the  island  as  flat,  with  a  large  lake  in  the  middle  and 
with  very  green  trees,  and  described  islands  seen  on  the  course  thence 
to  Cuba  in  such  terms  as  to  leave  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  those  who  have 
most  carefully  and  fully  investigated  the  subject  that  Watling  Island  is  the 
site  of  the  landfall. 

Other  islands  that  have  had  advocates  for  their  claims  in  this  connection  are 
Grand  Turk  Island,  area  about  seven  square  miles ;  Atwood  Cay,  area 
eight  square  miles ;  Mariguana,  area  ninety-six  square  miles ;  Acklin 
Island,  area  over  one  hundred  square  miles  ;  and  Cat  Island,  area  one  hundred 
and  sixty  square  miles.  The  area  of  Watling  is  about  sixty  square  miles. 
Referring  to  the  common  superstition  that  Friday  is  an  unlucky  day,  it  is 
interesting  to  note  the  place  it  occupies  in  the  story  of  the  discovery  of 
the  New  World.  Columbus  sailed  from  Palos  on  Friday,  August  3, 
1492.  Rediscovered  land  op  Friday,  October  12,  1492.  He  departed 
from  Espanola  (Haiti)  to  return  to  Spain  on  Friday,  January  4,  1493,  and 
arrived  at  Palos,  after  the  most  memorable  voyage  in  the  world's  history,  on 
Friday,  March  15,  1493. 

Map  of  the  West  Indies         .  ,  .  .  -143 

Columbus    Commemorative    Medal,   Spain,    1492— 

1892      ........    148 

This  follows  the  Maura  medal  in  its  second  design.  The  first  design  of  the 
obverse,  a  figure  kneeling  before  Columbus,  was  purposely  altered.  Ponce 
de  Leon's  Columbus  Gallery  gives  halt-tones  in  all  states.  It  may  be  found 
in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building). 

First     Page     of     Columbus's     Printed     Letter    to 

Santangel       .  .  .  .  .  .  -149 

A  reduced  facsimile  from  the  unique  Spanish  folio  ;  the  original  is  in  the 
New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building). 

The  Arms  of  Columbus  .  .  .  .  -151 

Alexander  VI         .  .  .  .  .  .  -    '^SZ 

From  the  Lenox  copy  of  J.  C.  Heywood's  Documenta  Selecta  e  Tabulario 
Secreto  Vaticano  qua  Romanorum  Pontificum  erga  Americce  Populos  Curam 
ac  Studia  turn  ante  turn  paullo  post  Insulas  a  Christophoro  Columbo  Repertas 
Testatitur  Pkototypia  Descripta,  of  which  only  twenty-five  copies  were 
printed  at  Rome,  in  1893,  for  distribution  to  leading  libraries.  The  in- 
scription there  given  states  :  Pinxit  Bernardinus  Pinturkchius  in  j^dibus 
Borgianis  Palatii  Vaticani  anno  I4g4. 

First  Page  of  the  Bull  of  Demarcation  of  May  4, 

1493      .         ; .     .   •  .        •  •  .        •  .  .154 

Reduced  from  a  facsimile  given  in  the  work  mentioned  above. 


xxii  Illustrations 


Map  Showing  the  Line  of  Demarcation  .          .160 

Map    of   Columbus's    Courses,    First    and  Second 

Voyages         .          .          .          .          .  .          -163 

Third  Page  of  the  Printed  Scillacio         .  .          .165 

Full-size  facsimile  from  the  copy  in  the  New  York   Public   Library  (Lenox 

Building). 

Map  of  Haiti  in  Columbus's  Time         .  .  .166 

The  courses  of  the  voyages  of  Columbus  about  the  island  have  been  inserted. 

Map  of  Columbus's   Voyage  in   the   West   Indies, 

1494 169 

Vasco  da  Gama     .  .  .  .  .  .  -179 

After  the  original  portrait,  in  the  possession  of  the  Count  de  Lavradio. 

The  Hunt-Lenox  Copper  Globe  (Western  Hemi- 
sphere) .  .  .  .  .  .  .180 

After  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York  Public  Library  ( Lenox 
Building).      It  is  said  to  be  the  earliest  post-Columbian  globe  extant. 

Statue  of  John  Cabot  and  his  Son  Sebastian    .  .182 

Modeled  by  John  Cassidy,  of  Manchester,  England,  and  exhibited  in 
London,   1897. 

Part  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  Map  of  1544  .  .184 

The  entire  map  is  a  mappemonde.  The  original  is  in  the  national  library  at 
Paris  ;  we  adapt  this  from  a  full-size  photo-copy  thereof  in  the  New  York 
Public  Library  (Lenox  Building).  The  inscription  in  the  upper  left-hand 
corner  has  been  transposed  from  a  quarter  of  the  map  not  given  here. 

Harrisse's  Map  of  John  Cabot's  First  Voyage         .    185 
Cabot    Centennial    Postage-stamp,     Newfoundland, 

1497-1897 186 

John  Cabot  .  .  .  .  .  .  .187 

Sebastian  Cabot    .  .  .  .  .  .  .187 

These  two  portraits  follow  the  Cassidy  statuary,  mentioned  above. 

Cabot  Memorial  Tower,  Bristol,  England        .  .189 

The  tower,  designed  by  W.  S.  Gough,  is  105  feet  high,  and  occupies 
Brandon  Hill,  "the  finest  inter-urban  hill  in  England."  The  corner-stone 
was  laid  June  24,  1897. 

Map   of   Columbus's    Courses,   Third  and   Fourth 

Voyages         .  .  .  .  .  .  -191 

Map    of   the    Gulf    of    Paria    Region,  Columbus's 

Third  Voyage         .  .  .  .  .  -193 

Columbus  at  the  Island  of  Margarita  .  .  -195 

A   reduced   facsimile  from    Herrera's   Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de  los 

Castellanoi  (Madrid,   1601). 

Columbus  in  Chains       ......    201 

From  Marechal's  painting. 


Illustrations  xxiii 


Juan  de  la  Cosa's  Ox-hide  Map  of  1500         facing  208 

We  reproduce,  reduced  in  size,  the  western  half  of  this  map  containing 
the  West  Indies.  The  original  now  belonging  to  the  Spanish  government 
is  in  the  Naval  Museum  at  Madrid,  but  it  was  first  discovered  by  Alexan- 
der von  Humboldt  in  1832  at  Paris  in  the  library  of  a  friend.  Baron 
Charles  Athanase  Walckenaer,  himself  an  eminent  scientist  and  geographer. 
It  is  the  oldest  known  map  of  the  New  World.  In  1853,  it  passed  into 
the  museum  at  Madrid  from  a  Paris  auction-room. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  one  of  the  most  skilful  navigators  of  his  time.  He 
made  many  voyages  to  the  New  World,  and  was  finally  killed  there  by 
Indians  in  1509  on  one  of  his  cruises  with  Ojeda.  That  he  was  with 
Columbus  on  the  voyage  of  discovery,  as  part  owner  and  master  of  the 
"  Santa  Maria,"  the  flag-ship,  is  the  opinion  of  most  investigators,  including 
Harrisse  and  others.  Some,  however,  think  that  this  was  a  different  La 
Cosa,  and  that  Juan  did  not  accompany  Columbus  until  the  next  voyage 
in  1493.  Several  of  his  charts  have  been  preserved,  but  this  is  by  far  the 
most  important. 

This  reproduction  is  based  upon  a  photograph  taken  for  this  work  from 
the  original  at  Madrid,  and  upon  a  colored  lithographic  copy  of  the  map 
published  at  the  same  place,  in  1892,  by  Messrs.  Canovas,  Vallejo,  and 
Traynor.  The  lithograph  in  question  is  believed  to  be  the  only  col- 
ored reproduction  previously  made,  and  is  very  faulty.  For  instance,  on  the 
lithograph  many  of  the  islands  are  shown  white,  while  the  black  of  the 
photograph  shows  that  in  the  original  they  were  colored  red.  The  litho- 
graph represents  Haiti  (Espanola)  as  a  group  of  islands,  while  the  photo- 
graph shows  a  well-defined  coast-line. 

Especial  attention  is  called  to  the  system  of  straight  lines  radiating  from 
sixteen  centers  placed  at  equal  distances  from  each  other,  and  on  the  cir- 
cumference of  a  circle  at  the  center  of  which  is  the  mariner's  compass  in 
the  middle  of  the  map. 

The  uncolored  portions  of  the  reproduction  indicate  holes  (made  by  insects 
or  otherwise)  in  the  original  map. 

The  map  clearly  shows  the  insularity  of  Cuba.  The  outlines  of  the  island 
give  an  approximation  to  accuracy  that  is  remarkable,  for  the  map  was 
made  eight  years  before  Ocampo's  circumnavigation.  Much  has  been 
made  of  these  facts  in  connection  with  the  claim  for  the  authenticity  of 
Vespucius's  alleged  "  first  voyage  "  in  1497. 

Part  of  the  Cantino  Map  of  1502  .  .  .210 

Greatly  reduced  from  the  facsimile  given  in  Harrisse's  The  Dhco-very  of 
North  America  (Paris  and  London,  1892)  ;  the  original  is  in  the  Biblio- 
teca  Estense,  Modena,  Italy.  The  map  embodies  the  results  of  explora- 
tions made  in  1501,  while  a  slip  of  parchment  attached  to  the  map  shows 
corrections  due  to  Vespucius's  explorations  of  1502.  In  that  wise  was  the 
date  of  the  map  determined. 

Map  of  the  Central  American   Coast,   Columbus's 

Fourth  Voyage       .  .  .  .  .  -215 

Statue  of  Columbus  at  Santo  Domingo  .  .  .   222 

Autograph  of  Vespucius         .....   226 


xxiv  Illustrations 


Title-page  of  the  "Four  Voyages"  of  Vespucius     .   227 

Reproduced  from  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building)  copy  of 
the  facsimile  issued  by  Quaritch  in  1893. 

Map  of  the  Alleged  First  Voyage  of  Vespucius       .   228 
Americus  Vespucius       ......   233 

From  an  old  engraving. 

Saint  Die  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  .  .  •   '^35 

After  an  original  drawing  of  the  time. 

Nole  on  the  Waldseemueller  Maps  mentioned  on  page  236 

Early  in  the  present  century,  cartographers  and  Americanists  were  startled 
by  the  preliminary  announcement  of  the  discovery  of  two  long-lost  maps 
by  Martin  Waldseemueller,  who,  in  a  little  tract  printed  several  times  in  the 
year  1507,  and  entitled  Cosmographia  Introduction  had  suggested  the  nam- 
ing of  America  after  Vespucius.  In  that  tract,  the  author  referred  to  his 
map  of  1507,  but  although  diligent  search  was  made  during  many  years, 
the  map  was  not  found. 

In  1 90 1,  while  searching  for  data  to  use  in  his  work  on  the  discoveries  of 
the  Northmen  in  America,  Prof.  Joseph  Fischer,  S.  J.,  of  Feldkirch, 
Austria,  found  a  large  composite  volume  of  maps  in  the  library  of  Prince 
Waldburg-Wolfegg  at  the  castle  of  Wolfegg  in  Wurtemberg.  This  atlas, 
curiously  enough,  was  originally  the  property  of  the  famous  sixteenth-cen- 
tury cosmographer,  Johann  Schoener.  Two  of  its  maps  proved  to  be 
Waldseemueller's  undated  world-map  of  1507,  the  first  to  contain  the  name 
"America,"  and  an  extraordinary  Carta  Marina  with  the  date  1516,  also 
by  him.  Each  of  these  two  large  woodcut  maps  contains  twelve  sheets, 
and  each  section  measures  45.5  by  62  centimeters.  They  are  the  only 
extant  examples. 

The  first  definite  statement  about  the  discovery  was  written  by  Prof.  Fr. 
R.  v.  Wieser  for  Petermanns  Mitteilungen,  December,  190 1.  Several 
articles  appeared  in  1902,  and,  in  1903,  the  maps  were  published  in  photo- 
lithographic facsimile,  in  full  size,  and  accompanied  by  a  folio  volume  of 
critical  apparatus,  edited  jointly  by  Fischer  and  Wieser. 

Schoener's  Globe  of   1520  (Western   Hemisphere)   237 

Adapted  from  the  facsimile  given  in  Ghillany's  Geschichte  des  Scefa/irers 
Ritter  Martin  Behaim  (Nuremberg,  1853). 

Mercator's     Globe    of    1541     (American     Portion, 

Four  Gores)  ......   239 

The  original  is  in  the  royal  library,  Belgium  ;  we  follow  Sphere  Terrestre  et 
Sphere  Celeste  de  Gerard  Alercator  (Brussels,  1 875). 

Map  of  New  Andalusia  and  Castilia  del  Oro  .   243 

Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  .....   244 

After  an  engraving  in  Herrera. 

Ferdinand  Magellan      ......   247 

From  the  same. 

The  So-called  Schoener  Gore  Map  .  .    248,  249 

A  reduced  facsimile  of  the  only  known  original,  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library   (Lenox  Building).      It  has  been  asserted  and  denied  that  this  is 


Illustrations  xxv 


Schoener's  long-lost  map  of  152.3.  However  that  may  be,  it  is  probably 
the  earliest  known  map  showing  by  a  line  the  track  of  the  first  circumnavi- 
gation of  the  globe,  and  as  such  is  highly  interesting. 

The  "Victoria" 251 

A  reduced  facsimile  of  a  picture  in  Henry  Stevens's  yohann  Schoner. 

Cannon  of  the  Sixteenth  Century  ....   255 
Map  of  the  Country  between  the  Gulf  Coast  and 

the  Valley  of  Mexico     .  .  .  .  .256 

Montezuma  .......   257 

After  a  painting  in  the  collection  of  his  descendant,  the  Conde  de  Miravalle. 

Plan  of  Tenochtitlan  at  the  Time  of  the  Conquest 

of  Mexico  by  Cortes       .....   258 

Also  showing  a  chart  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  A  reduced  facsimile  of  a 
large  folded  plate  in  the  Latin  version  of  Cortes's  second  letter  (Nurem- 
berg,  1524)  ;    from  the  copy  in  the  New  York   Public  Library   (Lenox 

Building). 

Map  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico  in  1519    .  .  .   259 

Hernando  Cortes  ......   260 

From  an  old  engraving. 

Title-page    of    Cortes's    Second    Letter    [Carta    de 

Relacion)        .  .  .  .  .  .  .261 

First  edition  (Seville,  1522).  A  reduced  facsimile  from  the  fine  copy  in 
the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building).  It  is  the  earliest  extant 
account  in  print  of  Cortes,  and  is  very  rare. 

Bartolome  de  las  Casas  .....   266 

From  an  old  engraving. 

Map  of  the  Land  of  War 268 

Shows  the  scene  of  Las  Casas's  activities  in  Central  America 

New  York  in  1524  and  in  1904  ....  277 

From  an  original  drawing  by  Harry  Fenn. 

Giovanni  da  Verrazano  .  .  .  .  .278 

From  an  old  engraving. 

The  Carta  Marina  of  1548     .  .  .  ,  .281 

Adapted  from  the  Ptolemy  (Italian  edition)  of  that  year. 

Autograph  of  Narvaez  .  .  .  .  .282 

The  Earliest  Known  Engraving  of  the  Buffalo  Ap- 
pearing in  a  Printed  Book       .  .  .  .284 

Reduced  facsimile  from  Gomara's  Historia  General  de  las  Indias  (1554). 
However,  as  early  as  I  542,  Rotz  drew  pictures  of  this  animal  on  his  maps. 
While  Thevet's  has  previously  been  accepted  as  the  earliest  known  engrav- 
ing of  the  buffalo,  his  work  appeared  four  years  later  than  Gomara's,  namely, 
at  Antwerp  in  1558. 

W^e  follow  the  copy  of  Gomara  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York  Public 
Library  (Lenox  Building). 


xxvi  Illustrations 


Hernando  de  Soto  ......   285 

From  an  old  engraving. 

Title-page  of  the  "Gentleman  of  Elvas"  Relation    .   286 

Reduced  facsimile  of  the  original  edition  (Evora,  1557),  one  of  the  rarest 
books  in  the  whole  field  of  Americana.  We  follow  one  of  the  few  extant 
copies  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building), 
which  is  made  doubly  interesting  on  account  of  its  being  from  the  famous 
Colbert  library.  The  original  is  quite  small,  its  size  being  z3_^  by  4^4^ 
inches. 

Map  of  De  Soto's  Route 287 

Prepared  for  this  work  by  James  Mooney,  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology  ;  it  is  the  result  of  study  of  the  original  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  narratives  in  the  light  of  personal  knowledge  of  the  geography 
and  Indian  nomenclature  of  the  region. 

A  Palisaded  Indian  Village    .  .  .  .  .291 

A  reduced  facsimile  of  De  Bry's  plate,  Oppidum  Pomeiooc. 

Map  of  Coronado's  Route     .....   296 

This  map  was  prepared  in  accordance  with  information  furnished  by  Fred- 
erick Webb  Hodge,  editor  of  the  American  Anthropologist,  Smithsonian 
Institution,  Washington,  D.  C,  Frank  Heywood  Hodder,  professor  of 
history  at  the  state  university,  Lawrence,  Kansas,  and  George  Parker 
Winship,  librarian  of  the  John  Carter  Brown  library  at  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  and  author  of  the  article  on  the  Coronado  expedition  contained  in 
the  fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology. 

Long-continued  and  minute  research  on  the  part  of  each  of  these  investiga- 
tors, and  an  intimate  personal  acquaintance  with  the  geography  of  the 
section,  render  their  judgment  on  this  subject  of  great  value.  We  are  fur- 
ther indebted  to  them  for  assistance  in  the  revision  of  all  the  chapters 
relating  to  the  early  Spanish  explorations  within  the  present  domain  of  the 
United  States. 

On  the  Terraces  at  Zuni         .....   297 
Autograph  of  Coronado  .....   298 

Two  Views  of  the  Pueblo  of  Acoma        .  .  .   299 

The  rock  fortress  of  Acoma  copied  from  photographs  supplied  by  Frederick 
Webb  Hodge,  editor  of  the  American  Anthropologic,  Smithsonian 
Institution. 

This  village  was  very  strong  for  defense.  It  was  on  a  rock  having  steep 
sides  so  high  that  it  was  a  good  musket  shot  to  its  summit.  The  only 
entrance  was  by  a  stairway  that  began  at  the  top  of  a  slope  around  the  base 
of  the  rock.  The  stairway  was  broad  for  about  two  hundred  steps  5  then 
there  was  a  stretch  of  about  one  hundred  narrower  steps.  Beyond  the  stair- 
way, one  had  to  go  three  times  the  height  of  a  man  by  means  of  holes  in 
the  rock,  using  both  hands  and  feet.  Above  this  dangerous  approach  was 
a  wall  of  large  and  small  stones  that  could  be  rolled  down  upon  invaders 
without  exposure  of  the  dwellers  of  the  pueblo.  L^pon  this  summit  there 
were  room  for  storing  a  large  amount  of  corn  and  other  supplies,  cisterns  for 
collecting  water  and  snow,  and  land  for  tillage. 


Illustrations 


xxvii 


England 


620] 


Map  of  the  Gulf  of  Saint  Lawrence 

Cartier  at  Gaspe    ....... 

After  a  drawing  by  Jules  Turcas. 

Old  View  of  Hochelaga  (Montreal) 

A  reduced  facsimile  from  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio's  Raccolta  (Venice, 
1565)- 

Jacques  Cartier      .... 

From  an  old  engraving. 

The  Landing  of  Ribault 

A  reduced  facsimile  from  De  Bry. 

Ribault's  Pillar      .... 

From  the  same. 

Map  of  the  Huguenot  Settlements 
Fort  Caroline         .... 

A  reduced  facsimile  from  De  Bry. 

Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles    . 

From  an  old  engraving. 

Queen  Elizabeth  ..... 

From  the  ermine  portrait,  by  Zucchero,  now  in  Hatfield  House, 

Sir  John  Hawkins 

After  an  engraving  in  Holland's  Heroologia  Aiiglica  (Arnheim,  i 

Sir  Francis  Drake  .... 

From  a  painting  owned  by  T.  F.  Eliott  Drake,  Nutwell  Court,  near  Exe 
ter,  England. 

Thomas  Cavendish 

After  an  engraving  in  Holland's  Heroologia  Anglica 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert 

From  an  old  engraving. 

Sir  Walter  Ralegh 

From  the  painting  by  Zucchero. 

Map  of  Ralegh's  Explorations 
An  Indian  Village 

A  reduced  facsimile  of  De  Bry's  plate,  Oppidum  Secota. 

Philip  IL  of  Spain 

From  Titian's  painting,  in  the  Corsini  Gallery,  at  Rome 

Autograph  of  Ralegh    . 
Outline  of  the  Fort  at  Roanoke 
Arapaho  Indians 

From  a  photograph. 

A  Papago  House 
Tipis  .... 

An  Iroquois  Long-house 
A  Wampum  Belt 


304 

307 

308 
312 

315 

316 

318 

319 

322 

324 

327 
328 

329 

331 

33^ 

334 

33S 
33S 
339 

343 
344 
344 
348 


xxviii  Illustrations 


35'^ 


An  Indian  Chief  ..... 

From  a  photograph. 

Hopi  Dancers       .  .  .  .  .  .  ■  3S^ 

From  a  photograph. 

A  Blackfoot  Warrior     .  .  .  .  .  •  3S^ 

From  a  photograph. 

Map  of  the  United  States,  showing  the  Indian  Res- 
ervations       .  .  .  .  .  .  -354 

After  the  one  given  in  the  Report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs,  1899,  corrected  by  James  Mooney.  Only  government 
( national )  reservations  are  shown  ;  several  state  reservations  in  the  East  are 
not  indicated.  Some  statistics  regarding  Indians,  population,  reservations, 
education,  treaties,  costs  of  wars,  costs  of  maintenance,  etc.,  appear  as  an 
appendix  to  this  volume. 

Map  of  the  United  States       .  .  .         facing  356 

Showing  the  distribution  of  Indian  linguistic  stocks  at  the  time  of  coloniza- 
tion and  settlement.      Prepared  for  this  work  by  James  Mooney. 


BRIEF  SUMMARY  OF   EVENTS   RECORDED 
IN    THIS    VOLUME 

looo  (circa).      Northmen  under  Leif  Ericson  settle  "Vinland,"  probably  at  some  point 

on  the  New  England  coast. 
1402.  Columbus  discovers  a  New  World. 

1403-94.  Columbus,  on  his  second  voyage  discovers  Porto  Rico  and  Jamaica. 

1497.  Cabot,  John,  discovers  the  mainland  of  America. 
1407-98.  Da  Gama  passes  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  reaches  India. 

1498.  Cabot,  John  and  Sebastian,  extend  discoveries  from  Labrador  to  Cape  Cod. 
Columbus,  on  his  third  voyage,  discovers  South  America. 

Pinzon  and  Solis  explore  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Atlantic  coast  from 
Florida  to  Chesapeake  Bay. 

1500.  ■-       Cabral  discovers  Brazil. 

1 501.  Americus  Vespucius  explores  the  coast  of  South  America. 
1500-02.             The  Cortereals  explore  the  North  American  coast  as  far  as  Greenland. 

1502.  Columbus  sails  on  his  fourth  voyage. 

1506.  Columbus  dies  at  Valladolid. 

1507.  Name  "  America  "  is  first  applied  to  the  New  World. 

151 3.  Ponce  de  Leon  discovers  Florida.      Balboa  discovers  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

1519.  Pineda's  Exploration. 

1 5 19— 21.  Cortes  conquers  Mexico. 

1519-22.  Magellan  passes  around  South   America  into  the  Pacific.      He  discovers 

the  Philippines,  and  is  killed  by  the  natives.  One  of  his  five  ships,  the 
"Victoria,"  reaches  Seville  in  September,  1522,  thus  completing  the 
first  circumnavigation  of  the  globe. 

524.  Verrazano  and  Gomez  explore  the  coast  of  New  England. 

528.  Narvaez  coasts  from  Florida  to  Texas. 

530.  Hawkins,  William,  becomes  the  founder  of  the  English  slave-trade.      He 

was  followed  by  his  son,  the  noted  admiral  Sir  John  Hawkins. 

533.  Pizarro  conquers  Peru  and  obtains  an  enormous  booty. 

534-36.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  crosses  the  continent. 

534-41.  Cartier  explores  the  Saint  Lawrence  for  France  and  attempts  colonization. 

539.  Fray  Marcos  explores  New  Mexico,  seeking  the  seven  cities  of  Cibola. 

539-41.  De  Soto's  expedition;  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi. 

541-42.  Coronado's  expedition. 

562-64.  French  (Huguenots)  in  South  Carolina. 

565.  Saint  Augustine  is  founded  by  the  Spanish.      The  oldest  European  settle- 

ment in  the  United  States. 

577-80.  Drake  explores  the  California  coast  and  circumnavigates  the  earth. 

577-78.  Gilbert's,  Sir  Humphrey,  first  expedition. 

583.  Gilbert's,  Sir  Humphrey,  second  expedition  and  death. 

584.  Ralegh  sends  to  America  an  exploring  expedition  under  Amidas  and  Barlowe. 

585.  Ralegh's    second   expedition.      A  colony  settles  on  Roanoke  Island,  but 

after  a  year  of  hardship  is  taken  back  to  England  by  Drake. 

587.  Ralegh  sends  colonists  to   Roanoke.      Birth  of  Virginia   Dare,   the  first 

English  child  born  on  the  soil  of  the  United  States. 

588.  Defeat  of  the  Spanish   Armada.      By  this  event,  so  disastrous  to  Spain's 

ascendancy,  the  sea-power  of  England  is  established.  From  this 
date,  English  colonizing  expeditions  become  increasingly  frequent. 


A  FEW  BITS  OF  EUROPEAN  CHRONOLOGY 

FOR    THE    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY 


Tl 

le  Papacy 

Portugal 

1492- 

1503 

Alexander  VI 

1438- 

-1481 

Alfonso  V 

1503  ( 

21  days) 

Pius  III 

I481- 

■  1495 

John  II 

1503- 

I5I3 

Julius  II 

1495- 

-1521 

Emanuel 

I5I3- 

1522 

Leo  X 

(the  Great) 

1522- 

1523 

Adrian  VI 

I52I- 

■1557 

John  III 

1523- 

1534 

Clement  VII 

1557- 

1578 

Sebastian 

1534- 

'549 

Paul  III 

1578- 

1580 

Henry 

1550- 

1555 

Julius  III 

("the  Cardinal  ") 

i555( 
1555- 

22  days) 
1559 

Marcellus  II 
Paul  IV 

I581- 
1598- 

1598 
1621 

Philip  II 

(king  of  Spain) 
Philip  III 

1559- 

1565 

Pius  IV 

(king  of  Spain) 

1566- 

1572 

Pius  V 

1572- 

1585 

Gregory  XIII 

France 

1585- 

I  590 

Sixtus  V 

i59o( 

2  davs) 

Urban  VII 

1483- 

1498 

Charles  VIII 

1590-1591      Gregory  XIV 
I  591  (2  months)  Innocent  IX 

1498- 
I515- 

1515 

1547 

Louis  XII 
Francis  I 

1592- 

1605 

Clement  VIII 

1547- 

1559 

Henry  II 

1559- 

1560 

Francis  II 

1560- 

1574 

Charles  IX 

1574- 

1589 

Henry  III 

Spain 

1589- 

1610 

Henry  IV 

(Henry  of  Navarre) 

1479- 

1504 

Ferdinand    and    Isa- 

bella 

England: 

House  of  Tudor 

1504- 

I516 

Ferdinand 

(kin 

g  of  Aragon  and  regent  of  Castile) 

1485- 

1509 

Henry  VII 

I516- 

1556 

Carlos  I 

1509- 

1547 

Henry  VIII 

(Emperor  Charles  V) 

1547- 

1553 

Edward  VI 

1556- 

1598 

Philip     11 

1553- 

1558 

Mary 

1598- 

162I 

Philip  III 

1558- 

1603 

Elizabeth 

A   History   of  the   United   States 
and  its   People 


Prehistoric    Period 
Period    of    Discovery 


C        H 


A 


T       E 


R 


THE 


FIRST 


A     M     E     R     I     C      A      N 


43111    

IT  is  well  known  that,  in  1492,  C^hristopher  Columbus 
sailed  from  Spain  and  discovered  a  new  world  in 
which  he  found  a  barbarian  race.  It  is  not  gener- 
ally understood  that,  prior  to  this,  the  western  hemi- 
sphere had  been  visited  by  Europeans.  Yet  it  has  been 
claimed  that  the  first  families  of  this  continent  died  out 
thousands  of  years  before  the  traditions  of  the  red  man 
were  begun,  and  it  is  difficult  to  doubt  that  more  than 
one  wanderer  from  the  Old  World  rested  on  the  soil  of 
the  New  before  Columbus  was  born. 

America  has  a  history  that  is  prehistoric.  Concerning  The  Two 
its  primitive  people,  problem  rises  after  problem.  Of  P''°''^ef"s 
these  problems,  two  tower  above  the  others  —  age  and 
origin.  Were  the  first  Americans  autochthons  or  immi- 
grants ?  If  immigrants,  whence  came  they  and  when  ? 
Where  did  they  live  and  how  ?  Was  there  ever,  in  any 
portion  of  the  continent,  a  superior  and  mysterious  race 
that  vanished  before  the  occupancy  of  the  land  by  the 
red  men  whom  Columbus  found  ? 

Some  of  these  problems  are  being  solved  ;  some  per-  The  Two 
haps  never  will  be  solved.  Not  long  ago,  men  seemed  ^^'^^"'^^ 
not  to  know  how  to  study  them.  They  walked  over 
ancient  remains,  and  guessed  and  wondered  as  they  wan- 
dered. What  little  was  known  about  the  shell-heap 
people,  the  mound-builders,  the  cliff-dwellers,  and  the 
pueblo  tribes  served  only  as  a  starting-point  for  archaeo- 
logical speculation ;  scientific  research  was  unborn.     Now, 


The  First  Americans 


A  New 
Science 


men  do  not  stand  upon  tumuli  and  dream;  they  excavate 
and  know.  The  two  methods  are  typical  of  yesterday 
and  today. 

For  many  years  students  have  been  gathering  data  and 
arranging  facts.  Much  has  been  learned  and  some  safe 
generalizations  have  been  made;  further  facts  and  fuller 
information  are  needed  for  the  complete  solution  sought. 
The  proper  study  of  this  remote  past  lies  in  the  realm 
of  prehistoric  archaeology,  a  recent  science  with  impor- 
tant lessons  at   some  of  which  it  will  be  well  to  glance. 


Drainage 
Systems 


The  region  of  the  great  lakes  and 
the  country  thence  northward  to  the 
Arctic  Ocean  is  a  region  of  small 
lakes  also.  Waterfalls  abound,  and 
many  streams  are  mere  alternations 
of  rapids  and  pools.  The  tendency 
of  a  stream  below  its  pool  is  to  cut 
its  channel  deeper  and  thus  to  drain 
the  pool,  while  the  tendency  of  the 
stream  above  is  to  fill  it  with  mud 
and  sand.  In  the  course  of  time, 
under  the  operation  of  these  causes, 
the  pool  will  disappear.  Similarly, 
the  tendency  of  waterfall  and  rapids 
is  to  deepen  the  channel  by  the 
power  of  erosion ;  and,  in  time, 
they  will  do  so  until  the  slope 
of  the  stream  is  gentle  and  its  current  slow.  Hence 
the  conclusions  that  a  stream  the  course  of  which  is  inter- 
rupted by  lakes  is  either  a  young  stream  or  that  nature 
has  recently  put  obstructions  in  its  path,  and  that  a 
stream  with  cascades  and  waterfalls  and  rapids  is  laboring 
at  an  unfinished  task.  South  of  the  Ohio  River  such 
lakes  and  cataracts  are  rare;  in  British  America  and  the 
northern  United  States  they  are  very  numerous.  In  the 
south,  the  drainage  system  is  mature;  in  the  north,  it  is 
young  and  immature.  Let  us  seek  an  explanation  of 
these  facts. 


The  Ouiatchouan  Falls 


Map  of  North   America 


4  The  First  Americans 

Man  and  The    gcologlst    obscrvcs    successive    strata  and  infers 

Geology  ^^^^  ^^icy  were  successively  formed,  the  lowest  in  the 
series  being  the  oldest.  Thus  read,  rocks  and  gravel- 
beds  become  historical  records.  It  a  fossil  shell  or  a 
human  implement  is  found  in  a  previously  undisturbed 
formation,  we  are  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  a 
relic  of  something  that  existed  before  that  rock  or  bed 
was  formed.  The  earlier  and  longer  geologic  eras  give 
no  trace  of  human  life.  Not  even  a  suggestion  of  the 
existence  of  man  prior  to  the  tertiary  and  quaternary 
periods  of  the  cenozoic  era  has  been  found,  and  the  reality 
of  tertiary  man  is  looked  upon  as  extremely  problem- 
atical. On  the  other  hand,  the  records  of  the  glacial  and 
the  later  epochs  of  the  quaternary  period  seem  to  show 
that,  at  that  time,  "The  First  American  "  was  at  home. 
Earth-urinkies  Thc  three  quatcmary  epochs  were  marked  by  move- 
ments of  the  earth's  crust  (grosslv  comparable  to  the 
progressive  wrinkling  of  a  picked  orange),  and  by  con- 
comitant or  consequent  changes  of  climate.  The  first 
of  these,  the  glacial  epoch,  w'as  characterized  by  an 
upward  movement  of  the  earth-crust  in  high  latitudes 
until  that  part  of  the  continent  was  lifted  several  thou- 
sand feet  above  its  present  height.  The  testimony  that 
supports  such  statements  is  abundant,  and  the  discus- 
sions that  relate  to  the  causes  that  produced  such 
elevations  are  interesting,  but  they  hardly  pertain  to  a 
work  like  this.  An  upheaval  of  the  land  about  Hudson 
Bay  has  been  in  progress  for  at  least  two  hundred  years. 
New  islands  have  appeared,  many  channels  that  were 
lately  navigable  and  all  the  old  harbors  are  now  too  shal- 
low for  ships,  and  some  of  the  former  beaches  have  been 
lifted  sixty  or  seventy  feet  above  the  water.  If  this 
movement  should  continue  at  the  present  rate  for  a  few 
centuries,  dry  land  or  salt  marsh  will  take  the  place  of 
what  is  now  a  shallow  bay.  Such  an  elevation  of  high 
plateaus  that  received  snowtall  throughout  the  year,  the 
extension  of  the  land,  and  the  consequent  cutting  off  of 
the  warm  oceanic  currents  from  their  flow  into  the  arctic 
regions,  are  among  the  probable  causes  of  an  epoch  of 


The  First  Americans 


unusual  cold.  Whatever  the  cause,  huge  ice-sheets 
brooded  over  most  of  the  northland,  and  an  arctic  deso- 
lation reigned  without  a  rival  over  half  the  continent. 

To  understand  how  this  could  be,  we  must  remember  Giaciai  Motion 
that,  under  pressure,  ice  is  plastic  and  moves  like  a  semi- 
liquid.      When  piled  high  in  a  glacier,  it  acts  much  as 
pitch    would  act  under  similar  circumstances.      Snow  is 
easily    compacted     into     ice, 
and,    in    regions    where    the 
annual  snowfall  cannot  melt 
away,   ice   would   accumulate 
without  limit  were  it  not  for 
its  semi-fluid  character  which 
enables    it   to  flow  to    lower 
levels     and     toward    warmer 
climates.    Observations  upon 
modern    Greenland     glaciers 
indicate  a  movement  of  from 
thirty  to   fifty   feet  per   day, 
and    portions    of    the    Muir 
glacier  of  Alaska  are  known 
to  be  moving  from  sixty  to 
seventy  feet  per  day.     Thus, 

the     ice-mass     of     the     glacial  Glacier  and  iceberg 

period  was  analogous  to  a  river,  the  current  being  sup- 
plied by  the  snowfall  in  far  northern  regions.  At  the 
edges  of  the  continent  the  ice-river  discharged  into  the 
oceans,  huge  masses  breaking  off  and  floating  away  as 
icebergs.  The  much  greater  discharge  was  upon  the 
land,  the  ice-sheet  melting  at  its  southern  margin. 

This  immense  mass  of  ice,  thousands  of  feet  in  thickness  Titanic  Labors 
and  pressing  downward  with  enormous  force,  moved 
slowly  southward,  plowing  out  river-valleys,  excavating 
lake-basins,  sweeping  away  vast  forests,  tearing  off^  the 
tops  and  sides  of  ledges,  mixing  the  debris  with  its  own 
mass,  grinding  all  together  to  form  boulder-cky  and  sand 
and  pebbles,  and,  by  the  abrasion  of  rocks  at  its  lower  sur- 
face, planing  and  grooving  the  strata  which  it  laid  bare 
and  over  which  it  moved.     The  Green  Mountains,  stand- 


The  First  Americans 


The  Drift 
Deposit 


ing  from   three  to  five  thousand  feet  in  height,  "  made 
scarcely  more  of  a  ripple  in  the  moving    mass  than  a 

<r^.~,    sunken  log  would  make  in 
*    a   shallow    river."      Even 
f  ^  \    Mount  Washington    was 
ji  wholly  submerged,  or,  at 
'^   the   best,  lifted  its  hoary 
^r%   head   not  more  than  four 
'/-^   or  five  hundred  feet  above 
.-..,.  ,y...  ''^\  the  surface  of  the  glacier. 

^^^^^^^^^^^^  The  Mohawk  valley  was 
<^'^='^'  Sf"*  filled  nearly  to  the  height 

of  the  Catskills.  The  gravel,  sand,  clay,  and  boulders, 
picked  up  or  torn  off  by  the  ice,  were  carried  with  it  to  its 
southern  margin  and  there  left  as  the  ice  melted.  If  that 
margin  had  been  fixed,  these  materials  would  have  built  a 
single  high  wall;  but  as,  owing  to  variations  of  tem- 
perature and  seasons,  that 
margin  was  continually 
advancing  or  receding,  the 
burdens  thus  mechanically 
borne  were  laid  down  over 
a  large  area  and  constitute 
what  is  known  as  the  drift 
deposit.  The  stones  thus 
moved  vary  in  size  from 
small  pebbles  to  masses 
weighing  thousands  of  tons. 
The  distance  to  which  they  were  carried  generally  varies 
from  ten  to  forty  miles,  although  some  are  known  to 
Prehistoric  havc  bcen  carried  several  hundred  miles.  Thus,  the 
Transportation  famous  Forefathers'  Rock  was  borne  from  its  early 
home  near  Boston  thousands  of  years  ago  and  laid  on 
the  Plymouth  coast  to  serve  as  a  stepping-stone  in  1620; 
the  huge  jasper  conglomerate  now  on  the  campus  of 
Michigan  University  came  from  Lake  Huron's  northern 
shore,  and  a  similar  conglomerate,  nearly  three  feet  in 
diameter,  has  been  found  among  the  hills  of  Kentucky, 


Rock  Waste  at  the  Foot  of  a  Glacier 


more   than  six  hundred   miles   south  of  its  native  bed. 


Dam 


8  The  First  Americans 

At  the  beginning  ot  this  epoch  there  were  no  great 
lakes,  no  Niagara,  and  few  if  any  waterfalls.  The  riv^ers 
had  cut  their  channels  down  so  low  that  they  drained  to 
the  bottom  any  lakes  that  may  have  once  existed.  As 
the  great  ice-sheet  advanced  from  the  Laurentian  high- 
lands, it  blocked  the  passage  of  the  northward  flowing 
Wright's  Streams  and  turned  their  waters  southward.  The  great 
glacial  ice-dam  across  the  Ohio  near  Cincinnati  must  have 
raised  the  water  of  the  river  five  hundred  and  fifty  feet, 
and  produced  a  long,  narrow,  slack-water  pond  that  has 
received  the  name  ot  Lake  Ohio.  The  waters  of  this 
lake  probably  covered  a  valley  a  thousand  miles  in  length, 
and  submerged  the  site  of  Pittsburg  three  hundred  feet. 
When,  with  the  amelioration  of  the  climate,  "  Wright's 
dam  "  at  last  gave  way,  and  the  waters  that  had  been 
piled  high  over  twenty  thousand  square  miles  of  territorv 
dashed  down  the  long  ice-rapids,  wearing  and  melting 
their  channel  and  destroying  the  foundations  of  the  dam 
itself,  what  a  spectacle  where  Cincinnati  is,  and  what  dire 
disaster  for  the  human  dwellers  in  the  valley  through 
which  rolled  the  furious  torrent ! 
Ice-age  After  the  long  reign  of  ice  came  a  depression  of  parts 

Epochs  ^f  ^j^g  earth's  crust,  and  a  mitigation  of  the  rigors  of  the 

long  and  terrible  winter.  At  Montreal  the  depression 
was  more  than  five  hundred  feet.  The  Saint  Lawrence 
became  an  arm  of  the  sea,  and  Lake  Champlain  a  deep 
bay  with  its  whales  and  seals  and  sea-shells.  With  this 
moderation  of  the  climate  came  a  melting  of  the  ice  and 
a  retreat  of  the  ice-front.  The  liquefying  glacier  made 
a  flood  vast  beyond  conception;  the  lower  Mississippi 
had  an  average  breadth  of  fifty  miles.  Thus  the  ice  age 
is  divisible  into  two  epochs  —  the  first  epoch  (glacial) 
being  marked  by  a  high  elevation  of  extended  areas  and 
the  development  of  vast  ice-sheets;  the  second  epoch 
(Champlain)  being  characterized  by  the  subsidence  of  these 
areas,  the  melting  of  the  ice,  and  the  deposition  of  glacial 
Glacial  Drift  and  modified  drift.  It  is  estimated  that  not  less  than 
four  million  square  miles  of  territory  in  North  America 
are  covered  with  an  average  depth  of  fifty  feet  of  glacial 


The  First  Americans 


debris.  The  drainage  of  the  glaciated  region  was  so 
changed  that  "the  country  resembles,  on  a  large  scale, 
a  checked  and  worm-eaten 
plank  which  a  carpenter  has 
filled  with  putty."  The 
streams  flowing  southward 
from  the  glaciated  area  had 
to    carry   away   the    annual  ^^^  '^'■''"g^  °^  '^^  Ohio  River 

fall  of  rain  and  snow  and  the  melting  accumulations  of 
thousands  of  years.  In  many  parts  of  the  United  States 
the  annual  rise  of  these  streams  brings  dreaded  disasters; 
what  imagination  can  paint  the  magnitude  of  the  spring 
freshets  at  the  end  of  the  glacial  epoch? 

The  terraces  that  border  such  streams  bear  enduring  Giadai 
witness  to  the  torrents  and  are,  in  fact,  the  high-water  '^^"^"'^^ 
mark  of  the  floods  of  that  period.    The  material  of  which 
they   were    made   was    brought   from    the    north    by  the 
gorged    and    gravel-laden    glacial    streams.     The    figure 

above  represents  a  section 
of  the  trough  of  the  Ohio 
River  a  few  miles  below 
Steubenville,  and  clearly  in- 
dicates the  relative  youth  of 
the  gravel  terraces  along  the 
banks  of  the  stream.  The 
ancient  rock-gorge  lies  a 
hundred  feet  beneath  the 
present  bottom  of  the  river. 
There  is  no  disagreement  as  Giaciai 
to  the  glacial  origin  of  the  ^"^"^'^ 
gravel  deposits  in  this  old 
gorge.     Such  terraces  border 

Map  Showing  the  River  Terraces  of  the        CVCry  Stream    that   Came   frOm 

Upper  Ohio  Valley  ^-^g  icc-front.      At  thc  glacial 

(The  glaciated  area  is  untinted,  and  the  ill  1 

terraces  are  shown  by  dots)  DounQary ,  the  tcrraccs  spread 

out  into  the  terminal  moraines  that  were  deposited 
directly  by  the  ice.  Throughout  its  course,  the  Allegheny 
was  gorged  with  this  glacial  gravel,  and  the  terraces 
abound.      On  the  other  hand,  the  Monongahela  had  no 


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lo  The  First  Americans 

glacial  torrents,  has  no  glacial  gravel,  and  the  terraces  are 
conspicuous  by  their  absence.  Such  terraces  are  not 
found  along  the  streams  that  have  their  sources  south  of 
the  glacial  boundary. 

Lake  Iroquois  For  a  time,  during  the  final  retreat  of  the  glacier,  the 
ice-front  lay  between  the  Adirondacks  and  the  upland 
divide  that  separates  the  basin  of  the  great  lakes  from  the 
basin  of  the  Mississippi.  As  the  water  from  the  melting 
glacier  could  not  escape  by  way  of  the  closed  Saint 
Lawrence,  it  gathered  as  a  lake  between  the  upland 
divide  and  the  ice-front.  The  site  of  Niagara  was 
beneath  the  ice  or  the  waters  of  the  lake  that  bordered 
the  ice ;  there  was  no  river  there.  When  the  glacier 
withdrew  far  enough  for  these  accumulated  waters  to 
flow  out  by  way  of  the  Mohawk  valley,  the  lake-level 
fell  about  three  hundred  feet,  or  to  the  level  of  the  out- 
let at  Rome,  New  York.  Lake  Iroquois  was  largely 
drained  and  was  cut  in  twain;  the  contracted  sections  are 

Birth  of  now  known  as  Lake  Erie  and  Lake  Ontario.  Then  Niagara 

Niagara  ^^g  bom  and  began  the  work  of  cutting  its  famous  gorge. 

The  waters  of  Lake  Michigan  no  longer  flowed  down  the 
Illinois  River,  or  those  of  Lake  Erie  into  the  Wabash. 
The  delicate  equipoise  of  levels  in  the  region  of  the  great 
lakes  is  worthy  of  remark.  A  cut  not  more  than  ten 
feet  deep  makes  possible  the  flow  of  water  from  Lake 
Michigan  into  the  Illinois  River.  The  Chicago  drainage 
canal  follows  the  well-marked  route  of  the  ancient  outlet. 
A  rise  of  the  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Buff'alo,  or  a  fall  of 
the  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Chicago,  or  both,  that  would 
change  the  relative  levels  only  forty  feet,  would  turn  the 
waters  of  four  of  the  inland  seas  that  lie  on  the  south- 
ward slope  of  the  Laurentian  highlands  from  the  Saint 
Lawrence  to  the  Mississippi. 

Other  Glacial  In  like  manner,  the  great  ice-barrier  had  checked  the 
flow  of  waters  through  Hudson  Bay  into  the  North 
Atlantic  and  poured  them  through  the  Mississippi  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  What  we  call  Nebraska  was,  at 
one  time,  a  great  fresh-water  lake  into  which  were 
poured  the  waters  of  the   Missouri,  the   Platte,  and  the 


Lakes 


I  2 


The  First  Americans 


Republican  rivers.  When  the  ice-front  was  melted  back 
a  little  way,  Lake  Nebraska  was  drained  southward. 
When  it  had  withdrawn  much  further  northward,  Mani- 
toba and  British  Columbia  were  no  longer  drained 
through  the  Minnesota  and  the  Mississippi;  Lake  Agas- 
siz,  the  largest  and  the  latest  of  the  bodies  of  water  held 
in  position  by  the  ice  of  the  glacial  period,  was  drained 
northward,  leaving  Lake  Winnipeg  to  represent  it.  For 
like  reasons,  the  level  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake  (Lake 
Bonneville)  fell  nine  hundred  feet,  and  its  area  was 
proportionally  contracted.  The  modern  Pyramid  and 
North  Carson  lakes  are  the  shrunken  representatives  of 
the  earlier  Lake  Lahontan.  Everywhere,  glacial  rivers 
dwindled  to  mere  reminiscences  of  their  former  glory. 
The  ice  age  still  lingers  in  Greenland  and  in  the  Alaskan 
region  of  Mount  Saint  Elias.  For  reasons  to  be  set  forth 
further  on,  the  study  of  the  ice  age  passes  from  the  field 
of  geology  into  that  of  history. 
Geologic  Eras  While  the  eras  of  geologic  chronology  bewilder  by 
their  immensity,  their  relative  lengths  have  been  esti- 
mated.     It   is  generally  agreed  that  the  mesozoic  is  at 

-  least  three  times  as  long 


'^'™'*?ffC6f**M^"^   • 


•c  *■ 


as  the  cenozoic,  and  that 
the  paleozoic  is  at  least 
four  times  as  long  as  the 
mesozoic,  thus  making 
cenozoic  time  less  than 
one-sixteenth  of  the  whole. 
In  our  present  study  we 
are  chiefly  interested  in 
the  post-tertiary  fragment 
of  that  one-sixteenth. 
Although  the  human  his- 
tory units  of  years  and 
centuries  are  so  exceed- 
ingly brief  that  the  two  orders  of  time  are  hardly  com- 
mensurate, the  attempt  has  been  made,  over  and  over 
again,  to  link  the  two  chronologies. 

The  gorge  between  Niagara   Falls  and   Lake  Ontario 


Bird's-eye  View  of  the  Niagara  Gorge 


The  First  Americans  i  3 

has  been  cut  out  by   the  river  since  the  glacial   epoch.   Age  of 
From  the  observed  rate  of  the  recession  of  the  falls,  the  '^'^e^'^* 
time  required  for  the  river  to  cut  its  gorge  has  been  com- 
puted.     Ten    thousand    years    has    been    for  some  time 
generally  accepted  as  the  approximate  period  represented 
by  the  work  of  erosion  from  Lewiston  back  to  the  falls. 
Similar  measurements  of  the  gorge  and  falls  of  Saint  An- 
thony, computations  based  upon  the  rate  of  wave-cutting  Date  of  the 
along  the  sides  of  Lake  Michigan,  the  rate  of  filling  of  ^"  ^^^ 
kettle-holes,  and  other  processes,  yield  concurrent  results, 
and   seem   to   justify    the    assertion    that    the    ice-sheets 
disappeared   from    the    Laurentian    highlands    about   ten 
thousand  years  ago. 

In  the  earliest  arch^an  age  (azoic),  only  dead  matter  The  First 
existed  on  the  earth.  Then  life  appeared  :  first,  the  ^"^"'"^ 
unconscious  life  of  the  plant;  then,  the  conscious  and 
intelligent  life  of  the  animal.  After  almost  countless 
ages,  man  appeared.  Upon  matter,  life  had  been 
imposed;  now,  mind  was  to  crown  the  structure,  stand- 
ing upon  matter  and  life  and  dominating  both.  "And 
the  evening  and  the  morning  were  the  sixth  day."  At 
what  stage  in  this  scheme  ot  development  did  man  first 
appear  in  the  world  that  Columbus  found,  and  what  sort 
of  a  being  was  he  ? 

Between   1850  and  i860,  when  the  gold-fever  was  at   Relics  under 
its  height  in  California,  interesting  reports  were   current  "^.^^'^  Moun- 
in    the    mining   camps.      Although    they   related    to    the 
finding  ot  human  remains  in  the  gold-bearing  gravels  of 
the  Sierras,  they  attracted  little  attention  from  the  scien- 
tific  world.      In    the    "~       "~^-,.  „-- --, 

next  decade,  scientific 
interest  was    aroused 

by     reports      of     the  section  across  Table  Mountain 

findmg    of    stone    pes-  (/J  represents  the  oU  river-bed,  which  was  doubtless 

dj  1  bordered  by  a  ridge  on  either  side,  as 

eS  and.  mortars,  rude  indicated  by  the  dotted  llnes  > 

articles  of  ornament,  and  a  human  jaw-bone  in  the 
gravel  deposits  beneath  the  flow  of  lava  locally  known  as 
Table  Mountain.     This  lava  issued  from  the  mountain- 


14 


The  First  Americans 


range,  and  flowed  down  the  valley  of  the  Stanislaus 
River  for  a  distance  of  fifty  or  sixty  miles,  burying 
everything  in  the  valley  beneath  it,  and  compelling  the 
river  to  seek  another  channel.  The  thickness  of  the  lava 
averages  about  a  hundred  feet.  So  long  a  time  has 
elapsed  since  the  eruption  that  the  softer  strata  on  either 
side  of  the  ancient  vallev  have  been  worn  away,  leaving 
the  lava  above  the  general  level.      The  age  of  the  gravels 

of  the  old  river-bed,  underneath 
the  lava,  is  uncertain. 

The  interest  thus  aroused  was 
intensified  by  the  finding  of  an 
entire  human  skull,  known  as  the 
Calaveras  skull,  under  this  lava 
deposit,  and  in  gravel  about  a 
hundred  and  thirty  feet  below 
the  surface.  When  this  skull 
was  zealouslv  put  forward  as  ev^i- 
The  Calaveras  Skull  ^^^^^  ^f  ^j^^  gxistcnce  of  man  in 

a  somewhat  advanced  stage  of  progress  during  the 
pliocene  epoch  of  the  tertiary  period, 


Calaveras 
Skull,  1866 


Great  contest  followed,  and  much  learned  dust  ! 

Persistent  attempts  have  been  made  to  discredit  the  testi- 
mony of  the  skull  as  a  veritable  relic  of  prehistoric  man. 
The  battle  has  been  long  and  fierce,  but  some  eminent 
ethnologists  still  strenuously  claim  that  no  true 
archaeological  finds  have  been  obtained  from 
under  the  lava  deposits.  Interest  in  the  Cala- 
veras skull  was  freshened  by  the  discovery  at 
Nampa,  Idaho,  of  a  small  but  finely  wrought 
Nampa  Image,  clay  image,  at  the  depth  of  about  three  hundred 
'^^9  and  twenty  feet.      Eminent  archaeologists  affirm 

that   the    image    bears    conclusive  evidence  of 
considerable    antiquity    and     offers     important 
testimony  to  the  existence  of  a  well-advanced    The  N^mpa 
human  culture  in  western  America  at  an  early       ^'"^e^ 
day.      In  February,  1902,  a  human  skeleton  was  found  in 
previously  undisturbed  stratified  loess  of  the   Missouri 


The  First  Americans 


15 


River  valley,  near   Lansing,  Kansas,  and  about  eighteen   Lansing 

miles  northwest  of   Kansas  City.      The  skull  was  found   ^'^'^'^'°"» 

J  1902 

entire  and  nearly 
all  of  the  skeleton 
was  represented  by 
disjointed  bones 
some  of  which 
were  broken  or 
partly  decayed. 
The  discovery  was 

Quicklv  heralded  as  '^^^  Lansing  Skull  and  Thigh-bone 

confirmation  of  the  previously  known  evidences  of 
man's  presence  in  America  at  the  glacial  period. 
Upham  and  Winchell  and  other  well-known  archae- 
ologists assign  to  the  Lansing  skeleton  an  antiquity 
of  more  than  ten  thousand  years.  Professor  Wright  is 
confident  that  it  was  buried  before  the  close  of  the 
lowan  epoch  of  the  glacial  period,  while  Professor  Cham- 
berlin  concedes  to  the  relic  nothing  more  than  an 
antiquity  very  respectable  but  much  short  of  the  close  of 
the  glacial  invasion. 

Not  very  long  ago,  it  was  held  that  no  truly  scientific  Doctor 
proof  of  man's  great  antiquity  in  America  exists  :    but  ^^''°"'l 

1  r  ^•      1     •  iT>  /^ii/^       Discoveries 

such  proof  was  supplied  m  1875  "7  1-^octor  Charles  C. 
Abbott's  discovery  of  paleolithic  imple- 
ments in  the  gravel  terrace  at  Trenton, 
New  Jersey.  These  implements  are  rude 
stone  objects,  shaped  by  chipping  so  as 
to  produce  cutting  edges,  and  are  usually 
)  pointed  at  one  end.  They  seem  to  have  The  Trenton 
been  chiefly  weapons  used  in  hunting.  ^"^"^^^ 
When  it  is  remembered  that  some  of 
them  bear  thirty  or  forty  planes  of  cleav- 
age, equally  weathered,  it  is  difficult  to 
doubt  that  they  are  results  of  intelligent, 
intentional  action.  From  other  remains 
discovered  in  the  Trenton  gravels  with  these  relics  of 
early  man,  or  in  close  proximity  to  them,  we  infer  that 
the    North   Americans  of  the  glacial  epoch  must  have 


A  Trenton  Paleolith 


i6 


The  First  Americans 


Direct  Traces 
of  Glacial 
Man 


been  familiar  with  the  mastodon,  walrus,  Greenland  rein- 
deer, caribou,  bison,  moose,  and  musk-ox.  Perhaps  man 
and  animals  had  been  forced  southward  bv  the  encroach- 
ing ice. 

These  implements  could  not  have  been  in  the  gravel 
where  they  were  found  unless  they  were  left  there  by  the 
forces  that  laid  the  gravel-beds,  and  the  Trenton  gravels 

were  deposited  by  the  torrent 
that  came  from  the  melting 
glacier.  Besides  these  paleo- 
lithic implements,  the  Trenton 
gravels  have  yielded  one  human 
cranium  and  parts  of  others. 
In  November,  1899,  Mr. 
Ernest  Volk,  exploring  the  val- 
ley of  the  Delaware  for  traces 
of  glacial  man,  found  a  fragment 
of  a  human  thigh-bone  in  un- 
disturbed stratified  glacial  grav- 
els. While  distinguished 
ethnologists  still  deny  that  there 
exists  anv  evidence  of  a  pre- 
glacial  American,  the  general 
opinion  among  archaeologists  is 
that  the  primeval  American 
antedates  the  close  of  the  glacial  epoch.  In  1888,  paleo- 
lithic implements  were  found  in  a  red-gravel  deposit  near 
Clavmont,  Delaware.  This  Clavmont  gravel  is  a  glacial 
deposit  and  is  regarded  as  some  thousands  of  vears  older 
than  that  at  Trenton.  It  thus  appears  that  man  was  in 
the  Delaware  valley  at  a  period  far  earlier  than  that  indi- 
cated by  the  discoveries  at  Trenton. 

An  antiquity  v^astly  greater  than  the  actual  age  of  the 
Claymont  gravels  has  been  assigned  to  man  in  America. 
"Of  necessity,  he  must  have  been  in  existence  long  before 
the  final  events  occurred,  in  order  to  have  left  his 
implements  buried  in  the  beds  of  debris  which  they 
occasioned."  Moreover,  "the  close  of  the  glacial 
period"    is    a   very  indefinite  expression.      "The  glacial 


Map  Showing  the  River  Terrace 
of  the  Delaware  Valley 


The  Claymont 
Gravels 


Antiquity  of 
the  First 
American 


The  First  Americans  i  7 

period  was  a  long  time  in  closing."  In  his  History 
of  the  Niagara  River ^  Mr.  Gilbert  tells  us  that,  from 
first  to  last,  man  has  been  the  witness  of  its  toil. 
The  human  comrade  of  the  river's  youth  "told  us 
little  of  himself  We  only  know  that  on  a  gravelly 
beach  of  Lake  Iroquois,  now  the  Ridge  Road,  he  rudely 
gathered  stones  to  make  a  hearth  and  build  a  fire  ;  and 
the  next  storm-breakers,  forcing  back  the  beach,  buried 
and  thus  preserved,  to  gratify  yet  whet  our  curiosity, 
hearth,  ashes,  and  charred  sticks.  In  these  Darwinian 
days,  we  cannot  deem  primeval  that  man  possessed  of  the 
Promethean  art  of  fire,  and  so  his  presence  on  the  scene 
adds  zest  to  the  pursuit  of  the  Niagara  problem.  What- 
ever the  antiquity  of  the  great  cataract  may  be  found  to  be, 
the  antiquity  of  man  is  greater,"  Encouraged  thus  and 
otherwise,  Doctor  Abbott  joyfully  proclaims:  "There 
was  a  time  when,  to  all  appearances,  American  archae- 
ology would  have  to  be  squeezed  into  the  cramped 
quarters  of  ten  thousand  years  ;  but  we  are  pretty  sure 
of  twenty  or  even  thirty  thousand  now,  in  which  to 
spread  out  in  proper  sequence  and  without  confusion  the 
long  train  of  human  activities  that  have  taken  place." 

In   1883,  Professor  Wright  expressed  his  belief  that  ohio 
glacial  man  was  upon  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  as  well  as  faieohths 
in  New  Jersey.     This  belief  proved  to  be  well  founded, 
for,  in  1885,  came  the  report  that  paleolithic  implements 
had  been  found  in    the   valley    of   the 
Little    Miami.      In    1889,  a    paleolith 
about    four    inches    long  was    found  at 
Newcomerstown    in    the    undisturbed 
gravel    of   the    glacial    terrace    that 
borders    the  valley  of  the   Tuscarawas 
River.       Newcomerstown    is    about     ThTN^wcomerstown 
thirty-five    miles   south    of    the   glacial  Paieoiith 

boundary  in  Ohio,  and  the  head-waters  of  the  river 
and  of  several  of  its  branches  are  within  the  glaciated 
area.  In  1892,  a  chipped  chert  implement  was  dis- 
covered in  the  undisturbed  glacial  gravel  of  the  high- 
level  terrace  of  the  Ohio  River,  about  seven  miles  below 


Finds 


I  8  The  First  Americans 

Steubenville.  These  finds,  and  others  in  Minnesota  and 
elsewhere,  are  looked  upon  as  witnesses  to  the  truth  of 
the  statement  that  "the  primitive  chipper  of  flinty  rock 
stands  out  in  the  geologic  history  of  the  Mississippi  and 
Ohio  valleys,  not  as  a  dim  shadow  but  as  a  substantial 
fact." 
Disputed  Implements  of  varving  finish  have  been  found  in  the 

lacustrinet deposits  of  several  of  the  western  states  and 
/]?\  territories.  A  fine  example  of  these  is  the 
obsidian  spear-head  found  in  1882  in  the 
lacustral  clays  of  the  basin  of  the  ancient  Lake 
Lahontan,  twenty-five  feet  below  the  top  of 
the  section.  It  is  said  to  have  been  "associ- 
ated in  such  a  manner  with  the  bones  of  an 
elephant  or  mastodon  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of 
their  having  been  buried  at  approximately  the 
same  time."  By  some  authorities  these  imple- 
ments are  held  to  be  convincing  evidence  of 
the  existence  of  man  in  those  regions,  while 
others  declare  that  "  no  such  discovery  can  be 
The  Obsidian  considcrcd  of  consequence  as  bearing  upon 
Spear-head  ^j^g  qucstion  of  palcoHthic  man."  Not  until 
the  evidence  submitted  becomes  strong  enough  to  pro- 
duce substantial  unanimity  among  archaeologists,  can 
they  be  of  great  value  to  the  historian.  Fortunatelv, 
such  unanimity  has  been  secured  in  regard  to  the  exist- 
ence of  paleolithic  man  in  the  valleys  of  the  Delaware 
and  the  Ohio  prior  to  the  formation  of  the  terraces. 

The  Stone  The   history    of    human    civilization    has    long    been 

^^^  divided   into  three    ages    named    from    the  materials  of 

the  weapons  and  tools  pertaining  to  them,  viz. :  the 
stone,  the  bronze,  and  the  iron  ages.  In  turn,  the 
stone  age  has  been  divided  into  the  paleolithic  (old 
stone)  and  the  neolithic  (newer  stone)  periods.  In  the 
former,  only  chipped  stone  instruments  were  used ;  in 
the  latter,  polished  stone  implements  also  were  used. 
The  classification  is  traditional,  and  so  convenient  that  it 
is  often  used  in  spite  of  its  lack  ot  scientific  accuracv. 


The  First  Americans 


19 


In  Swiss    and    other    European   peat-beds  and    lakes  European 
are  found  evidences  of  a  more  advanced  stone-age  cul-  Lake-dweU- 

.  .  o  ings 

ture  than  any  yet  considered.  Patient  investigators 
have  translated 
these  hiero- 
glyphics of 
dead  ages,  and 
made  us  famil- 
iar with  the 
lake-dwellers 
and  their 
strange  custom 

qC     livinP"     in  Lake-dwellings  Restored 

houses  built  on  piles  driven  in  the  shallow  bays  of  nearly 
all  the  lakes  in  Switzerland.  One  of  these  towns, 
Robenhausen,  stood  on  a  platform  built  on  a  hundred 
thousand  piles.  Like  all  the  other  Swiss  lake-towns,  it 
was  connected  with  the  land  by  a  long  bridge,  also  built 
on  piles.  Such  was  their  security  against  wild  beasts 
and  wilder  men  —  a  device  older  far  than  castles  and 
walled  towns.  The  only  way  of  judging  of  the  age  of  Their  Great 
these  lake-dwellings  is  by  estimating  the  time  required  ^""^'i"'^ 
for  the  formation  of  the  peat-beds  in  which  the  ruins  are 
found.  Reckoned  thus,  many  of  these  lately  exhumed 
villages  must  have  been  old  a  thousand  years  before  the 
foundations  of  Pompeii  were  laid.  Some  of  the  relics 
of  the  builders  of  these  European  towns  show  the 
advance  of  communities  to  a  state  far  above  that  of 
savagery.     What  about  our  early  Americans? 

Our    paleolithic    predecessor  was  low  in  the  scale  of  Advance  in 
civilization,  but  he  was  perfectly  human.      If  the  "miss-  C"^'^"'''' 
ing  link"   is  wanted,   it  must  be  sought  for  elsewhere. 
Moreover,  there  seems  to  be  abundant  and  unmistak- 
able evidence  of  his  transition  to  a  higher  culture-status. 
In  deposits  made  by  slowly  moving  muddy  water,  fol-  The  Evidence 
lowed  by  interrupted  periods  of  exposure  to  the  atmos- 
phere, is  found  another  class  of  objects,  superior  in  form 
and   finish  to  the  paleoliths  and  equally  inferior  to  the 
familiar  types  of  Indian  manufacture.     The  discovery  in 


20 


The  First  Americans 


The 
Conclusion 


the  Delaware  River  marshes  of  what  seems  to  be  the  site 
of  river-dwellings,  suggestive  of  the  Swiss  lake-dwellings 
and  perhaps  comparable  to  them,  has  also  been  held  up 
as  confirmation  of  the  theory  of  a  progression  of  the 
paleolithic  American  to  the  neolithic  condition.  Further 
confirmation  of  such  development  is  found  in  the  remains 
of  a  rock-shelter  discovered  near  the  head-waters  of  Naa- 
man's  Creek,  a  small  tributary  of  the  Delaware,  The 
several  layers  of  this  shelter  show  a  marked  and  regular 
progression  from  paleoliths  in  the  lower  to  pottery  in 
the  upper  strata.  These  and  other  facts  point  toward 
the  conclusion  that,  in  the  valley  of  the  Delaware,  man 
developed  from  the  paleolithic  to  the  neolithic  stage  of 
culture.  After  that,  what?  Some  have  pointed  to  the 
Eskimos  as  the  descendants  of  this  primitive  race,  while 
others  seem  very  sure  that  "the  paleolithic  man  of  the 
river  gravels  of  the  Trenton  and  his  argillite-using 
posterity"  are  completely  extinct. 

As  to  the  culture  of  primeval  man  on  the  Pacific 
Coast,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  mortars  and  pestles 
found  under  Table  Mountain  are  distinctly  neolithic, 
that  the  Calaveras  skull  "  is  capacious  enough  to  have 
held  the  brain  of  a  philosopher,"  and  that  the  Nampa 
image  shows  a  high  degree  of  skill  on  the  part  of  him 
who  shaped  it.  The  known  facts  have  led  some  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  western  coast  of  the  continent  was 
occupied  by  man  earlier  than  the  eastern,  and  that  there 
"  he  had  passed  beyond  the  paleolithic  stage  before  his 
works  were  buried  in  the  gravels  under  the  beds  of  lava; 
while  at  a  later  period  on  the  Atlantic  coast  he  was  still  in 
the  paleolithic  stage." 

The  theory  that  the  Eskimo  now  represents  this  most 
ancient  of  America's  known  races  has  been  urged  by  more 
than  one  able  writer.  Doctor  Abbott  among  the  rest. 
But  Doctor  Abbott  has  changed  his  earlier  opinion  and 
now  suggests  an  ethnic  continuity  by  recalling  the  primi- 
tive hunter  armed  with  but  a  sharpened  stone,  and  the 
later  race,  a  "more  skillful  folk  who  with  spear  and  knife 
captured  whatsoever  creature   their   needs   demanded  — 


The  Earlier 
Start  of  the 
West 


Racial  Con- 
tinuitv 


The  First  Americans 


2  I 


the  earlier  and  later  chippers  of  argillite.  These  pass; 
and  the  Indian  with  his  jasper,  quartz,  copper,  and 
polished  stone  looms  up,  as  the  others  fade  away."  This 
substitution  of  continuity  for  chasm  conforms  to  the 
undoubted  tendency  of  recent  ethnology. 

Some  archaeologists  still  refuse  to  admit  the  suf-  objections  to 
ficiency  of  the  credentials  of  our  paleolithic  predecessor  ^^^  ^^'"""■^ 
on  the  ground  that  the  objects  found  in  the  glacial 
gravels  are  intrusive  or  that  the  deposits  in  which  they 
were  found  were  violently  disturbed  in  distinctly  post- 
glacial time.  But  the  careful  exhaustive  examination  of 
the  Trenton  gravels  as  a  whole,  and  especially  the 
investigations  of  Mr.  Volk,  carried  on  for  a  decade  under 
the  direction  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural 
History  in  New  York,  seem  to  demonstrate  that  the 
many  objects  collected  from  many  localities  in  the  valley 
of  the  Delaware  were  constituent  parts  of  the  original 
deposits.  At  all  events,  the  historian  can  hardly  consent 
to  ignore  the  evidence  submitted  or  to  relegate  the 
glacial  American  to  the. uncertainty  of  primeval  chaos. 
More  than  this,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  it  has  not 
been  proved  that  our  paleolithic  man  was  the  first  human 
being  who  existed  in  the  territory  that  we  now  call  the 
United  States.  Nor  can  we  yet  do  more  than  conjecture 
when  and  whence  he  or  his  predecessor  (if  he  had  a 
predecessor)  came. 

Note. —  The  bibliographical  appendix  at  the  end  of  this  volume  contains  references 
that  will  be  helpful  to  the  reader  who  desires  further  information  concerning  the  matters 
discussed  in  this  and  the  succeeding  chapters. 


C   H   A 


T   E   R 


I   I 


THE 


NEOLITHIC 


AMERICANS 


Prehistoric 

Monuments 


THE  occupancy  of  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  by  man  prior  to  the  coming  of  Colum- 
bus to  America  has  been  divided  into  three 
periods.  The  first  of  these,  called  the  paleolithic,  on 
account  of  the  rudeness  of  the  relics  found  in  the 
quaternary  gravels,  has  already  been  discussed.  The 
second  period,  called  the  neolithic,  is  also  prehistoric. 
The  relics  of  neolithic  industry  are  very  abundant  and 
widely  distributed,  and  chiefly  through  them  the  archae- 
ologist seeks  to  read  the  story  of  the  culture  of  their 
authors.  The  third  period,  sometimes  called  the  ethno- 
graphic, lies  partly  within  and  partly  without  historical 
times.  It  began  with  our  first  knowledge  of  the  red  man, 
and  is  now  fading  from  the  screen  like  a  dissolving  view 
that  has  been  held  up  for  study  full  four  hundred  years. 
As  might  naturally  be  expected,  the  paleolithic  shades  so 
insensibly  into  the  neolithic,  and  that  into  the  ethno- 
graphic, that  sharp  dividing  lines  cannot  be  traced.  In 
fact,  some  of  the  most  eminent  archaeologists  insist  that 
the  distinction  implied  in  the  terms  "paleolithic"  and 
"neolithic"  is  not  strictly  applicable  to  the  continent  of 
America.  With  this  contention  the  historian  has  nothing 
to  do ;  he  may  use  the  convenient  terms  without  yielding 
an  adherence  to  one  side  or  the  other  of  the  controversy. 
Over  the  entire  area  of  the  United  States  are  found 
ancient  remains,  the  number,  magnitude,  and  character 
of  which  are  of  great  interest  to  all  students  of  primitive 


The  Neolithic  Americans  23 

culture.  In  grandeur  and  refinement  they  fall  below 
the  monuments  of  middle  America  and  many  of  the 
ruins  of  the  eastern  continent;  still  they  have  their 
special  story  of  a  people  emerging  from  savagery  into 
barbarism.  It  should  be  remembered  that  different 
parts  of  the  United  States  were  discovered  by  Europeans 
at  different  times,  new  areas  being  successively  occu- 
pied, and  new  tribes  coming,  one  after  another,  into  the 
acquaintance  of  the  historian.  Little  is  known  of  what 
the  central  Indians  were  doing  when  Ponce  de  Leon  1512 
first  set  foot  on  Florida.  Mound-building  may  have 
been  in  active  operation  while  Jacques  Cartier  was  1535 
exploring  the  Saint  Lawrence,  and  southwestern  tribes 
were  living  in  now  ruined  pueblos  while  Hernando  de 
Soto  was  marching  toward  the  Mississippi.  Important  1540 
Indian  movements  have  taken  place  in  the  United  States 
since  the  settlement  of  the  country,  and  many  of  the 
California  tribes  were  unknown  until  after  1850. 

The  archaeologist  of  today  sometimes  has  to  doubt  Necessary 
whether  the  remains  upon  which  he  comes  are  of  ^^^^°^^ 
European  or  of  Indian  origin.  Moreover,  these  pre- 
historic peoples  must  be  studied,  less  with  reference  to 
the  boundaries  of  our  present  states,  than  to  culture-areas 
the  boundaries  of  which  were  fixed  by  nature  in  the 
geography  and  geology  of  the  country.  One  may  draw 
on  a  sheet  of  glass  a  map  of  the  United  States  of  the 
present  day,  and  on  other  sheets  a  map  for  the  colonial 
period,  one  for  the  epoch  of  settlement,  one  for  the 
Indian  occupation  at  the  time  of  the  Columbian  dis- 
covery, and  another  for  the  neolithic  period;  but  if  one 
insists  upon  the  superposition  of  the  plates  and  a  single 
view  of  the  whole,  one  will  find  that,  while  some  of  the  lines 
coincide  with  others  above  and  below,  more  of  them  will 
cross  and  interfere  and  yield  little  better  than  confusion. 

For  years,  the  government  of  the  United  States  has.  The  Evidence 
through  its  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  been  gather- 
ing, arranging,  and  studying  material  bearing  upon  the 
subject  matter  of  this  chapter.    The  annual  reports  of  this 
bureau  are  veritable  treasure-houses  —  the  chief  source  of 


24  The  Neolithic  Americans 

supply  for  every  historian  of  "The  NeoHthic  Americans." 
Among  the  witnesses  whose  testimony  is  now  available 
for  an  intelligent  idea  of  the  neolithic  American  and 
the  life  he  led  are  the  remains  of  his  refuse-heaps 
and  habitations,  mounds  and  earthworks,  quarries  and 
workshops,  "relics,"  pictographs,  etc.  Of  course,  no 
attempt  can  here  be  made  to  give  a  complete  account  of  the 
evidence  in  the  case,  but  some  of  the  witnesses  may  be  put 
upon  the  stand  and  permitted  to  tell  parts  of  their  story. 
sheu-heaps  [a)  Along  the  Atlantic,  the  Pacific,  and  the  Gulf  coasts 

of  the  United  States,  upon  the  shores  of  every  inlet 
where  brackish  water  extends,  and  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi  as  far  as  northern  Wisconsin,  the  Ohio  as 
far  as  Pittsburg,  the  Saint  Johns,  and  other  inland  waters, 
are  found  shell-deposits  left  by  man.  Very  few  of  them 
were  heaped  up  by  design,  but  the  evidence  of  their 
artificial  origin  is  conclusive.  They  generally  occur  on  a 
sloping  shore,  and  some  of  them  excite  astonishment  by 
their  great  extent.  It  is  probable  that,  at  the  proper 
season,  the  neighboring  tribes  encamped  upon  the  heaps 
of  previous  years,  leveling  the  tops  a  little  and  covering 
up  all  that  their  predecessors  had  left.  Here  they  dwelt 
and  feasted,  the  occupants  of  each  hut  throwing  the 
shells,  bones,  and  other  debris  of  their  meals  around  the 
shelter  on  every  side.  The  number  and  size  of  the 
shell-heaps  indicate  either  that  the  shores  of  the  United 
States  and  the  banks  of  its  rivers  once  supported  a  vast 
population,  or  that  the  pilgrimages  of  the  aborigines  to 
these  food-centers  were  continued 
through  many  centuries.  The  latter 
view  is  supported  by  the  discovery  that 
the  shells  in  the  upper  layers  differ  in  size 
from  those  in  the  lower  layers,  indicat- 
ing that  the  animals  underwent  modi- 
fication after  the  heaps  were  begun  and 
Arrow-head  from  Puzzle  bcfore  they  Were  finished.  The  shell- 
Lake,  Florida  heaps  of  Florida  have  been  carefully 
studied  by  Clarence  B.  Moore  who  found  distinctly  neo- 
lithic stone  implements  in  the  lower  strata  and  fragments 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


25 


of  pottery  in  strata  near  the  surface.  Some  of  his  concki- 
sions  are  that  the  shell-heaps  are  by  no  means  contem- 
porary, that  some  were  abandoned  long  before  others  . 
were  begun,  and  that  the  beginning  of  the  oldest  far 
antedates  the  coming  of  the  white  man.  The  evidence 
seems  to  show  that  in  the  shell-heap  period,  the  abo- 
rigines of  Florida  acquired  the  art  of  making  pottery. 

In  1898,  Mr.  Moore  found  a  remarkable  domiciliary  An  uniqu 
mound  on  the  southeast  end  of  Little  Island,  Beaufort  Specimen 
County,   South  Carolina.      The  mound  was  about  four- 


Mound  on   Little   Island,    South   Carolina 

teen  feet  high  with  an  elliptical  base  the  north  and  south 
diameter  ot  which  measured  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet 
and  the  east  and  west  diameter  about  one  hundred  feet. 
On  the  mound  were  pine-trees,  some  of  them  large,  and 
live-oaks  of  moderate  size.  Excavation  exposed  the  clay 
walls  of  a  quadrilateral  enclosure  nearly  thirty-five  by 
forty  feet.  The  walls  were  a  little  more  than  four  feet 
high,  and  were  supported  by  upright  posts  that  projected 


26 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


several  inches  above  the  top  of  the  wall.  The  peculiar 
entrance,  anteroom,  and  projecting  partitions,  the  central 
fireplace,  etc.,  are  represented  in  the  accompanying 
picture.  This  remarkable  enclosure  was  filled  and 
covered  with  shell  deposits  and  strata  of  clayey  sand  that 
showed  successive  periods  of  occupancy. 

Bone-heaps  As  the  shcll-heaps  are  found  in  the  greatest  numbers 

where  edible  mollusks  are  most  abundant,  so  bone-heaps  are 
common  in  Dakota  and  other  states  where  countless  buf- 
faloes once  furnished  food  for  the  hunting  tribes.  These 
bone-heaps  are  the  debris  of  the  repasts  of  long  ago,  and 
represent  the  accumulated  refuse  of  dwellings  that  have  dis- 
appeared. In  other  places  and  in  like  manner,  the  refuse 
of  the  kitchen  thrown  about  the  doorway  by  untidy  house- 
wives forms  mines  of  relics  precious  to  the  archaeologist. 

House  Life  (^)   Wherever     remains     of    ancient     habitations     are 

found  in  the  United  States  they  agree  with  the  founda- 
tions of  dwellings  subsequently  occupied  by  Indians. 
This  may  be  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  theory  of 
continuity  of  stock,  or  it  may  point  toward  the  adaptive- 
ness  of  the  human  race.  By  careful  comparison  of  the 
remains  of  ancient  dwellings  with  the  abodes  of  Indians 
living  here  in  historic  times,  the  archaeologist  and  the 
ethnologist  have  obtained  what  is  probably  a  correct  idea 
of  the  house  life  of  the  primitive  people.  Thus,  we 
have  a  few  bits  of  evidence  concerning  the  habitations 
of  the  mound-builders,  and  more  definite  information 
concerning  the  ancient  dwellings  in  the  pueblo  country 
of  the    southwest    part    of    the    United    States.     The 

remains  of  pueblo 
architecture     are 


scattered  over 
thousands  of 
square  miles  of 
the  arid  plateau 
region,  from  the 
Pecos  drainage  on 
the  east  to  that  of  the  Colorado  on  the  west,  and  from 
central    Utah   southward   well   into    Mexico.      The   best 


Round-house  of  Lava  Blocks 


Map  of  the   Pueblo  Region 


28 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


examples  are  found  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  in  the 
northern  states  of  Mexico,  and  along  the  canyons  that 
open  into  the  San  Juan  River. 
ciiff-dwdiings  It  is  supposed  that  the  ancestral  pueblo  peoples  dwelt 
at  first  in  brush  shelters,  and  later  in  lodges  of  lava-stones 
piled  up  dry  and  then  plastered.  For  better  protection, 
these  clans  of  horticulturists  and  agriculturists  resorted 
to  cliff  or  canyon  houses.  These  cliff-dwellings  are  now 
in    ruins.      Along    the    branches   of   the    Colorado    and 


■1 


'i^:i.H.i 


Cliff-dwellings 

other  streams,  the  steep  sides  of  the  canyons  expose 
different  strata  —  sandstones,  limestones,  and  shales. 
Gradually  the  softer  rocks  were  worn  away,  leaving 
shelves  below  and  jutting  cliffs  above.  In  these  pockets 
the  ancient  people  made  their  communal  homes,  by 
building  walls    upon    or    near    the    outer    edges  of  the 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


29 


shelves,  and  dividing  the  space  behind  the  walls  with 
partitions  of  stone  and  adobe  (sun-dried  clay).  Some  of 
these  shelves  are  hundreds  of  feet  above  the  streams 
and  can  be  reached  only  by  ladders  or  by  steps  cut  in 
the  rocks.  7'hey  are  the  most  picturesque  of  all  the 
ruins  in  the  United  States  and  have  excited  the  admira- 
tion alike  of  the  tourist  and  the  archaeologist. 

In  close  association  with  the  cliff-dwellings  are  the  cave  Cave- 
or  cavate  dwellings  —  much  like  swallow  nests  opening  '^'^'""'"g^ 
along  the 


faces  of  the 
cliffs.  Here  K 
the  ancient  \ 
engineer, 
i  ni  p  a  t  i  e  n  t 
of  the  slow 
action 
the    e  1  e 


V    \ 


of  ^-  -_ 


1  \ 


Open  front  CavatL  Lodges 

ments,  dug,  with  his  pick  of  hard  volcanic  rock,  a  tiny 
entrance,  at  the  further  end  of  which  he  hollowed  out  a 
home.  The  cave-dwelling  is,  therefore,  an  artificial  cliff- 
pueblo,  cut  in  the  rock,  for  the  securitv  of  those  who  lived 

therein. 
East  of 
the  Rockv 
M  o  u  n  - 
tains  there 
are  f e  w 
traces  of 
the  cave- 
homes  of 
ancient 
men,  but 
f o  r  this 
the  south- 

A  Communal  Pueblo,  Zuni  WPSt     Val- 

leys  make  amends.  Thousands  have  been  found  in  close 
connection  with  old  pueblos  and  cliff-structures. 

From    these   cliff-hamlets    were    developed    the    great  Puebios 


3  0  The  Neolithic  Americans 

terraced  villages  of  the  confederated  clans.  A  pueblo  is  a 
communal  village,  the  dwellings  of  which  are  built  solidly 
together.  Some  of  them  are  made  of  stone,  and  others 
of  adobe,  while  the  walls  of  some  of  the  older  examples 
were  grouted.  A  few  of  them  are  four  or  five  stories 
high,  with  timber  supports  and  divisions  for  the  upper 
parts.  Entrance  to  these  pueblos  was  commonly  made 
bv  means  of  ladders,  outside  doors  on  the  ground  level 
formerly  being  rare. 
Aboriginal  The  structure  of  the  pueblos,  like  that  of  the  great 

Social  System  (^q(J^^^  houses  of  the  Pacific  Coast  and  the  long-houses 
of  the  Iroquois,  w-as  determined  by  the  clanship  sys- 
tem of  the  aborigines,  who  had  not  yet  reached  the 
patriarchal  form  of  government.  Each  tribe  was  divided 
into  clans.  A  clan  consisted  of  an  ancestress  and  all 
of  her  descendants  reckoned  in  the  female  line.  These 
had  a  common  totem  or  tutelary  god  that  dwelt  in  some 
animate  or  inanimate  object.  When  a  man  married,  he 
went  to  live  with  his  wife's  people;  all  of  the  children 
belonged  especially  to  the  mother,  were  named  for 
her,  and  took  her  totem.  This  clanship  system  and  its 
totemism  determined  pueblo  architecture,  regulating  the 
size  of  buildings,  the  number  of  rooms,  and  the  assign- 
ment of  apartments.  As  the  clan  grew  in  numbers,  it 
enlarged  its  section  of  the  town ;  when  another  clan  was 
added,  the  building  was  extended.  A  few  pueblo  ruins 
indicate  that  they  were  built  on  definite  preliminary  plans; 
but  generally  a  pueblo  grew  just  as  a  modern  village 
grows,  and  for  the  same  practical  reasons. 
Adaptation  to  Most  of  the  pueblos  were  built  on  level  plains,  some 
Environment    ^pon  the  slopcs  or  points  of  mesas  or  table-lands  where 

the    ground    was    irregular,    and    some 
against  declivities,  reaching  back  on 
■'_'--^^„    shelving  ledges,    so    that,  if  the 
lower    stones    were    to    disap- 
pear, a  clifF-dwelling  would 
-remain.        Evidentlv,     the 

Evolution  of  the  Flat  Roof  and  Terrace  ^j-ansition   frOm    One'tO    the 

Other  was  gradual.    In  common  with  all  men,  the  builders 


32 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


of  these  habitations  had  to  face  the  great  problem  of  exist- 
ence; here,  as  everywhere,  environment  gave  character 
to  the  dweUings  of  the  people.  Some  of  them  were 
built  i-n  easily  defensible  positions.  In  other  cases,  the 
proximity  of  fertile  lands  and  the  necessary  water-supply 
determined  the  site.  Naturally,  there  was  a  wide  range 
in  general  plan  and  architectural  effect.  For  instance,  in 
the  pueblo  class,  we  find  the  Walpi  pueblo  differing 
greatly  from  the  typical  form  illustrated  on  page  29. 
In  this  case,  the  peculiar  conformation  of  the  site  pro- 
duced an  unusual  irregularity  of  arrangement. 


Pueblo 
Builders 


4     ■^  £1.^ 

View  of  Walpi,  Arizona 

Inhabited  pueblos  to  the  number  of  seventeen  now 
exist  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  its  tributaries 
in  New  Mexico.  West  of  these,  on  a  solitary  mesa,  is 
Acoma,  the  dizzy  trail  of  which  was  noted  by  the  early 
Spanish  explorers.  Still  further  west  is  Zuni,  standing 
on  the  site  of  one  of  the  "Seven  Cities  of  Cibola."  In 
northeastern  Arizona  are  the  seven  Moki  (Hopi)  towns 
—  ancient  Tusayan.  The  occupants  of  the  several 
pueblos  belong  to  four  linguistic  stocks.  Those  of  the 
Rio  Grande  have  two  absolutely  separate  languages,  each 
different  from  that  of  the  Zunis,  while  the  people  of  six 


The  Neolithic  Americans  33 

of  the  seven  Moki  towns  speak  another  language,  the 
Shoshonean.  They  also  have  different  clans,  arts,  and 
customs.  Of  the  tribes  that  now  roam  over  these  mesas 
and  through  these  valleys  are  Apaches  and  Navahos  of 
Athapascan  stock,  Utes  of  Shoshonean  stock,  and  Mo- 
haves  and  Havasupais  of  Yuman  stock;  like  differ- 
ences have  probably  existed  in  this  arid  basin  from  time 
immemorial.  Although  this  region  was  not  occupied 
until  recently  by  settlers  from  "the  states,"  it  was  for 
many  years  under  Spanish  dominion  and  observation. 
Since  the  beginning  of  Spanish  contact  in  1539,  many 
pueblos  have  fallen  into  ruin  and  new  ones  have  been 
built.  We  have,  therefore,  three  epochs  of  pueblo 
architecture  —  the  present,  the  Spanish,  and  the  ancient. 

(c)  The  last  chapter  of  many  a  record  is  an  epitome;  Prehistoric 
graves  and  cemeteries  abound  in  instruction.  Compari-  ^""^^^^ 
son  of  ancient  burials  with  the  mortuary  customs  of 
historic  tribes  is  an  excellent  guide  to  lead  us  backward 
to  an  understanding  of  the  long-ago.  The  remains 
of  the  ancient  dead  are  seldom  isolated.  In  general, 
the  bones  of  clans  or  tribes  were  laid  side  by  side, 
or  in  some  one  of  many  curious  ways  assembled  in  a 
common  burial-place.  Four  of  these  burial-places,  differ- 
ing widely  in  their  characteristics,  may  be  taken  as  types. 

One,  at  Madisonville,  Ohio,  occupies  the  western  The  First 
extremity  of  a  plateau  overlooking  the  Little  Miami  ^^^^ 
River.  This  whole  area  has  been  carefully  dug  over  to 
a  depth  of  six  feet;  the  earth  thus  disturbed  was 
passed  through  a  sieve.  Hundreds  of  skeletons  were 
found  surrounded  with  pottery,  beads,  and  implements 
of  clay,  stone,  horn,  bone,  and  copper — the  objects 
that  were  most  esteemed  in  life  and  that  would  be 
most  needed  in  the  spirit-world.  In  many  cases,  these 
objects  are  of  well-known  use  among  modern  Indians, 
while  others  are  enigmas  to  the  archaeologist.  No  evi- 
dences of  association  with  Europeans  were  found,  and  the 
forest-trees  growing  over  the  cemetery  were  of  great  age. 

In  other  cases,  the    bones  of  the  dead  are  found  in  The  second 
box-shaped   graves   built   of    rough   stone    slabs.     Such  ^^^"^ 


34 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


"stone  graves"  have  been  found  in  northern  Georgia, 
Tennessee,  along  the  Cumberland  River  in  Kentucky, 
and  a  few  elsewhere.  In  some  cases,  thousands  of 
these  cysts  were  set  close  together  in  one  cemetery,  and 
a  hundred  or  more  in  different  layers  in  a  single  burial- 
mound.      One    grave  may  contain    from   one  to  twenty 

skeletons.  The  finding  of  the 
bones  of  children  in  little  boxes 
only  a  few  inches  long  has  given 
rise  to  the  notion  of  an  ancient 
race  of  American  pigmies. 

Ancient  cemeteries  of  a  third 
great  type  are  found  in  south- 
western California,  and  on  the 
Santa  Barbara  Islands  opposite. 
On  these  islands,  the  subsoil  is 
extremely  hard,  and  the  dead 
were,  therefore,  buried  in  the 
refuse-heaps  of  shells,  bones, 
rocks,  and  flint  chips,  the  only 
easilv  available  material  that  the 
winds  could  not  blow  away  — 
an  excellent  example  of  the  in- 
stone  Grave  flucnce  of  environment  upon 
human    customs    and    activities.      In    these    graves  were 


The  Third 
Type 


The  Fourth 
Type 


found  mortars  of  stone,  beautiful  cooking-vessels  of  soap- 
stone,  pipes,  sculptures,  musical 
instruments,  textile  fabrics,  paint, 
fish-hooks,  beads  of  shell,  chipped 
weapons,  and  tools  of  rare  delicacy. 
In  some  graves  were  found  glass 
bottles,  brass  buttons  and  kettles, 
and  other  objects  of  European  origin, 
clearly  showing  that  these  particular 
graves  were  not  prehistoric. 

Numerous  examples  of  urn-burials 
have  been  found  by  Mr.  Moore  in 
Georgia,  Alabama,  and  in  northwest  Florida,  while  Gen-- 
eral  Thruston,  in   his  Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  tells  of  the 


A  Sepulchral  Urn 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


35 


skeleton  of  a  child  buried  in  a  quadrangular  receptacle  of 
earthenware.  In  no  section  of  the  country  was  the  urn- 
burial  exclusively  used;  inclosed  remains  were  often 
found  side  by  side  with  remains  that  were  uninclosed. 
These  urn-burials  were  of  various  forms,  sometimes  dif- 
fering according  to  locality.  In  one  section,  lone  skulls, 
or  single  skulls  with  a  few  fragments  of  bone,  were  cov- 
ered with  inverted  bowls.  In  some  cases,  fragments  of 
calcined  human  bones  were  placed  on  the  sand  and  cov- 
ered with  inverted  urns.  In  other  cases,  the  urns  were 
filled  with  bits  of  calcined  bones,  some  of  the  urns  being 
covered  with  inverted  vessels  while  some  were  left  uncov- 
ered. In  still  other  cases,  single  skeletons  were  carefully 
taken  apart  and  packed  in  urns  with  or  without  covers. 
Plural  burials  of  this  type  have  been  occasionally  found. 
In  one  instance,  the  bones  of  five  infants  were  packed 
away  in  a  single  urn.      In  an  unique  case  cited  by  Mr. 


A   Mound   (Reproduced  from   De  Bry) 

Moore,  the  upper  half  of  the  skeleton  of  a  woman  was 
carefully  stowed   away  with  relics  in  an  oblong,  earthen 
receptacle,  beneath  which  was  the  rest  of  the  skeleton. 
[d]  To  ascertain  or  to  understand  the  historical  value 


36 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


Prehistoric  of  the  ancient  mounds  found  in  various  parts  of  the 
Mounds  United  States,  one  must  give  careful  consideration  to 
the  materials  of  which  they  are  composed,  their  external 
form,  internal  structure,  grouping,  geographical  distribu- 
tion, and  contained  relics  —  all  in  connection  with  the 
domestic  life  and  mortuary  customs  of  historical  Indian 
tribes,  and  the  changes  in  environment  so  far  as  they 
can  be  ascertained.  In  most  cases,  the  builders  of  the 
mounds  used  such  materials  as  were  at  hand.  Among 
the  mountains,  piles  of  stone  were  found;  on  the  prairies, 
the  rich  surface-soil  was  used.  Most  of  the  mounds  are 
of  simple  construction ;  but  strata  of  clay,  sand,  or  boul- 
ders that  must  have  been  carried  considerable  distances 
and  with  great  labor,  often  alternate  with  layers  of  burned 
clay  and  surface-soil  in  mounds  of  elaborate  construction. 
Mound  Form  The  cxtemal  form  of  the  mound  depended,  doubtless, 
somewhat    on    its    function    and    internal   structure,  but 


The  Great  Cahokia  Mound 

there  are  certain  diversities  according  to  which  they  may 
be  arranged  fairly  well  into  geographical  districts.  A 
common  form  is  the  rounded  heap  or  tumulus,  examples 
of  which  vary  from  a  few  to  hundreds  of  feet  in  diameter, 
and  from  two  to  sixty  or  more  feet  in  height.  Others 
were  laid  out  in  predetermined  geometrical  shapes, 
such  as  truncated  pyramids  and  cones,  with  terraced 
flanks,  graded  ways,  and  connecting  banks.  The 
grandest  of  these  in  the  United  States  is  the  Great 
Cahokia  mound  at  East  Saint  Louis,  Illinois.  Standing 
in  a  group  of  sixty  mounds  of  unusual  size,  it  covers  an 
area  of  about  ten  acres,  and  rises  to  a  height  of  about  a 
hundred  feet. 
Effigy  Mounds  Scattered  over  the  southern  half  of  Wisconsin,  and  in 
the  neighboring  portions  of  Iowa  and  Illinois,  are  many 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


37 


"  effigy  mounds."  For  the  most  part  they  are  heaps  of 
surface-soil  and  subsoil,  in  the  shape  of  animals  common 
in  their  respective  localities.  They  are  not  known  to 
contain  human  bones  or  relics.  Their  motive  is  enig- 
matical, and  probably  lies  in  their  external  form  and 
grouping.  The  example  of  this  class  that  has  excited 
the  most  discussion  is  the  Serpent  mound  on  Brush 
Creek  in  Adams  County,  Ohio.  It  is  a  bank  of  earth 
following     a     gracefully    curved     line     several     hundred 

f  e  e  t     long. 


-  'fir/-'' 


and  looking 
like  a  snake 
in  motion. 
In  front  of 
the  open 
mouth  of  the 
serpent  is 
an  elliptical 
mound. 

The  inter- 
nal structure 


Structure 


The  Serpent  Mound 

of  most  of  the  mounds  seems  to  have  been  determined  Mound 
by  some  central  object,  the  thing  for  which  the  mound 
itself  existed.     This  may  be  a  skeleton,  a  group  of  skele- 
tons, or  a  mass  of  baked  clay,  called  an  altar.      Tumuli 
of   external    similarity    exhibit    great    internal    diversity. 
Some   were    so   systematically   built   that   a   cross-section 
suggests  a  half-peach  or  plum  with  an  outer  skin  of  grass 
or  turf,  a  laver  of  soil,  a  hard  shell  of  stone  or  burned 
clay,  and   a   central    cyst  or  altar  with    human    or  other 
relics.      Of  the  almost  interminable  variety  of  structure, 
only  a   few  can   be   noted   here. 
The  accompanying  figure  rep- 
resents a  vertical  section  of  an 
ossuary    mound    in    Crawford  a- 
County,   Wisconsin,    opened    in 
1882.      Below  the   original  sur- 
face   of  the    ground   was    a    pit 
three   feet  deep  and  six  feet  in 


^m^-. 


Ossuary 
Mounds 


Section  of  an  Ossuary  Mound 


(The  line  A  A  represents  the  original 
surface  of  the  ground) 


38 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


diameter.  The  bottom  ot  this  pit  was  covered  with  an 
inch  of  fine  chocolate-colored  dust.  Then  came  a  cavity 
a  foot  high  in  the  center,  over  which  the  sand-filling  was 
arched.  Above  the  sand  and  on  the  level  of  the  surface- 
soil  was  a  little  mound  in  which  were  found  the  bones  of 
fifteen  or  twenty  persons,  in  a  heap  without  order  or 
arrangement.  Mingled  with  the  bones  were  charcoal 
and  ashes.  The  bones  were  charred,  and  some  were 
glazed  with  melted  sand.  Above  this  mound  (marked  2 
in  the  figure)  were  a  layer  of  clay  or  mortar  mixed  with 
sand  and  burned  to  a  brick-red  color,  and  another  layer 
two  feet  thick  and  composed  of  calcined  human  bones, 
mingled  with  charcoal,  ashes,  and  a  reddish-brown  mortar- 
like substance  burned  as  hard  as  pavement  brick.  Above 
this  was  the  external  layer  of  soil  and  sand  about  a  foot  thick. 

Burial-mounds  /•""^^^^  I ^;^ \       A  buHal-mound  on  the  bank 

of  the   Mississippi   River  near 

Davenport,  Iowa,  shows  a  like 

Section  of  a  Burial-mound  Stratified    structure.       Bcncath 

successive   layers  of  earth   and   stone   was   a   nucleus   in 

which  were  found  skulls  (and  fragments  of  bones)  lying 

in  a  semicircle  and  each  surround- 
ed by  a  circle  of  small  stones. 
From    the    position    of 
X,     the  skulls  and  bones, 
^s,        it    was    evident 
-  '■'  ■  '■'-■-—  that  these  bodies 


-j4^ 


•j'o 

c"'0' 

iPi 

(OS 

'Hi 

had  been  buried  in  a  sitting 
posture.  Accompanying  the 
skeletons  were  two  copper 
axes,  two  small  hemispheres 
of  copper  and  one  of  silver, 
a  bear's  tooth,  and  an  arrow- 
head. There  was  no  evi- 
dence of  the  use  of  fire  in  the 
burial  ceremonies.  All  of 
the  mounds  of  the  group  to  which  this  belongs  are  conical 
and  of  comparatively  small  size,  varying  from  three  to 
eight  feet  in  height. 


■miii 


Vertical  and  Horizontal  Sections  of  a 
Burial-mound 


The  Neolithic  Americans  39 

The  marked  feature  of  a  group  of  mounds  on  the  The  East 
bluff  that  overhangs  East  Dubuque,  IlHnois,  is  one  ?l"''"'l"^ 
sixty-five  feet  in  diameter,  ten  feet  high,  and  remark- 
ably symmetrical.  At  a  depth  of  six  feet,  a  rectangular 
vault  or  crypt  was  found,  with  sandstone  walls  three 
feet  high.  Cross-walls  cut  off  a  narrow  chamber  at  each 
end,  leaving  a  main  central  chamber  seven  feet  square. 
In  this  chamber  were  found  the  skeletons  of  five  chil- 
dren and  six  adults.  Apparently,  they  had  been  buried 
at  one  time,  arranged  in  a  circle,  and  sitting  against  the 
walls.  In  the  center  was  a  drinking-cup  made  from  a 
shell,  and  numerous  fragments  of  pottery.  The  cover- 
ing of  the  crypt  was  of  oak  logs.  Over  the  whole  was 
spread  layer  after  layer  of  mortar  containing  lime,  each 
succeeding  layer  harder  and  thicker  than  that  which  pre- 
ceded it,  a  foot  or  so  ot  ordinary  soil  completing  the 
mound.  The  timber-covered  vault  and  other  resem- 
blances between  the  mounds  of  this  group  and  others 
found  in  Ohio  "seem  to  indicate  relationship,  contact, 
or  intercourse  between  the  people  who  were  the  authors 
of  these  different  structures." 

This  is  not  the  only  case  where  shell-cups  have  The  "Royai" 
been  found  in  ancient  mounds,  and  calls  to  mind  the  Le  ^°^^'"^ 
Moyne  figure  copied  from  De  Bry  (page  ^^).  About 
three  hundred  years  ago,  Le  Moyne  remarked:  "Some- 
times the  deceased  king  of  this  province  is  buried 
with  great  solemnity,  and  his  great  cup  from  which  he 
was  accustomed  to  drink  is  placed  on  a  tumulus  with 
many  arrows  set  about  it."  Dr.  Thomas  thinks  it 
"quite  probable  that  Le  Moyne  figures  the  mound  at 
the  time  it  reached  the  point  where  the  shell-cup  was  to 
be  deposited,  when,  in  all  likelihood,  certain  ceremonies 
were  to  be  observed  and  a  pause  in  the  work  occurred." 

The  celebrated  Grave  Creek  mound  in  West  Virginia  The  Grave 
is   in    the   form   of  a  cone,  about  seventy  feet   high  and  ^'^'^^^  Mound 
nearly   three   hundred   feet  in  diameter  at  the  base.     A 
shaft    sunk    from    the    apex    to   the   base   disclosed   two 
wooden   vaults.      The   upper   vault  was    about   half-way 
down  the  shaft  and  contained  a  single  skeleton,  decorated 


40 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


with  a  profusion  of  shell-beads,  copper  bracelets,  and 
plates  of  mica.  The  other  vault  was  rectangular,  twelve 
by  eight  feet,  seven  feet  high,  and  partly  in  an  excavation 
made  in  the  natural  ground.  Along  each  side  and  across 
the  ends  were  upright  timbers  that  supported  other 
timbers  that  served  as  a  cover  for  the  vault.  In  this 
vault  were  two  human  skeletons,  one  of  which  had  no 
ornaments,  while  the  other  was  surrounded  by  hundreds 
of  shell-beads.  Around  this  vault  ten  other  skeletons 
were  found,  and  at  a  distance  of  twelve  or  fifteen  feet, 
several  masses  ot  charcoal  or  burned  bones. 


The  Cherokee  Dr.  Thomas  says 
Ancestry  ^^^^  u  ^^^  impor- 
tant result  of  the 
explorations  in  this 
northern  section 
of  the  United 
States   is    the   con- 


view  and  Section  of  the  Grave  Creek  Mound 


viction  that  there  was,  during  the  mound-building  age, 
a  powerful  tribe  or  association  of  closely  allied  tribes 
occupying  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  whose  chiet  seats 
were  in  the  Kanawha,  Scioto,  and  Little  Miami  val- 
leys," that  all  the  works  of  these  localities  are  relatively 
contemporaneous,  and  "  that  the  Cherokees  are  the 
modern  representatives  of  the  Tallegwi,  and  that  most 
of  the  typical  works  of  Ohio  and  West  Virginia  owe 
their  origin  to  this  people." 

In     the    Appalachian    district    (consisting    chiefly    ot 


II 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


41 


southwestern  Virginia,   western    North   Carolina,  eastern  The 
Tennessee,  and  the  southeastern  part  of  Kentucky)  is  a  ^ppaiachi; 

-,.,  ,,  ..^^.  .     .  •'  ^  Mounds 

class  or  burial-mounds  that  dirrer  in  several  important 
respects  from  any  that  we  have  yet  mentioned.  One  of 
these,  called  the  Nelson  mound,  near  the  Yadkin  River 
in  Caldwell  County,  North  Carolina,  was  an  almost  true 
circle,  thirty-eight  feet  in  diameter  and  not  more  than 
eighteen  inches  in  height.  Excavation  showed  that  a 
circular  pit  had  been  dug  three  feet  deep,  and  that  the 
dead  had  been  deposited  and  then  covered  with  earth. 
Walled   graves   or  vaults   and   an  altar-shaped  structure 


The  Nelson   Mound,  after  Excavation 

were  built  of  water-worn  boulders  and  clay.  A  cir- 
cular hole  three  feet  deep  and  three  feet  in  diameter 
had  been  dug  at  the  center  of  the  large  pit.  In  this 
smaller  pit,  a  skeleton  had  been  placed  upright  on  his 
feet  and  surrounded  by  a  stone  wall  that  was  narrowed 
toward  the  top  and  covered  with  a  single  stone  of 
moderate  size.  On  the  top  of  the  head  of  the  skeleton 
were  found  several  plates  of  silver  mica.  The  bones  of 
the  skeleton  were  held  in  position  by  the  earth  with 
which   the   vault  was    filled   as    the    latter  was   built   up. 


42 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


Mound 
Grouping 


Each  of  nine  similar  and  smaller  vaults  contained  a 
skeleton  in  a  sitting  posture.  Implements  of  polished 
stone  were  found  in  some  of  these  graves.  Four  unin- 
closed  skeletons  in  squatting  postures  were  found  with 
their  faces  turned  away  from  the  one  in  the  central  crypt. 
One  of  these  was  of  unusual  size.  Two  uninclosed 
skeletons  lay  at  full  length,  and  with  them  were  found 
pieces  of  soapstone  pipes  and  other  relics.  The  altar- 
shaped  mass  of  water-worn  boulders  gave  no  indications 
of  fire  on  it  or  around  it,  but  many  of  the  stones  of  the 
vaults  and  the  earth  immediately  around  them  bore 
unmistakable  evidences  of  fire.  Small  pieces  of  pottery 
and  charcoal  were  scattered  through  the  earth  that  filled 
the  pit,  the  bottom  and  sides  of  which  were  so  distinctly 
marked  that  they  could  be  traced  without  difficulty. 

The  location  and  grouping  of  the  mounds  offer  wide 
diversities.  Single  mounds  are  found  on  the  banks  of 
streams,  on  their  terraces,  and  on  high  eminences,  in 
forests  and  in  open  fields;  but  those  that  kindle  the 
liveliest  interest  are  found  in  groups,  with  or  without 
inclosing  embankments,  and  especially  in  the  central 
region  of  the  United  States.  In  some  of  these  groups, 
each  mound  has  an  evident  relation  to  some  other 
mound;  in  other  cases,  the  mounds  seem  to  be  sub- 
sidiary to  earth-walls;  and  in  still  others,  the  individual 
mounds  form  parts  of  a  general  system.  The  bluff 
mounds,  associated  for  long  distances  along  the  rivers, 
may  have  served  as  signal-stations  for  giving  notice 
of  approaching  danger  or  of  the  movements  ot  game. 
The  pyramidal  mounds  generally  occur  in  groups  as 
though  they  were  parts  of  a  social  system,  serving  as 
residences  for  neighboring  clans,  or  as  places  tor  the 
ceremonials  of  a  complicated  service.  Some  of  these 
relations  will  appear  more  clearly  further  on. 

The  geographical  distribution  of  the  mounds  is  very 
uneven,  their  abundance  here  and  their  rarity  there  being 
apparently  determined  by  the  density  and  the  fixedness 
of  the  ancient  population,  by  the  climate,  by  the  char- 
acter of  the  soil,  and  by  tribal  or  national  idiosyncrasies. 


Geographical 
Distribution 


The  Neolithic  Americans  43 

The  most  noteworthy  of  these  remains  He  south  of  the 
forty-fifth  parallel,  and  between  the  eightieth  and  the 
ninety-fifth  meridians.  Excepting  those  of  Florida, 
nearly  all  of  the  mounds  lie  in  the  drainage  systems  of 
the  great  lakes  and  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

"Relics"  are  the  objects  found  in  the  mounds,  as  Mound  Relics 
distinguished  from  the  structural  parts  of  the  mounds. 
They  include  charred  food,  pottery,  chipped  and  polished 
stone  implements,  pipes,  plummets,  discoidal  and  cere- 
monial stones,  rude  sculptures,  personal  ornaments, 
animal  tissue,  textile  material,  etc.  Some  of  these  relics 
are  very  interesting  ;  e.g.,  the  vase  found 
by  Clarence  B.  Moore,  one  of  the  most 
successful  archaeological  explorers  within 
the  area  of  the  United  States.  On  one 
side  of  the  vessel,  which  is  of  excellent 
red  ware  and  about  eight  inches  in  height, 
is  a  raised  human  figure  standing  with  back 
turned  to  the  observer  and  grasping  the 
rim  of  the  vessel  with  both  hands.  The 
other  side  shows  the  head  and  face  look-  ^'^'  ^'°"'  ^'°"^' 
ing  across  the  rectangular  aperture.  A  brief  considera- 
tion of  the  technical  aspects  of  mound  relics  will  be  found 
in  a  later  part  of  this  chapter.  The  laying  out  of 
archaeological  districts  was  governed  largely  by  the  classi- 
fication of  such  relics. 

The  indications  thus  given  suggest  that  the  languages  significance  of 
and  industries  of  the  mound-builders  of  the  United  ^^^  Diversity 
States  were  as  diversified  as  were  those  of  the  Indians 
first  found  in  the  same  areas.  Whether  these  relics,  by 
their  diversity  of  form  and  quality  of  workmanship, 
entitle  the  mound-builders  to  a  higher  rank  in  skill  and 
civilization  than  that  of  the  historical  Indians,  is  a  ques- 
tion that  has  given  rise  to  bitter  controversy.  The  satis- 
factory study  of  the  problem  has  been  much  embarrassed 
by  the  difficulty  of  separating  the  relics  of  the  earlier  of  the 
Indians  from  the  relics  of  the  later  of  the  mound-builders 
who  preceded  them,  by  the  changes  in  art  and  industry 
brought    about    by   the   early   contact   of   the   American 


44  The  Neolithic  Americans 

Indians  with  Europeans,  and  by  the  lamentable  want  ot 
exactness  and  impartiality  shown  by  many  who  have 
written  on  the  subject. 
Earthworks  (e)  The  term  "earthwork"  applies  to  all  artificial 
embankments  of  the  surface-soil,  of  stones  and  earth 
combined,  or  of  burned  clay.  These  works  inclose 
areas  varying  from  one  to  many  acres,  and  are  variously 
classified:  according  to  the  materials  of  which  they  were 
made  —  as  earthworks,  stone  forts,  stone  walls,  etc.; 
according  to  their  forms  —  as  circles,  octagons,  parallel 
banks,  trench-banks,  geometric  works,  contour  works, 
etc.;  and  according  to  their  supposed  functions  —  as 
fortifications,  village  inclosures,  cemeteries,  and  ceremo- 
nial inclosures.  Each  of  these  classes  exhibits  a  wide 
range  of  elaboration.  The  most  elaborate  consist  ot 
walls  and  trenches  combined  in  almost  every  conceivable 
way.  The  remains  of  ancient  stockades  are  common  in 
all  parts  of  the  United  States,  but  the  works  of  more 
elaborate  design  are  most  numerous  and  imposing  in  the 
northern  and  southern  central  states,  in  New  York,  Ar- 
kansas, and  southeastern  Missouri.  These  works  of  elab- 
orate design  are  of  two  kinds:  "defensive  works,"  built 
on  bluffs  or  on  tongues  of  elevated  land,  flanked  by 
ravines;  and  "sacred  inclosures,"  built  on  level  plains 
and  conforming  more  or  less  closely  to  common  geomet- 
rical figures  or  to  combinations  thereof. 
Fort  Ancient  Of  thcsc  dcfcnsive  earthworks,  the  strongest  and  the 
most  important  is  that  known  as  Fort  Ancient.  This 
crowning  effort  of  the  pre-Columbian  military  engineers 
is  in  Warren  County,  Ohio.  It  lies  upon  the  edge  of  a 
broad  plateau,  two  hundred  and  ninetv-one  feet  above 
the  low-water  level  of  the  Little  Miami  River  which 
flows  along  the  base  of  its  western  slope.  An  area  of 
about  a  hundred  and  twenty-six  acres  is  inclosed  by 
walls  nearly  four  miles  long.  The  embankments  consist 
chiefly  of  earth,  reinforced  here  and  there  by  stone,  and 
resemble  somewhat  the  heavy  grading  of  a  railway-bed. 
The  position  is  one  of  great  natural  strength,  a 
tongue  of  land  being  flanked  by  two  ravines  that  enter 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


45 


the  river,  one  above  the  fort  and  the  other  below  it.     On   Prehistoric 
the  western  side,  next  the  river,  the  descent  is  precipitous.   J^'I'^t. 

/-r-'i  ■  11  •!!  1  iri  tngineering 

i  he  embankment  was  carried  along  the  very  edge  of  the 
hill,  reaching  outward  to  pass  around  the  spurs  and  then 
leading  inward  to  avoid  the  gullies.  The  wall  varies 
from  four  to  thirty-three  feet  in  height  and  has  an  average 
thickness  of  forty  or  fifty  feet.  At  all  the  more  easily 
accessible  points,  the  defenses  show  increased  strength. 
Toward  the  east  the  plateau  is  slightly  rolling,  and  on 
that  side  the  embankment  is  very  massive,  exceeding 
twenty  feet  in  height.  At  this  point,  the  moat  or  ditch 
is  external  to  the  wall;  elsewhere,  it  is  within. 

At  the  time  of  the  occupancy  of  the  fort  by  the  people  Then  and  Now 
who    built   it,  the  walls    probably    averaged    twenty    feet 
in  height  and  were 


surmounted  by 
strong  palisades. 
Today,  one  may 
stand  upon  the 
wall  at  almost  any 
point  and  look 
downward  for  two 
or  three  hundred 
feet,  over  ground  so 
steep  that  it  could 
be  traversed  from 
below  only  with  ex- 
treme difficulty. 
Supplies  of  stones 
of  sizes  suitable  for 
throwing  are  found 
at  many  points  upon 
the  walls  where  they 
might  be  used  with 
good  effect  upon  an 
enemy   coming   up  ^^^p  °^  ^°'^  ^"^''^"^ 

the  steep  sides  of  the  ravines.  In  the  southern  part  of 
this  inclosure  (called  the  Old  Fort)  is  a  village  site,  part 
of  which  was  used  as  a  cemetery.    This  site  is  still  plainly 


46 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


Battle-field 


marked  by  pottery  tragments,  animal  bones,  flint  chips, 
etc.  In  the  cemetery  were  tound  more  than  two  hundred 
skeletons  incased  in  graves  neatly  made  of  limestone  slabs. 
A  Prehistoric  On  manv  of  the  hillsides,  especially  around  the  Old 
Fort,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  feet 
from  the  walls  above,  are  artificial  terraces  trom  fifteen 
to  thirtv  feet  wide.  They  have  the  appearance  of  roads 
so  long  abandoned  that  underbrush  and  great  trees  have 
grown  upon  them.  These  terraces  are  marked  by  stone- 
heaps,  graves,  ash-heaps,  and  camp  sites;  their  use  has 
long  been  a  matter  ot  conjecture.  Noteworthy  diver- 
sities ot  burial,  pottery,  etc.,  and  cranial  differences 
indicate  that  the  people  whose  remains  are  found  on 
these  terraces  w^re  not  of  the  same  tribe  as  were  those 
who  dwelt  within  the  walls.  There  is  much  to  imply 
that  the  assailants  met  with  a  disastrous  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  builders  and  defenders  of  Fort  Ancient. 
"When  we  consider  that  the  Miami  valley  contains  a 
great  many  village  sites,  mounds,  and  small  inclosures, 
and  that  Fort  Ancient  is  the  only  really  strong  position 
of  them  all,  we  can  readily  believe  that  the  aborigines, 
for  a  radius  of  thirty  or  forty  miles,  would  flock  to  this 
rendezvous  and  use  it  as  a  common  fortification." 

As  to  the  age  of  Fort  Ancient  there  is  little  evidence 
other  than  that  two  forests  have  grown  upon  its  embank- 
ments. How  much  its  age  exceeds  four  hundred  years 
no  one  knows.  Many  more  than  two  successive  forests 
"may  have  sprung  into  lite,  fallen,  decayed,  and  passed 
away  since  the  last"  ot  the  builders  of  this  ancient 
Gibraltar  vanished  from  the  valley  of  the  Miami.  Time 
has  dealt  gently  with  the  ancient  stronghold  and  the 
walls  are  still  in  fairly  good  condition.  The  property 
now  belongs  to  the  state  and  some  provision  is  made 
for  its  care.  Important  defensive  earthworks  are  also 
found  in  southeast  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana, 
Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Wisconsin,  and  various 
other  localities. 

The  so-called  sacred  or  ceremonial  inclosures  occur 
in    great    numbers    and  with    great    variety    of  size  and 


Age  of  Fort 
Ancient 


Ceremonial 
Inclosures 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


47 


complexity.  The  most  simple  form  is  that  of  a  ring,  as 
nearly  round  as  the  crude  appliances  ot  the  builders 
enabled.  The  more  complex  forms  consist  of  combina- 
tions of  rings,  quadrangles,  polygons,  graded  ways, 
parallel  banks,  ditches,  pyramids,  mounds,  etc.  The 
most  important  of  these  are  found  near  the  southward 
flowing  streams  of  Ohio. 

Perhaps  the  most  extensive  is  the  group  known  as  the  The  Newark 
Newark  works,  which  occupies  an  area  nearly  two  miles  ^^'°'''*^^ 


Scale  of  Feet 
lOon 


Map  of  the  Ancient  Works  at  Newark,  Ohio 

square  on  a  slightly  elevated  plain  at  the  junction  of  the 
South  and  the  Raccoon  forks  of  the  Licking  River, 
about  a  mile  west  of  Newark,  Ohio.  The  large  inclosure 
at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  group  receives  its  name 
from  the  fact  that  it  embraces  the  fair-grounds  of  the 
Licking  County  agricultural  society.  Uninjured  by  the 
plow,  and  with  its  primeval  trees  still  standing,  it  is  one 
of  the  best  preserved  of  the  ancient  monuments  of  the 
country.  It  is  nearly  a  true  circle.  The  wall  varies  in 
width  from  thirty-five  to  fifty-five  feet,  and  in  height  from 
five  to  fourteen  feet.  At  the  entrance  to  the  circle,  the 
wall  curves  outward,  leaving  a  passage  eighty  feet  wide. 
The  ditch  on  the  interior  of  the  wall  varies  in  width  from 
twenty-eight  to  forty-one  feet,  and   in  depth  from  eight 


+8 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


to  thirteen  feet.  The  smaller  circular  inclosure  at  the 
western  extremity  of  the  group  approaches  even  more 
nearly  to  a  geometric  form,  and  has  a  diameter  of  about 


Map  Showing  Some  of  the  Ancient  Works  of  the  Scioto  Valley,  Ohio 

a  thousand  and  fifty  feet.  The  average  height  of  the 
walls  is  between  four  and  five  feet.  At  a  point  opposite 
the  entrance  is  a  crown-work.  As  this  mound  is  higher 
than  the  embankment,  it  has  been  called  the  Observatory. 
Parallel  walls   run   from   the   Observatory  Circle  to  the 


The  Neolithic  Americans  49 

Octagon,  which  shows  a  close  approach  to  geometric 
regularity.  At  each  angle  is  a  gateway  covered  by  a 
truncated  pyramidal  mound  within  the  inclosure.  Ex- 
tending between  the  walls  of  the  northern  parallel  for  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  is  an  embankment  broad  enough  for 
fifty  persons  to  walk  abreast.  South  of  this  another 
parallel  leads  from  the  Octagon  to  the  Square  on  the  east 
side  of  the  works.  The  walls  of  these  parallels  do  not 
exceed  four  feet  in  height.  The  nearly  perfect  Square 
connects  by  a  broken  line  of  parallels  with  the  Fair- 
ground Circle.  The  parallel  shown  at  the  extreme  right 
of  the  map  forms  a  "graded  way."  The  map  shows 
other  features  that  must  be  passed  over  in  this  description 
with  the  single  suggestion  that  the  small  circles  may  have 
been  the  sites  of  circular  buildings. 

The  remarkable  extent  and  frequency  of  these  ancient  in  the  sdoto 
works  may  be  inferred  trom  the  accompanying  map  of  ^^'^^^ 
a  section  of  twelve  miles  of  the  valley  of  the  Scioto 
River  in  Ohio.  It  is  certain  that  these  inclosures 
were  not  designed  as  defensive  works,  and  probable  that 
they  were  not  used  exclusively  for  formal  worship.  If 
so  disposed,  one  may  easily  see  in  them  the  fair-grounds, 
the  plazas,  and  the  athletic  parks  of  an  aboriginal 
people,  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  "scientific  imagination," 
reproduce  the  ball  games,  tribal  initiations,  festivals  of  the 
seasons,  religious  rites,  and  all  the  pomp  and  parade 
of  an  ancient  community. 

{/)  The  surface  of  the  soil  and  the  beds  of  shallow  Prehistoric 
streams  supplied  the  primitive  stone-worker  with  what  Qiia^'es 
he  needed  for  his  coarsest  work;  he  simply  helped 
himself  without  the  aid  of  quarrying-tools.  But  surface 
and  stream  fragments  were  not  the  best  material  for 
many  of  his  purposes;  rocks  in  situ  and  in  boulder-beds 
are  more  tractable  than  surface  finds  or  brook  pebbles. 
Hence  the  pre-Columbian  Indians  made  excavations 
many  feet  in  depth  until  they  reached  the  choicest  beds 
that  their  peculiar  mechanical  instincts  enabled  them  to 
recognize.  When  such  a  bed  was  found  it  was  worked 
until  it  was  exhausted.      These  quarries  cover  areas  vary- 


o 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


Means  and 
Methods 


ing  from  a  few  acres  to  several  square  miles  in  extent. 
In  one  place  in  Arkansas  more  than  a  hundred  thousand 
cubic  yards  of  stone  were  removed  and  worked  over. 

The  appliances  for  quarry  work  were  very  primitive. 
The  ancient  quarrymen  made  use  of  fire  and  water; 
stone  in  natural  and  artificial  forms  served  for  mauls  and 
hammers;  hardwood,  antler,  bone,  and  shell  furnished 
picks  and  chisels,  wedges,  hoes,  crowbars,  etc.  To  secure 
the  greatest  quantity  of  the  best  material  in  the  most 
compact  form  and  in  the  shortest  time,  the  modern  ship- 
wright hews  timbers  in  the  forest  and  leaves  the  chips 
behind  to  save  the  freight;  the  pre-Columbian  mechanic 
solved  a  similar  problem  in  a  similar  way,  and  thus 
reduced  the  burdens  of  the  women  who  bore  the  half- 
shaped  pieces  from  the  quarry  to  the  workshop  nearer 
home.  The  abundance  of  relics  in  different  stages  of 
manufacture  fbund  upon  those  workhouse  sites  have 
enabled  the  archaeologist  to  reproduce  most  of  the  indus- 
trial processes  of  this  ancient  industry. 

Steatite  was  quarried  in  Rhode  Island  and  Connecti- 
cut, slate,  granite,  porphyry,  greenstone,  and  quartz 
in  Vermont  and  the  Champlain  valley,  jasper  in  Penn- 
sylvania, and  serpentine  (a  much  coveted  material  for 
pipes)  in  the  Alleghanies.  There  is  a  belief  that  wells 
were  sunk  and  petroleum  collected.  Mica  mines  were 
worked  in  the  mountains  of  western  North  Carolina, 
and  soapstone  was  worked  in  northern  Alabama.  At 
Flint  Ridge,  Licking  County,  Ohio,  is  a  ledge  of  pink 
and  bluish  agate  to  which,  from  time  immemorial,  the 
aborigines  resorted  for  the  material  for  their  weapons 
and  cutlerv.  The  excavations  and  the  retuse-heaps  at 
this  place  cover  many  square  miles,  and  hammer-stones 
and  broken  blades  abound.  The  honestone  (novaculite) 
quarries  of  Arkansas  offer  the  most  extensive  ancient 
diggings  yet  found  in  the  United  States. 
Salt  and  Copper  The  Saline  watcrs  of  Illinois  were  evaporated  to  form 
salt,  and  the  copper  mines  of  Michigan  were  worked 
long  before  the  coming  of  the  white  man.  In  one 
case,  a  mass  of  nearlv  pure  copper  weighing  more   than 


(Juarry 
Products 


The  Neolithic  Americans  5  i 

six  tons  had  been  raised  several  feet  along  the  bottom 
of  the  pit  by  means  of  wedges  and  hammers,  and, 
when  found,  was  resting  upon  a  cob-work  of  round  logs 
six  to  eight  inches  in  diameter.  The  arboreal  and  other 
evidences  carry  back  the  time  when  these  copper  mines 
were  worked  at  least  to  a  period  corresponding  to 
Europe's  medieval  era.  The  metal-producing  Ameri- 
cans of  that  day  were  prospectors  or  surface  explorers; 
they  did  not  work  underground. 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  sources  of  material  for  Art  and 
aboriginal  art  is  the  vast  deposit  of  indurated  red  clay  Commerce 
(catlinite)  at  Coteau  des  Prairies  in  southwestern  Min- 
nesota. This  ledge  was  worked  in  prehistoric  times, 
and  the  ancient  pits  may  be  traced  in  a  narrow  belt  for 
nearly  a  mile  across  the  prairie,  following  the  outcrop  of 
the  mineral.  To  the  present  time,  the  Siouan  tribes 
make  annual  pilgrimages  to  this  shrine  of  the  ceremonial 
pipe,  where  the  men  block  out  the  stone  and  the  women 
tend  the  camp-fires  —  a  survival  of  ancient  practice  for 
modern  observation.  In  many  of  the  mounds,  especially 
those  of  Ohio,  obsidian,  pipestone,  mica,  and  copper 
have  been  found  hundreds  of  miles  from  their  native 
sources.  It  is,  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  these 
substances  were  quarried  with  great  care,  bartered  from 
tribe  to  tribe,  and  finally  deposited  with  the  dead. 

(g)  Examples  of  the  artificial  storage  of  water  by  Hydrotechny 
the  prehistoric  Americans  are  rare  in  the  eastern  parts 
of  the  United  States.  The  mound-builders  excavated 
ponds  and  led  thither  water  from  springs,  and  ancient 
canals  are  found  in  Florida,  Louisiana,  and  Arkansas. 
In  the  southwestern  states  and  territories  the  aborigines 
built  dams,  dug  ditches,  stored  water,  and  used  it  for 
irrigation.  The  arable  tract  of  the  Salado  River,  a 
tributary  of  the  Gila,  comprises  nearly  half  a  million 
acres,  and  the  watering  of  fully  half  of  it  was  controlled 
by  canals.  The  outlines  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of 
ancient  irrigating  ditches  may  be  readily  traced,  and  some 
of  them  meander  fourteen  miles  from  their  source.  In 
recent   years,  as    pointed  out  by   Mr.  Hodge,  the  con- 


5  2  The  Neolithic  Americans 

querors  of  the  pueblo  people  have  learned  to  imitate  this 
wise  policy  of  making  the  water-supply  of  vast  areas 
independent  of  the  climate. 
Corn-hills  and  {h)  Evidenccs  of  prehistoric  agriculture  are  found  in 
Garden-beds  widely  Separated  parts  of  the  country.  In  several  parts 
of  New  York,  large  corn-hills  remained  until  a  recent 
period.  They  were  much  larger  than  those  used  by  the 
whites;  each  small  mound  contained  several  hills  and 
was  used  for  many  years  successively.  So-called  garden- 
beds  are  found  in  southwest  Michigan  and  other  states. 
They  consist  of  ridges  of  earth,  often  parallel,  and  with 
paths  between  them,  and  are  distinguished  from  the  corn- 
fields further  east  chiefly  by  their  symmetrical  arrange- 
ment and  regularity  of  outline.  In  one  example,  at 
Kalamazoo,  the  rows  were  laid  out  in  the  form  of  a  wheel 
with  twenty-four  spokes.  The  ridges  vary  from  five  to 
sixteen  feet  in  width,  from  twelve  to  a  hundred  feet  in 
length,  and  from  six  to  eighteen  inches  in  height.  They 
have  yielded  no  relics,  and  the  question  of  their  origin  is 
still  a  subject  for  study  or  conjecture.  The  arboreal 
evidence  indicates  that  they  antedate  the  early  French 
exploration  of  that  region.  Somewhat  similar  traces 
occur  in  the  ancient  pueblo  region  of  the  southwest,  and 
modern  agricultural  Indians  (the  Pimas)  declare  the 
inclosures  to  be  ancient  gardens. 
Trails  and  (/')   Thc  ancient  carriers  of  the  United  States  had  no 

Transportation  ^g^st  of  burdcn  Other  than  the  dog,  and  made  little  or 
no  use  of  wheeled  vehicles.  The  commerce  of  the 
continent  was  borne  upon  the  backs  of  men  and  women, 
and  trails  or  paths  worn  in  the  earth  and  rock  by  weary 
feet  were  the  precursors  of  the  modern  road  and  railway. 
These  trails  formed  a  mighty  network  spread  over  the 
continent  and  many  of  them  became  the  pathways  of  the 
pioneer  and  the  highways  of  a  later  civilization.  Long 
voyages  were  made  by  lake  and  river  and  even  by  canal. 
An  aboriginal  Marco  Polo  might  have  paddled  south- 
ward from  our  most  northern  boundary  through  the 
great  lakes,  leaving  the  inland  seas  at  the  point  where 
Cleveland  stands,  going  up  the  river  to  its  most  southern 


The  Neolithic  Americans  53 

point,  bearing  his  canoe  on  his  back  eight  miles  across 
the  famous  "Cuyahoga  portage"  to  the  most  northern 
point  of  the  Tuscarawas  River,  and  thence  floating  easily 
down  the  waters  of  the  Muskingum,  the  Ohio,  and  the 
Mississippi  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Before  the  coming 
of  the  European  this  portage  formed  the  boundary 
between  the  Iroquois  and  the  western  tribes,  and  part  of 
it  is  a  traveled  highway  to  this  day.  Among  other  well- 
known  portages  were  those  now  known  as  the  Chicago, 
the  Fox-Wisconsin,  the  Saint  Joseph,  and  the  Chautau- 
qua. Associated  with  these  routes  of  ancient  commerce 
are  the  rock-inscriptions,  blazed  trees,  staked  plains, 
stone-heaps,  and  other  devices  for  keeping  the  aboriginal 
traveler  in  the  path  he  ought  to  follow. 

{j)  The  still   existing  tools  and  products  of  ancient  industrial 
aboriginal   industries   in   the   United  States  constitute  a  Tools  and 

r      1  /-  1  •    1  Products 

large  part  of  the  records  from  which  we  may  study  the 
arts  and  culture  of  those  who  used  or  made  them.  As 
we  look  upon  these  ancient  relics,  whether  they  were 
implements,  utensils,  weapons,  or  ornaments,  we  should 
remember  that,  in  most  cases,  they  are  mere  fragments 
of  the  originals,  the  missing  parts  of  which  have  been 
removed  by  use  or  decay.  The  complete  "restoration" 
is  often  made  possible  by  patient  comparison  with  similar 
tools  or  products  of  modern  Indians.  These  relics  of  the 
mounds  may  be  divided  into  two  classes  — 
those  the  uses  and  methods  of  manufacture 
of  which  are  known,  and  those  the  function 
or  the  making  of  which  the  modern  savage 
does  not  understand.  The  former  class  helps 
us  to  a  knowledge  of  the  culture-status 
of  the  maker  or  user;  the  latter  class  has 
flooded  archaeology  with  conjecture.  If 
every  relic  belonged  to  the  first  class,  there 
would  be  no  doubt  of  the  racial  identity  of 
the  mound-builders  with  the  modern  Indians. 

The  principal  relics  found  in  the  United      chipped  Ceit       chipped  Stone 
States  are  of  stone.     The  industrial  stones  are  silicious  p™'^""^ 
or  granular,  and  the  objects  made  from  them  are  accord- 


54 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


Pecked  Stone 
Products 


ingly  classified  as  chipped  stones,  or  as  pecked  or 
ground  stones.  The  chipping  of  stone  produced  arrow- 
points,  spear-heads,  knives  and  saws,  as  well  as  other 
implements  for  the  early  American  furriers  and  fisher- 
men, basket-makers,  farmers,  surgeons,  and  warriors. 
These  chipped  implements,  many  of  which  closely 
resemble  the  paleolithic  implements,  although  they  are 
of  better  finish,  were  made  of  the  flinty  rock  of  the 
neighborhood  in  which  they  are  found.  Each  tribe 
seems  to  have  had  its  own  knack  of  doing  its  work,  and 
some  of  the  products  were  so  delicate  and  beautiful  that 
they  well  might  have  been,  and  perhaps  were,  exalted 
above  the  drudgeries  of  industry  into  the  region  of  art 
or  ceremony. 

The  art  of  battering,  abrading,  cutting,  and  polishing 
stone  had  a  large  application  in  all  parts  ot  the  country, 
and  seems  to  have  run  through  an  interest- 
ing gamut  of  processes.  Innumerable  stone 
hammers,  celts,  axes,  mortars  and  pestles, 
cups  and  pots,  plummets,  disks,  and  pipes 
were  thus  made.  Each  class  of  these  objects 
has  a  geographical  distribution  depending 
upon  the  sources  of  the  materials  and  upon 
the  course  of  ancient  commerce.  Among 
these  neolithic  objects  are  certain  enigmas, 
forms  that  the  American  Indians  have  never 
been  seen  to  use  or  to  manufacture.  Some 
of  them  required  much  skill  and  labor 
to  work  into  their  present  forms,  and 
are  chiefly  interesting  to  us  for  that 
reason.  Judging  from  the  number  of 
pipes  found  in  mounds  and  graves,  the 
ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Mississippi 
valley  must  have  been  sturdy  smokers. 
The  bust  shown  in  the  accompanying 
figure  was  carved  from  a  coarse  marble 
and  found  in  one  ot  the  mounds  of  the 
Etowah  group  in  Georgia. 

Specimens  of  ancient  pottery  are  found  in  a  limited 


Grooved  Ax 


The  Etowah  Bust 


Ceramics 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


55 


part  of  western  Alaska,  along  the  northern  tier  of  states 
from  Minnesota  eastward,  and  down  the  Atlantic  coast. 
The  mounds  of  the  middle  Mississippi  valley  have 
been  prolific  of  a  plain  but  excellent  ware,  the  gulf 
states  yield  still  another  type,  but  the  most  delicate 
and  beautiful  examples  of  prehistoric  ceramic  art  yet 
recovered  have  come  from  the  village  sites  of  Arizona 
and  New  Mexico.  Still  further  southwest,  about  the 
lower  Gila  drainage,  elegant  forms  of  plain  red  pottery 
are  found. 

The  vessel  was  built  up  by  coiling  a  cylindrical  roll  ot   Pottery 
properly  prepared  clay,  by  molding  the  clay  over  or  in   p™"^^^^ 
some   hard  object  or  in  network,  by  ham- 
mering the  wet  malleable  clay  with  a  paddle, 
or  by  free-hand  modeling.    After         ^~. 
the  preliminary  process,  the  ves-  "' 

sel  was  sometimes  improved  by  ,' 
polishing  off  the  tracings  of  the 
coil  and  the  marks  of  fingers 
and  tools,  by  the  addition  of  a 
wash  of  various  colors,  by  pressing  strings,  textiles,  nets, 
tools,  or  stamps  into  the  soft  surface,  by  painting  the 
surface  in  geometrical,  pictorial,  or  symbolic  designs,  by 
attaching  handles  and  other  useful  or 
ornamental  parts,  or  by  decorating  in 
relief  or  intaglio.  The  burning  was 
done  in  open  fires.  In  this 
^1  process  the  vessels  assumed 
a  color  depending  upon  the 
constituents    of    the    clay. 

Mug  and  Bowl  xt_  '^  I       ■ 

^  JNo     vitreous     glazmg    was 

attempted  and  none  produced  except  by  accident.  The 
art  flourished  in  its  greatest  purity  and  exaltation 
before  the  Spanish  conquest  of  New  Mexico.  As  a 
rule,  the  social  system  of  the  tribes  was  modified,  and 
the  arts  that  pertained  especially  to  women,  as  did 
basketry  and  pottery,  were  degraded  by  the  coming  of 
the  conquerors  or  they  were  entirely  abandoned. 

Speaking  in  the  modern  sense,  the  prehistoric  Indians  Metallurgy 


Bottle  and  Vase 


56 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


of  the  United  States  were  not  metallurgists.  Their  iron 
objects  are  merely  bits  of  iron  ore,  treated  as  stone  of 
like  texture.  They  seem  to  have  had  no  knowledge  of 
working  metal  except  by  pounding  or  grinding  it  cold. 
No  one  has  found  any  ancient  metallurgic  workshop  or 
anv  remains  that  indicate  the  tormer  existence  ot  one.  But 
when  thev  found  a  metal  like  copper,  capable  ot  being 
wrought  and  fashioned  without  smelting  or  molding,  its 
use  was  perfectly  compatible  with  the  simple  arts  ot  the 
stone  period.  The  chemical  analyses  of  many  copper 
relics  found  bv  Mr.  Moore  in  the  aboriginal  mounds  of 
Georgia  and  Florida  strongly  corroborate  the  opinion, 
generally  held  by  American  archaeologists,  that  this  copper 
is  of  American  provenience  and  was  worked  by  hammer- 
ing with  primitive  tools.  There  was  in  Europe  no 
supply  of  native  ( i.e.,  unsmelted  )  copper  sufficient  tor 
commercial  purposes,  and  the  material  of  these  relics  is 
much  purer  than  any  of  the  copper  produced  from 
European  ores  by  the  rude  processes  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries.  The  finest  specimens  of  artistic 
copper-working  have  been  found  in  the  Etowah  mounds 
of  Georgia,  in  the  Turner  and  the  Hopewell  groups  of 
mounds  in  Ohio,  and  to  a  limited  extent  in  Florida. 
Some  of  these  objects  carry  suggestions  ot  the  gaudy 
Aztec  warrior  attire,  and  the  band- 
ages on  the  arnis  and  legs  seem  to 
give  hints  ot  the  early  wooden 
sculptures  of  the  Bahamas  and  the 
Greater  Antilles;  but  one  who  has 
seen  a  Seminole  chiet  in  full  dress 
need  not  go  so  tar  afield  tor  the 
motive  for  these  copper  plates. 
Some  silver  and  a  little  gold 
have  been  found  in  the  Ohio 
mounds. 

The  textile  fabrics  of  the  ancient 
tribes  of  the  United  States  have 
been  preserved  by  charring,  by  contact  with  copper  relics 
the  salts  of  which   arrest  decay,  by  the  preservative  salts 


Textile 
Industry 


Charred   Fabric 


The  Neolithic  Americans  57 

of  burial-caves,  by  impressions  lett  upon  pottery,  and  by 
the  arid  climate  of  the  Southwest.  The  charred  speci- 
mens recovered  from  the  moun^ls  of  the  valleys  of  the 
Ohio  and  the  Mississippi  are  made  of  two-ply  cord  or 
twisted  filaments,  in  plain  or  diagonal  patterns,  in  close 
or  open  work,  and  have  a  marked  resemblance  to  the 
styles  of  Indian  weaving  found  along  the  borders  of  the 
great  lakes,  and  along  the  north  Pacific  Coast  as  far  as  the 
Aleutian  Islands. 

Examples  of  prehistoric  cloth  that  had  been  wrapped  cioth, 
around  copper  implements  or  beads  or  other  objects  have  ^j'^j^af"^^ 
been  found  in  all  the 
central  and  southern 
states  from  Georgia  to 
Iowa,  and  are  common 
objects  in  museums. 
Reports  of  the  discov- 

f.'i       r  l_    ■        ■  Moccasin 

textile  rabncs  m 

caverns  and  shelters  began  to  find  their  way  into  print  at  an 
early  date  in  the  history  of  the  country,  and  the  supply  of 
such  material  available  for  study  is  extensive.  The  accom- 
panying figure  represents  a  neatly  plaited  moccasin  found 
in  a  cave  in  Kentucky.  One  of  the  most  interesting 
specimens  of  this  class  of  fabrics  is  a  fragment  of  ancient 
split-cane  matting,  obtained  from  Petite  Anse  Island,  off" 
the  southern  coast  of  Louisiana.  It  was  found  near  the 
surface  of  the  salt-bed,  fourteen  feet  below  the  surface  of 
the  soil,  and  two  feet  below  the  fossil  remains  of  an  ele- 
phant, thus  suggesting  the  existence  of  man  on  the  island 
prior  to  the  deposit  of  the  fossil  in  the  soil.  The  material 
consists  of  the  outer  bark  of  the  common  southern  cane, 
and  has  been  preserved  for  so  long  a  period  both  by 
its  silicious  character  and  the  strongly  saline  condition 
of  the  soil. 

In    all    ages    and    countries,    textiles    have    furnished  Decoratm 
motives    for    the    decoration    of   pottery.      The    desired  '^" 
results  were  secured  by  simply   pressing  cords  into  the 
soft  clav  in  geometric  patterns,  by  pressing  a  net  or  piece 
of  cloth  upon  the  soft  surface,  or  perhaps  by  making  up 


58 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


Pictographs 


Burials 


the  vessel  in  a  cloth  or  network.  When  the  vessel  was 
burned,  the  most  delicate  marks  were  fixed.  There  is 
not  a  state  within  the  Mississippi  and 
Atlantic  drainage  basins  that  does  not 
furnish  some  example  of  the  preservation 
of  native  fabric  impressions  on  earthen- 
ware. The  largest  and  most  varied  col- 
lections of  these  ancient  fabrics  have  been 
found  in  the  cliff-dwellines  of  the  South- 

Fabric-marked  Vase  i    •         i  •  r  •  11 

west,  and  m  the  rums  or  ancient  pueblos, 
where  the  arid  climate  has  aided  in  their  preservation. 
The  cliff  and  cavate  lodges  on  the  Rio  San  Juan, 
where  Colorado,  Utah,  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico 
join,  disclose  all  the  varieties  of  textiles  known  to  the 
modern  Indians,  and  more.  As  to  material,  there  is 
no  difference  between  the  basketry  and  textiles  of  the 
American  Indians  of  the  present  time  and  those  of 
the  most  ancient  people  that  dwelt  on  the  same  area. 
If  the  ancient  artisans  possessed  implements  for  weaving 
and  plaiting,  no  traces  of  those  implements  have  come 
down  to  us.  All  twisting  of  filaments  seems  to  have  been 
done  bv  hand;  none  of  these  prehistoric  fabrics  is  fine 
enough  to  indicate  the  use  of  the  spindle. 

[k)  In  every  state  of  the  Union  are  found  figures  of 
men  and  beasts,  and  marks  that  seem  to  be  hieroglyphic, 
carved  by  ancient  Americans  on  cliffs  and  boulders  and 
on  stones  specially  prepared.  In  the  publications  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  Col.  Garrick  Mallery 
has  shown  how  to  read  many  of  these  old  etchings  in  the 
light  of  pictography  and  sign  language  as  practised  by 
modern  Indians  who  have  no  other  form  of  written 
records. 

(/)  Care  for  the  dead  has  preserved  for  the  living  the 
best  records  of  the  past.  It  is  not  uncommon  for  an 
ethnologist,  judging  from  the  shape  of  bones  before  him, 
to  affirm  confidently  that  the  man  or  woman  in  question 
was  an  Indian  or  differed  from  an  Indian  of  today;  or, 
judging  from  the  special  way  in  which  the  bones  are 
placed  in   the  sepulcher,  that  the  dead  belonged  to  this 


The  Neolithic  Americans  59 

tribe  or  to  that ;  or,  judging  from  the  state  of  preservation 
of  the  bones, that  they  are, or  are  not,  of  great  antiquity,  and 
so  on.  In  a  great  collection  of  crania,  the  expert  may  come 
to  recognize  certain  types  ;  but  great  caution  should  be 
used  in  drawing  large  conclusions  from  such  data.  The 
earth  packed  over  the  dead  often  modifies  the  form  of  the 
bones  ;  in  many  cases  it  is  not  easy  to  decide  whether  the 
burial  was  original  or  intrusive  ;  many  tribes  intentionally 
deformed  the  skulls  of  infants  ;  the  cradle-board  modified 
the  length  and  shape  of  the  cranium  ;  and  different  soils 
cause  human  skeletons  to  decay  with  unequal  rapidity. 

Reviewing  all  the  testimony  of  the  neolithic  remains   interpretation 
and  relics  in  the  United  States,  to  what  conclusions  may   '^^^■'^ 

...  .        .  .     .     ^       A  estimony 

we  safely  come  regardmg  their  antiquity  and  origin  ? 
The  true  method  of  interpretation  is  to  place  these 
witnesses  side  by  side  with  similar  forms  in  daily  use 
among  historic  or  still  existing  Indians.  If  the 
ancient  forms  agree  with  the  modern,  we  shall  be  very 
likely  to  conclude  that  the  two  peoples  were  on  equally 
elevated  planes  of  culture.  The  stone,  shell,  and  copper 
relics  are  only  the  enduring  remnants  of  former  weapons, 
tools,  and  products  of  industry,  from  which  other  parts 
have  been  taken  by  decay.  With  the  knowledge  that 
careful  study  of  still  lingering  tribes  has  put  at  our  com- 
mand, we  may  generally  restore  these  decayed  parts,  and 
thus  bring  back  what  the  centuries  have  filched  away. 
This  is  a  well-established  method  of  archaeological  study. 

Suppose  that  an  Indian  tribe  now  living  or  described  An  illustrative 
in  authentic  history  had  settled  not  far  from  the  Ohio  ^'"^^"'^ 
River,  built  earth-circles  and  rectilinear  figures,  fortified 
terraces,  buried  their  dead  in  mounds  and  with  care,  as 
the  mound-builders  of  the  Ohio  district  did  ;  it  would  be 
a  fair  presumption  that  this  tribe  was  descended  from  the 
builders  of  the  ancient  tumuli,  or  had  been  taught  by 
them.  If  there  are  now  living,  or  have  lived  in  historic 
times,  tribes  with  arts  so  nearly  like  those  of  the  mounti- 
builders  that  they  convince  us  of  relationship  or  contact, 
we  may  go  to  these  tribes  or  to  the  records  of  them  for 


6o  '     The  Neolithic  Americans 

such  assistance  as  they  can  give  in  the  reconstruction  ot 
the  daily  life  of  this  somewhat  mysterious  people.  Un- 
fortunately, civilization  works  such  radical  changes  in 
aboriginal  life  that  the  force  of  such  a  lesson  is  somewhat 
weakened.  If  the  builders  of  the  Ohio  mounds  had  been 
actively  at  work  in  1492,  they  who  explored  the  Missis- 
sippi vallev  a  hundred  years  later  might  have  been  too  late 
to  come  into  contact  with  arts  that  were  wholly  abo- 
riginal. 
Rival  Theories  There  are  two  widely  held  and  antagonistic  opinions 
concerning  the  builders  of  these  mounds.  One  school 
of  archaeologists  insists  that  the  mound-builders  were  far 
more  cultured  than  anv  known  North  American  Indians, 
that  their  earthworks  were  more  complicated  and  better 
finished,  that  their  arts  of  fashioning  and  polishing  stone 
and  of  fabricating  pottery,  their  agriculture  and  their 
architecture,  were  more  advanced,  and  that  their  social 
and  religious  systems  were  of  a  higher  order  than  were 
those  of  their  successors.  This  theory  leads  up  to  the 
concept  of  an  extinct  civilization  and  a  vanished  race. 
The  more  modern  school  confidently  insists  that  "  there 
is  nothing  found  in  the  mode  of  construction  of  these 
mounds  nor  in  the  vestiges  ot  art  they  contain  to  indicate 
that  their  builders  had  reached  a  higher  culture-status 
than  that  attained  by  some  of  the  Indian  tribes  found 
occupying  the  country  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the 
first  Europeans." 
Ethnologic  At  no  time  in  the  history  ot  any  ot  the  older  nations  of 

Continuity  j-j^^  world  has  the  whole  population  been  removed  to  give 
place  to  another  altogether  ditTerent.  Continuity  is  the 
law  of  history,  and  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  that  law 
has  been  violated  here.  It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  a 
race  should  come  upon  the  stage,  act  its  part,  and  go 
away  to  give  place  to  another  company  of  players  with 
whom  the  first  had  naught  to  do.  There  were  fifty  dis- 
tinct stock  languages  spoken  at  one  time  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States  by  Indians  of  the  historic  period, 
and  the  peoples  using  them  differed  from  one  another  in 
forms  of  government,  mythology,  and  arts.      Some  of  the 


The  Neolithic  Americans  6 1 

stocks,  as  the  Algonquian,  the  Iroquoian,  the  Athapas- 
can, the  Muskhogean,  the  Siouan,  and  the  Shoshonean 
were  spread  over  vast  territories,  while  others,  if  they 
ever  were  numerous  or  widely  diffused,  had  shrunk  to 
mere  handfuls  before  they  were  discovered  by  the  historian. 
In  every  case,  when  their  houses,  furniture,  tools,  and 
weapons  are  placed  side  by  side  with  those  left  by  the 
people  of  long-ago,  they  correspond  in  a  remarkable 
manner,  and  enable  the  student  to  reproduce  the  leading 
features  of  ancient  American  life  without  any  other  aid. 

Whether  the  American  aborigines  were  autochthonous,  whence? 
created  on  the  western  hemisphere,  or  whether  they 
came  from  Asia  across  Bering  Strait  and  the  Aleutian 
chain,  or  whether  they  came  from  Polynesia  to  South 
America  and  migrated  northward,  or  whether  they  came 
from  E,urope  by  way  of  Iceland,  Greenland,  and  land 
bridges  that  are  now  submerged  —  it  is  not  possible  to 
trace,  now  and  with  certainty,  the  paths  along  which 
they  were  drawn  or  driven.  It  certainly  took  a  longtime  when? 
to  develop  on  the  western  hemisphere  at  least  two  hun- 
dred languages  differing  among  themselves  more  widely 
than  do  those  of  Europe,  so  distinct  that  the  words  in 
each  seem  totally  independent  of  those  in  any  of  the 
others.  Furthermore,  some  of  the  older  remains  are  cov- 
ered with  forest-trees  more  than  six  hundred  years  old,  that 
have  grown  up  since  their  sites  were  deserted  by  seden- 
tary inhabitants.  The  different  qualities  of  work  in  the 
remains  and  relics  of  the  mound-builders  certainly  point 
to  periods  of  political  splendor  and  decay,  or  to  violent 
conquests.  In  the  eastern  half  of  the  United  States, 
the  climax,  the  Augustan  age  of  the  neolithic  American, 
was  reached  by  the  mound-builders  of  the  Ohio  valley. 
The  decadence  of  art  had  set  in  when  the  white  men  first 
visited  that  region.  It  is  possible  that  the  acquisition 
of  iron  and  steel  tools  stimulated  a  brief  renaissance, 
and  that  in  the  relics  of  this  period  we  have  the  most 
elaborate  specimens  of  the  mound-builders' labor  and  skill. 
Like  arts  were  flourishing  to  recent  time  in  the  southern 
states,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  were  practised  elsewhere. 


62 


The  Neolithic  Americans 


The 
Conclusion 


There  still  remains  a  lamentable  break  between  the 
prehistoric  and  the  historic  eras  in  the  New  World. 
Not  many  years  ago,  a  distinguished  antiquary  and 
historian  exclaimed:  "We  must  give  it  up,  that  speech- 
less past;  .  .  .  lost  is  lost,  gone  is  gone  forever." 
But  modern  scholarship  is  more  hopeful;  the  veil  is 
slowly  lifting.  Problems  that  a  few  years  ago  were 
thought  to  be  insoluble  "  have  been  satisfactorily  solved 
and  have  now  become  foundation-stones  in  the  archaeo- 
logical structure."  The  evidence  so  far  secured  leads  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  monuments  of  Mexico  and  Cen- 
tral America,  as  well  as  those  of  the  mound-builders  and 
the  cliff-dwellers,  are  chiefly  attributable  to  the  ancestors 
of  the  people  found  in  those  regions  by  modern  European 
discoverers  and  explorers.  The  discovery  of  articles  of 
European  manufacture  in  some  of  the  mounds,  under 
conditions  that  preclude  any  connection  with  intrusive 
burials,  indicates  that  the  custom  of  building  mounds 
had  not  ceased  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  America 
as  clearly  as  does  the  discoverv  of  man-made  implements 
in  the  glacial  gravels  that  the  credentials  of  the  glacial 
American  cannot  be  rejected. 


CHAPTER 


I      I      I 


M 


A 


A 


D 


M 


N    our    hurried    way    into    the    firm     paths    of  Post-Coiu 


demonstrable    history    we     pass     into     a     field  bian  claims  of 


V^.^  thickly  strewn  with  bewildering  fact  and  fancy,  bian  Discovery 
After  Columbus  had  glorified  Spain  and  Cabot  had 
magnified  England  in  ways  of  which  we  soon  shall  tell,  it 
was  to  be  expected  that  other  nations  would  seek  to 
gratify  their  pride  by  pointing  out  their  own  priority  of 
honor.  Thus  Basque  and  Norman,  Welsh  and  Irish, 
sun-tinted  Italian  and  snow-bleached  Scandinavian  appear 
in  the  forum  with  Arabian  and  Chinese  and  attorneys  for 
almost  every  race  of  eastern  Asia,  each  claiming  his 
share  in  the  gift  of  a  new  world  to  the  Old.  The  offered 
evidence  is  of  varying  worth.  Little  of  it  is  of  a  char- 
acter to  carry  conviction,  and  all  of  it  has  been  disputed. 
Naturally  enough,  the  claimants  offer  a  multitude  of 
inherent  possibilities,  some  of  which  are  made  pictur- 
esque by  accompanying  probabilities.  Moreover,  there  is 
something  fascinating  in  fairy  tales  of  travel  that  struck 
the  imagination  of  our  ancestors,  and  "a  charm  in  any 
evidence  which  goes  to  show  that  Pliny  and  Polo  and 
the  author  of  Sindbad's  voyages  were  not  liars."  Duty 
and  pleasure  thus  detain  us  in  this  court  of  claims,  ante- 
chamber of  our  labyrinth. 

Among  these  spectral    images  of   discovery,  we   may  Phenidan 
first  note  a  tradition  that  a  Mediterranean  people,  passing  discovery 
the  pillars  of   Hercules  ( i.e.,  sailing   through   the    Strait 
of  Gibraltar ),  were  driven  westward  by  a  storm  and  heard 


64 


Maze  and  Myth 


Grecian 
Discovery 


Chinese 
Discovery, 
499  A.  D. 


of  no  more.  For  some  reason  not  recorded  "it  is 
thought  that  they  reached  the  American  coast."  There 
are  now  in  the  museum  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  certain  brass 
tablets  discovered  in  the  northern  part  of  Brazil  and 
covered  with  Phenician  inscriptions,  doubtless  forgeries, 
that  tell  of  the  discovery  of  America  five  centuries 
before  Christ.  It  is  also  given  as  veritable  history 
"that  a  farmer  near  Montevideo,  South  America, 
discovered  in  one  of  his  fields,  in  1827,  a  flat  stone 
which  bore  strange  and  unknown  characters;  beneath 
this  stone  was  a  vault  made  of  masonry  in  which  were 
deposited  two  ancient  swords,  a  helmet,  and  a  shield." 
The  inscription  on  the  stone  was  translated  as  follows : 

During  the  dominion  of  Alexander,  the  son  of 
Philip,  King  of  Macedon,  in  the  sixty- 
third   Olympiad,  Ptolemais. 

"On  the  handle  of  one  of  the  swords  was  a  portrait, 
supposed  to  represent  Alexander.  The  helmet  had  on  it 
fine  sculptured  work,  representing  Achilles  dragging  the 
corpse  of  Hector  around  the  walls  of  Troy.  This 
would  seem  to  point  to  an  early  Grecian  discovery  of 
America."      But  there  is  room  for  doubt. 

In  1 761,  it  was  announced  to  the  European  world 
that  America  had  been  discovered  by  the  Chinese  in  the 
fifth  century.  The  Chinese  annals  record  that  a  Buddhist 
priest  visited  Fusang,  a  country  far  to  the  east.  This 
priest  found  that  the  people  there  had  already  adopted 
the  religion  of  Buddha,  borne  to  them  by  five  beggar 
monks  twenty-nine  years  before.  He  told  wonderful 
stories  of  the  Fusang-tree,  and  recorded  the  fact  that  the 
oxen  had  horns  of  ten  bushels  capacity,  and  that  they 
were  used  for  holding  household  goods.  This  mendicant 
monk,  or  some  other  writer  whose  story  was  recorded  in 
the  same  section  of  the  Chinese  book  of  antiquities,  told 
of  a  country  to  the  east  of  Fusang  where  all  the  people 
were  women,  where  maternity  was  engendered  by  bathing 
in  a  certain  river,  and  the  children  were  nourished  from 
a  tuft  of  hair  upon  the  shoulder.  It  has  been  held  that 
Fusang  was  California  or  Mexico.     The  Chinese   route 


Maze  and  Myth  65 

was   actually   laid   down   on   the  maps  —  a  very  common 
demonstration  of  such  propositions. 

But  the  nascent  West  need  not  pale  its  glory  before  Irish 
that  of  the  dead  or  dying  Orient.  There  is  a  distinct  '^'^covery 
class  of  Irish  tales  to  the  effect  that  highly  civilized  Irish- 
men came  to  America  before  Columbus  or  even  the 
Northmen  of  whom  we  soon  shall  speak.  They  date  from 
before  the  dawn  of  certain  history.  Part  of  this  story 
relates  that  an  Icelander,  Are  Marson,  was  shipwrecked 
on  the  coast  of  America  in  983  or,  according  to  another 
statement,  in  928.  This  land  was  "White  Men's 
Land,"  or  "  Great  Ireland."  It  extended  from  New 
York  to  Florida,  and  was  inhabited  by  a  Christian 
people  who  baptized  Are  Marson  and  made  him  their 
chief.  Unfortunately,  the  legend  records  the  distance 
from  Ireland  to  "White  Men's  Land"  as  only  six  days' 
sail  toward  the  west. 

The  second  chapter  is  more  romantic.  One  Bjarni  The  Froda 
Asbrandson,  famous  as  an  Icelandic  Falstaff  and  a  Ro'"^"" 
daring  viking,  was  forced  into  an  agreement  to  go 
abroad  and  not  to  see  his  Thurid  for  a  year.  And  so 
the  viking  went  from  home  and  neither  man  nor  vessel 
was  ever  seen  again  in  Iceland.  Thirty  years  later,  one 
Gudleif  and  his  companions  were  driven  westward  by  a 
storm  and  thrown  upon  an  unknown  coast.  All  were 
taken  prisoners,  bound,  and  carried  inland.  As  the 
captives  were  surrounded  by  the  natives,  "  it  rather 
seemed  to  them  that  they  spoke  Irish."  They  were 
led  before  a  white-haired  chieftain  who  addressed  them 
in  their  own  tongue,  and  made  particular  inquiry  con- 
cerning Thurid,  her  brother,  and  her  son.  As  they 
were  about  to  leave,  the  chieftain  said:  "If  the  fates 
permit  you  to  come  to  your  own  country,  then  shall 
you  take  this  sword  to  the  yeoman  Kjartan  of  Froda, 
but  this  ring  to  Thurid  his  mother.  Say  he  sends  them 
who  loved  the  lady  of  Froda  better  than  her  brother, 
the  priest  of  Helgafell."  Then  did  Gudleif  know  that 
his  protector  was  Bjarni  Asbrandson.  He  did  as  he 
was  bid,  and  gave  the  ring  to  Thurid  and  the  sword  to 


66 


Maze  and  Myth 


Irish- 
American 
Colonization 
of  Iceland 


Welsh 
Discovery 


The  Madoc 
Legend 


Kjartan,  the  son  of  the  chieftain  of  Hvitramannaland, 
or  "  White  Men's  Land."  1  he  renegade  chieftain  had 
let  the  captives  go  that  his  memory  might  once  more  be 
garlanded  by  the  Thurid  of  his  dreams. 

As  a  specimen  of  enthusiasm  running  riot,  we  make 
mere  mention  ot  the  claim  that  Iceland  was  first  peopled 
not  from  Europe  but  from  Virginia  and  Carolina  by 
Irishmen  who  had  earlier  migrated  to  America.  Pro- 
fessor Tyndall  remarks  "that,  when  feeling  escapes  from 
behind  the  intellect,  where  it  is  a  useful  urging  force, 
and  places  itself  in  front  of  the  intellect,  it  is  likely  to 
produce  glamour  and  all  manner  of  delusions."  More 
than  this.  We  are  assured  that  Saint  Patrick  preached  the 
gospel  in  the  "Isles  of  America;"  but  as  he  lived  in 
the  fifth  century  the  occurrence  of  the  word  "America" 
in  the  story  "casts  a  decidedly  apocryphal  hue  over  the 
otherwise  gauzy  fabric."  There  seems  to  be  no  end  to 
the  procession  of  enthusiasts  who  see  overmuch  in  their 
studies  of  pre-Columbian  discoveries. 

Ignoring  for  the  moment  the  claims  of  Norse  discov- 
ery, which  would  come  next  in  chronological  order,  but 
which  rest  upon  a  better  bottom,  we  cross  Saint  George's 
Channel  from  Ireland  to  Wales,  the  home  of  another 
story. 

Come  listen  to  a  tale  of  times  of  old, 
Come,  for  ye  know  me.      I  am  he  who  sang 
The  Maid  of  Arc,  and  I  am  he  who  framed 
of  Thalaba  the  wild  and  wondrous  song. 
Come  listen  to  my  lay  ;   and  ye  shall  hear 
How  Madoc  from  the  shores  of  Britain  spread 
The  adventurous  sail,  explored  the  ocean-paths, 
And  quelled  barbarian  power,  and  overthrew 
The  bloody  altars  of  idolatry. 

Thus  Southey  introduces  his  Madoc^  a  learned  and  inter- 
esting poem  that  induced  an  American  to  denounce 
the  poet  for  having  "  meditated  a  most  serious  injury 
against  the  reputation  of  the  New  World  by  attributing 
its  discovery  and  colonization  to  a  little  vagabond  Welsh 
prince." 

Owen  Gwynnedd,  the  prince  of  North  Wales  and  the 
father  of  seventeen  sons  and  two  daughters,  died  in  1 169. 


Maze  and  Myth  67 

His  oldest  son,  lorwerth  Drwyndwn  (i.e.,  Edward  with 
the  broken  nose),  declined  the  scepter  "  because  of  the 
maime  upon  his  face,"  and  so  the  rule  fell  to  his  half- 
brother,  Howel,  "a  base  son  begotten  of  an  Irish  woman." 
The  next  son,  David,  refused  obedience  to  his  bastard 
brother  and  appealed  to  arms.  The  still  younger  brother, 
Madoc,  commander-in-chief  of  the  navy,  fled  from  the 
civil  strife  and  put  to  sea. 

Madoc  I  am,  the  son  of  Owen  Gwynnedd, 
With  stature  large  and  comely  grace  adorned. 
No  lands  at  home,  nor  store  of  wealth  me  please  j 
My  mind  was  whole  to  search  the  ocean  seas. 

About  1 170,  he  sailed  westward  with  his  fleet  and  discov- 
ered a  new  land  that  was  so  pleasing  that  he  left  there 
most  of  his  men  and  ships  and  returned  to  Wales  for 
more.  He  soon  went  back  with  one  of  his  brothers  and 
many  others,  enough  to  fill  ten  ships.  There  is  no 
account  of  the  return  of  any  of  these  to  Wales.  It 
appears,  however,  that  communication  with  the  mother 
country  was  maintained,  for  we  are  informed  that  "  they 
followed  the  manners  of  the  land  they  came  to  and  used 
the  language  they  found  there."  Some  have  thought 
that  their  new  home  was  in  Canada,  and  others  that  they 
landed  in  Florida  or  passed  up  the  Mississippi  River. 
One  of  the  most  persistent  of  the  early  myths  in  regard 
to  the  American  Indians  was  that  of  the  existence  of  a 
tribe  of  Welsh  Indians,  the  descendants  of  this  colony 
founded  by  Prince  Madoc. 

Next  comes  the  story  of  possible  American  discovery  Arabian 
by  Arabian  sailors  in  the  twelfth  century.     At  that  time,  discovery 
the  Arabians  were  the  world's  most  daring  sailors  and  the 
leading  custodians  of  scientific  knowledge.     The  story 
goes  that  eight  of  these  Arabs  built  a  boat,  provisioned  it 
for  a  voyage  of  several  months,  and  fearlessly  sailed  from 
Lisbon    directly  out   into    the    Sea   of  Darkness.      This  The  Saiiors' 
dreaded  watery  waste  with  its  fabled  monsters  was  "  a  vast  Superstition 
and  boundless  ocean  on  which  ships  dare  not  venture  out 
of  sight  of  land,  for,  even   if  they  knew  the  direction  of 
the  winds,  they  would  not  know  whither  those  winds 


68 


Maze  and  Myth 


would  carry  them  and,  as  there  is  no  inhabited  country 
beyond,  they  would  run  great  risk  of  being  lost  in  mist 
and  vapor."  Here  was  the  home  of  the  monster  with 
the  ox's  head,  with  knobbed  scales,  and  with  hatred  for  all 
Christians.  Here  was  Demogorgon  with  hurricanes  and 
destruction  flowing  from  his  mouth.  Here  Sindbad's 
gigantic  roc  seized  its  white-winged  prey  and  soared  aloft 
with  ship  and  crew  into   the  upper  air.      Here  Satan's 


Route  of 
the  Arabs 


The  Sea  of  Darkness 

black  and  horrid  hand  reached  forth  from  ocean  depths 
to  seize  and  to  destroy  any  one  who  ventured  to  intrude. 
At  the  end  of  eleven  days  they  entered  a  sea  of  grass. 
Beneath  the  grass  were  sunken  rocks,  above  the  grass  a 
sickening  smell.  They  were  nearing  the  western  bounds 
beyond  which  nothing  was  ;  the  very  sun  began  to  fade 
away.  None  too  soon  they  turned  their  prow  toward 
the  south.  They  landed  on  an  island,  were  discovered 
and  imprisoned,  and  then  were  set  adrift  upon  the  sea. 
Wind  and  wave  bore  them  to  the  African  coast  where  the 
natives  cared  for  them  kindly.  Thence  they  returned  to 
Lisbon.     They  probably  saw  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  and 


Maze  and  Myth 


69 


the  Azores,  if  indeed  there  is  so  much  of  truth  in  the 
story.  But  there  are  those  who  see  therein  the  record 
of  a  pre-Columbian  discovery  of  America. 

Another  claim  to  the  laurels  of  Columbus  is  wrapped  The  Zeni 


m  the  story 
ers,  Nicolo  and 
of  Venice, 
wonderful  dis- 
m  a  n  y  letters, 
a  map.  Let- 
were,  genera- 
given  to  an 
scendant,  Ni- 
which  to  play. 
Nicolo  tore  to 
torical  docu- 
thus  early  in 
made  the  sole 
the  wonderful 
bits,  and  in 
them  together 
to  the  public, 
three  hundred 
putatious  world 


DEI   COMMENTARir    DEL 
yU^i" '" I'e.ih ffi  M.  Cuia-ina i'.tm  d K. 

L'.SRC    !)VJ!. 

KT     DttLO    SCOPR  I  MliNTO 

fAatiii,  (r  l<gfttJiUloCli<IQ  Jlpcto  ^flicD,llj 

dm  fnuilh  z<ui,M.  Nicci'oil  K  .t  M.^enmw. 
l;3ro  vn'o. 

CON    VN    DlSECN'O     P/UTICOLAB  r.    Dl 

(iiittttdtrrrpf.iietli  Tiwnontitiiit 'Lilorjtopi.ru. 

CON  CiKATlA,   £7    i'MVll,£(;iu 


Title-page  of  the  Zeni 

Annals  (Reduced) 


of  the  broth 
Antonio  Zeni, 
They  made 
coveries,  wrote 
and  produced 
ters  and  map 
tions  later, 
infantile  de- 
colo  ZenOjwith 
The  young 
shreds  the  his- 
ments  of  which, 
1  i  f  e ,  he  was 
custodian.  But 
child  saved  the 
later  life  put 
and  gave  them 
For  more  than  1558 
years  a  dis- 
has  given  much 


Brothers, 
1380-1404 


controversy  to  the  truth  or  untruth  of  the  story. 

The  Nicolo  Zeno  who  lived  after  Columbus  said  that,  Frisianda 
in  1380,  his  wealthy  ancestor  of  the  same  name  fitted 
out  a  ship  and  sailed  away,  a  true  knight  errant  of  the 
wave.  A  friendly  storm  drove  him  from  his  northward 
course  and  cast  him  on  an  unknown  coast.  The  ship- 
wrecked Zeno  and  his  crew  were  rescued  from  the  natives 
by  Zichmni,  the  king  of  Frisianda,  a  neighboring  island. 
Frisianda  was  a  cold  land,  but  the  letters  written  thence 
had  an  atoning  fervor.  Zichmni  was  able  to  converse  a  Royal 
with  Zeno  in  Latin,  the  universal  language,  and  gave 
him  a  royal  welcome.  He  made  the  Venetian  an  officer 
in  the  royal  navy  and  conferred  similar  favors  on  his 
brother  Antonio,  who  went  to  Frisianda  for  that  purpose. 
The  third  brother.  Carlo,  kindly  remained  at  home  and 


Patron 


70 


Maze  and  Myth 


acted  as  the  recipient  of  the  letters  written  from  Frislanda. 
The  favor  of  Zichmni  was  probably  more  than  Nicolo 
could  bear,  for  in  four  years  he  died.  The  death  of 
Nicolo  seems  to  have  broken  all  restraint  on  the  fancy 
of  his  brother  Antonio — or  of  his  descendant  and 
namesake. 

About  this  time,  Zichmni  was  moved  by  the   reports 
of  an  old  fisherman  who,  a  quarter  of  a  century  before, 


CAKU^J^^J^t^J^  Ot   NICOLO  ET  ANTONIO  ZEMl  rVRONO  IH  TRAMONTANA.   LANO  MCCCLjnCX- 


The  Zeni  Map 

had  been   storm-driven  a  thousand   miles  westward  and 
wrecked   on   the   island   of   Estotiland   { i.e.,  Newfound- 
land).     The   king   here   did   not    speak    Latin,    but    he 
A  Fisherman's  kept  a   Latin    Secretary,  as   Cromwell  did.     Thence  the 
Story  truthful  fishcmian  moved  southward  and  still  southward 

to  Drogeo,  where  some  of  his  companions  were  eaten  by 
the  natives.  Here  he  lived  thirteen  years  among  a  very 
savage  people  who  were  at  war  continually.  Of  course, 
these  were  the  red  Indians  of  North  America.      Moving 


M  a  z  e  and  M  y  t  h  y  i 

southwest,  the  fisherman  found  and  noted  the  great 
wealth  and  semi-civihzation  of  Mexico,  and  then  returned 
to  tell,  with  all  the  traditional  veracity  of  his  gild,  the 
story  of  his  travels  and  discoveries  to  the  believing 
Zichmni.     Antonio  reported  all  of  it  to  Carlo. 

Then  the  Frislanda  king  fitted  out  a  great  expedition,  zichmni 
became  an  explorer,  and  finally  found  a  country  so  fair  discovers 

1  1  r  T-    •    1  1  1       1  ■  ^  ■         America 

that  he  roreswore  l^nslanda  and  determmed  to  remain 
and  found  a  new  state.  What  land  of  all  the  lands 
could  this  have  been  but  our  own  Columbia?  Antonio 
Zeno  w'as  sent  back  to  Frislanda  with  Zichmni's  ships. 
His  last  existing  letter  speaks  of  a  book  in  which  he  had 
recorded  the  adventures  of  himself  and  his  brother,  as 
well  as  of  the  king  whom  they  had  served.  But  this 
invaluable  treasure  failed  to  survive  the  destructive 
tendencies  of  the  youthful  Nicolo  —  who  lived  after 
Columbus. 

The  whole   narrative    is    a   confused  jumble  of  geog-  a  Literary 
raphy,  ingenious   here,  rather   clumsy   there,  and  on   the  ^"^p^^'^^''^ 
whole   hardly  worth  printing.      But   it  has  been  printed 
many  a  time  and  buttressed  with  the  support  of  influen- 
tial   names.      Zichmni    has    been   declared  identical  with 
Henry  Sinclair,  the  earl   of  Orkney.      Frislanda   is   not; 
where  was   it   before   it  was   swallowed  up  by  some  great 
cataclysm    of  the    sea   as   Atlantis   was?      How   could   it  it  Lacks 
happen  that  the  discoveries  of  the  Frislanda  fisherman,   Contemporary 

^  ^  ,  -11  r    /-^     1  1  ,     Corroboration 

so  much  more  extensive  than  those  or  Columbus  and 
all  the  navigators  who  followed  him  for  the  next 
hundred  years,  should  have  escaped  the  excited  interest 
of  the  world  to  lie  forgotten  for  two  hundred  years 
in  the  archives  of  the  Zeni  ?  How  could  historians 
contemporaneous  with  the  Zeni  brothers  record  their 
valor  and  renown  in  the  wars  between  Venice  and  her 
neighbors  and  yet  fail  to  mention  discoveries  so  full  of 
romantic  interest  as  those  above  alleged  ?  Unfortu-  inherent 
nately,  the  younger  Nicolo  Zeno'  and  his  adherents  can  improbabilities 
point  to  no  saga  or  other  tradition  of  a  Frislanda  once 
known  but  now  lost,  and  no  other  eye  than  his  is 
known    to    have    seen    the    mutilated    and   miraculously 


72 


Maze  and  Myth 


Other 

Apocryphal 

Discoveries 


Perverted 
Historical 

Methods 


preserved  literary  treasures.  Especially  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  the  letters  were  not  published  until  veritable  discov- 
eries had  made  possible  a  baseless  fabrication  to  the  end 
that  Venice  might  share  in  the  well-won  glory  of  Spain, 
and  that  the  Zeni  might  snatch  some  of  the  laurel  from 
the  brow  of  the  immortal  Genoese.  In  spite  of  Mr. 
John  Fiske's  confidence  in  a  historical  basis  of  the  story, 
and  his  declaration  that  the  great-great-great-grandson 
of  the  Chevalier  Zeno  "appears  simply  as  a  modest 
and  conscientious  editor,"  it  seems  safe  to  write  across 
the  face  of  the  work  of  the  younger  Nicolo  the  epitaph 
framed  by  Mr.  Lucas:  "One  of  the  most  ingenious, 
most  successful,  and  most  enduring  literary  impostures 
which  has  ever  gulled  a  confiding  public." 

We  need  not  give  more  than  a  passing  glance  to  the 
theory  that  identifies  the  red  Indians  of  North  America 
with  the  stock  of  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel,  or  to  the 
possible  early  migrations  by  helpless  driftings  from 
Africa,  with  or  without  the  Canaries  as  a  halting-place. 
It  is  possible  that  Basque  fishermen  sought  the  whale  in 
American  waters  as  early  as  the  seventh  century  and, 
because  it  was  possible,  it  has  been  claimed  that  they  did 
so.  Of  course,  a  commercial  people  like  the  Dutch 
must  have  discovered  something  and  they  have  urged 
their  claim,  but  in  a  somewhat  phlegmatic  way.  We 
cannot  deny  that  in  1476  the  Polish  Skolno  skirted  the 
coasts  of  Labrador,  or  that  a  dozen  years  later  the  Nor- 
man Cousin  found  South  America.  These  apocryphal 
discoveries  and  many  more  fall  within  the  category  of  the 
imperturbable  May-be.  At  the  best,  they  "resemble 
the  shadows  which  chase  each  other  over  mountain  tops, 
and  are  lost  to  view  as  daylight  approaches,"  and  we  may 
dismiss  them  with  a  reminder  of  the  wise  caution  of  Mr. 
Winsor:  "It  is  not  easy  to  deal  historically  with  long- 
held  traditions.  The  furbishers  of  transmitted  lore  easily 
make  it  reflect  what  they  bring  to  it.  To  find  illustra- 
tions in  any  inquiry  is  not  so  difficult  if  you  select  what 
you  wish,  and  discard  all  else,  and  the  result  ot  this 
discriminating  accretion  often  looks  very  plausible.    .    .    . 


Maze  and  Myth 


73 


Almost  all  these  discussions  of  pre-Columbian  voyagings 
to  America  afford  illustrations  of  this  perverted  method. 
Events  in  which  there  is  no  inherent  untruth  are  not  left 
with  the  natural  defense  of  probability,  but  are  proved 
by  deductions  and  inferences  which  could  just  as  well 
be  applied  to  prove  many  things  else,  and  are  indeed 
applied  in  a  new  way  by  every  new  upstart  in  such 
inquiries.  The  story  of  each  discoverer  before  Colum- 
bus had  been  upheld  by  the  stock  intimation  of  white- 
bearded  men,  whose  advent  is  somehow  mysteriously 
discovered  to  have  left  traces  among  the  aborigines  of 
every  section  of  the  coast."  Whether  the  alleged  dis- 
coveries are  fact  or  fiction,  they  bore  no  lasting  fruit  and 
can  in  no  wise  dim  the  luster  of  the  diadem  of  Chris- 
topher Columbus. 


C      H      A 


T      E      R 


I      V 


T 


T 


M 


N 


The  Galleys 
of  the 

Northmen 


THE  Northmen  were  the  ancestors  ot  the  Danes, 
Swedes,  and  Norwegians,  our  own  kinsfolk. 
Men  of  their  race  conquered  England  and 
were  called  Saxons ;  men  ot  the  same  race  conquered 
France  and  were  called  Normans.  The  Scandinavian 
vikings  were  piratical  chieftains,  often  the  younger  sons 
of  Danish  or  Norwegian  kings.      Though  these  vikings 

rode  their  thrones  upon  the  thronging  seas, 

their  title  implies  nothing  of  royalty.  They  were  called 
vikings  because  their  rowing  galleys  put  off,  not  like  the 
king's  ships  from  the  lawful  harbor,  but  from  the  bay 
or  vik. 


Norse  Ship  Unearthed 

Although  these  viking  ships  rode  the  waves  so  many 
years  ago,  we  know  their  model  and  their  build  as  well 
as  we  do  those  of  any  racing  yacht  famous  in  our  own 
day.  In  1880,  one  of  them  was  unearthed  in  Norwav. 
It  was  neatly  built  on  graceful  lines,  and  w^as  well  fitted 
for  service  at  sea.  It  had  one  mast  and  thirty-two  long 
oars.  The  rudder,  which  was  like  a  large  oar,  was  a  few 
feet  from  the  stern  and  on  the  right  (steerboard  or  star- 
board) side,  it  was   hauled  in  when   the  oars  were  used. 


The  Northmen 


75 


A  faithful  copy  of  the  old  galley  was  sent  across  the 
Atlantic  and  exhibited  at  the  Columbian  exposition  at 
Chicago  in  i  893. 


Norse  Ship  Restored 

The  vikings  were  colonizing  conquerors  as  well  as  The 
pirates.  They  had  a  king  in  Dublin  as  early  as  852,  y!^^""^'""^ 
and  governed  petty  sovereignties  at  Waterford  and 
Limerick.  Their  dark  ships  swept  the  western  coast 
of  Europe  from  the  Elbe  to  the  Guadalquivir,  neglecting 
no  Scottish  isle  or  English  port.  "They  sailed  up 
French  rivers  and  Charlemagne,  the  ruler  of  western 
Europe,  wept."  They  stabled  their  horses  in  the  cathe- 
dral church  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  They  sacked  Utrecht, 
Antwerp  and  Cologne,  Bordeaux,  Lisbon  and  Seville. 
From  their  winter  quarters  in  Spain  they  extended  their 
ravages  to  Naples,  Sicily,  and  the  coasts  of  the  Greek 
empire.  They  stood  guard  in  the  palaces  of  the 
emperors  at  Constantinople,  and  took  pay  and  plunder 
with  charming  impartiality.  They  captured  castles  from 
the  Saracens  in  Africa,  and  left  a  pretty  pattern  for  the 
Algerines  of  a  later  day.  They  were  in  Russia  long 
before  the  introduction  of  Christianity.  They  were  the 
terror  of  Europe  and  merited  their  renown.  "They 
trusted  to  their  courage,  endurance,  and  two-handed 
swords    to    convince    society    at    large    of    the    inherent 


76 


The  Northmen 


The 

Northmen 
in  Iceland 


Norse  truth  that  no  man  has  rights  who  has  not  the 
strength  to  defend  them."  A  furore  Normannormn 
libera  nos,  Domine,  became  a  part  of  the  litany  of  the 
CathoHc  church.  If  lands  were  to  be  discovered  at 
the  west,  they  were  more  likely  than  any  other  people 
to  make  the  discovery. 

On  the  northern  way  from  Europe  to  America  lies 
Iceland.  Ten  centuries  ago  it  may  have  been  a  sunnier 
land  than  it  now  is.  According  to  tradition,  King  Arthur 
conquered  the  island  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the 
sixth  century.  In  the  ninth  century,  Irish  monks  and 
an  Irish  colony  were  there.  It  is  said  that,  about  864, 
Nadodd,  an  illustrious  sea-rover,  was  driven  by  a  storm 
upon  the  Icelandic  coasts,  and  that,  in  874,  a  colony  was 
planted  there  "  bv  a  certain  pyrate  whose  name  was 
Flokko."  This  Norwegian  jarl  had  fled  from  the  ven- 
geance of  a  race  whose  chief  he  had  slain  and  now 
took  refuge  in  Iceland,  partly  because  life  there  was 
preferable  to  death  in  Norway,  and  partly  because  he 
had  heard  reports  of  a  delightful  climate  and  a  fruitful 
soil,  "with  milk  from  every  plant  and  butter  from 
every  twig."  The  Christian  Irish  left  as  the  Nor- 
wegians came,  and  within  half  a  century  a  little 
republic  with  nearly  seventy  thousand  inhabitants  grew 
up  there.  Such  w^re  the  beginnings  of  a  state  that 
for  several  centuries  was  remarkable  "for  the  simplicity 
and  freedom  of  its  political  institutions,  for  the  license, 
not  to  say  licentiousness,  of  its  social  life,  and  for  the 
intelligence  and  cultivation  of  its  people." 

Scarcely  had  Iceland  been  settled  by  these  Northmen, 
more  than  a  thousand  years  ago,  when  one  of  their 
sea-rovers,  Gunbiorn,  sighted  a  strange  land  that  for  a 
hundred  years  was  known  as  Gunbiorn's  Rock,  although 
its  discoverer  called  it  Hvidsaerk  (White  Shirt)  from  its 
snowy  southern  headland.  A  glance  at  the  map  of  the 
north  Atlantic  shows  how  easily  this  discovery  might 
be  made.  From  the  middle  of  the  channel  between 
Iceland  and  Greenland,  land  may  be  seen  on  either  hand. 
About    982,  Thorwald,  another   Norwegian   jarl,  exiled 


Discovery  of 

Greenland, 
876 


The  Northmen 


77 


for  murder,  withdrew  to  Iceland  with  his  son,  Eric  the  Thorwaid  and 
Red,  also  of  dubious  reputation.  When,  three  or  four  ^"'  ^^^  ^^'^ 
years   later,  Eric  found   it   convenient   to   leave    Iceland 


'^W^ 


Map  of  the  North  Atlantic  Ocean 

for  his  own  safety  and  his  country's  good,  he  made  his 
way  to  Gunbiorn's  Rock.  Three  years  later  he  returned 
to  Iceland,  remained  one  winter,  and  effected  a  recon- 
ciliation with  the  most  troublesome  of  his  enemies.  He 
called  his  new  home  Gronland  (Greenland),  "because," 
quoth  he,  "people  will  be  attracted  hither  if  the  land  has 
a  good  name."  He  returned  to  Greenland  with  large 
additions  to  his  colony,  and  formed  two  settlements  on 
the  west  coast. 

These  things  and  many  more  are  written  in  the  sagas.  The  Sagas 
or  Scandinavian  legends.  The  sagas  were  first  told  by 
eye-witnesses  of  the  events  narrated,  and  then  handed 
down  from  father  to  son.  In  such  ways,  the  record  of 
every  event  of  interest  or  importance  was  preserved  and 
transmitted  by  word  of  mouth  from  generation  to 
generation  and  from  century  to  century.  It  is  possible 
that  in  such  a  process  of  transmission  the  original  flavor 
of  the  field  was  somewhat  affected  by  that  of  the  fireside, 
although  "it  was  considered  a  grave  offense  to  public 
morality    to    tell   a   saga    untruthfully."      When    written 


78 


The  Northmen 


Atitiqultatei 
Americana 


i37 


language  was  introduced,  these  traditions  were  diligently 
sought  and  saved.  It  is  claimed  that  all  the  sagas  relat- 
ing to  discoveries  and  settlements  in  America  had  been 
put  in  writing  by  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

Certain  of  these  sagas,  "Reliques"  rescued  by  Scan- 
dinavian Percys,  tell  the  story  to  which  we  now  refer. 
Written  between  the  years  1385  and  1400;  found 
centuries  later  in  a  monastery  on  the  island  of  Flato  (off 
the  western  coast  of  Iceland),  and  thence  receiving  the 
name  Codex  Flatoiensis ;  presented  to  King  Frederick  III. 
by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  in  which  Flato  lay; 
treasured  in  the  royal  library  of  Copenhagen  and  long 
known  to  Scandinavian  scholars  —  they  were  made 
known  to  the  world  in  general  by  the  publication  of 
Professor  Rafn's  large  quarto,  Antiquitates  Americana. 
This  book  contains  extracts  from  no  fewer  than  eighteen 
ancient  authorities,  principally  Icelandic  and  undoubtedly 
pre-Columbian.  Several  of  them  contain  detailed 
accounts  of  the  discovery  of  America  and  all  of  them 
make  allusions  to  it. 

About  half  of  Rafn's  volume  consists  of  two  narrations. 
Of  these  the  first  may  be  called  the  history  of  Eric  the 
Red,  and  the  second  the  history  of  Thorfin  Karlsefne. 
The  Eric  legends  naturally  give  prominence  to  the  doings 
of  Eric  and  his  sons,  while  the  history  of  Karlsefne 
represents  Karlsefne  as  the  more  important  personage. 
These  differences  do  not  extend  to  matters  essential,  are 
no  greater  than  would  naturally  grow  up  in  accounts 
given  by  different  actors  in  the  same  events  and  orally 
transmitted  for  several  generations  in  different  families,  and 
show  that  the  two  works  were  not  written  in  collusion. 
These  stories  do  not  sound  like  sailors'  yarns;  they  bear 
internal  evidence  of  trustworthiness. 

The  Antiquitates  created  a  sensation.  Although  the 
historians  of  that  day  were  decidedly  incredulous  in  the 
matter,  the  authenticity  of  the  sagas,  in  the  main  facts 
related,  has  been  affirmatively  decided.  They  are  cor- 
roborated by  the  testimony  of  Adam  ot  Bremen,  a  priest 
who  was  almost   contemporary  with  Thorfin    Karlsefne, 


Eric  and 
Karlsefne 


The  Sagas  are 
Corroborated 


Circa  1073 


sivjj^s>j^^^i:^aSa^^ 


A   Saga  Manusckipt 


8o  The  Northmen 

Circa  1 148  and  by  that  of  Ari  Thorgilsson  (called  Hinn  Frodi), 
whom  Konrad  von  Maurer  calls  the  earliest  and  most 
trustworthy  of  all  the  Icelandic  historians,  and  have 
been  confirmed  by  the  researches  of  modern  explorers 
and  investigators.  Even  when  not  credited  as  exact 
histories,  they  have  a  standing  as  epics  founded  upon 
facts.  We  cannot  deal  fairly  with  American  history  and 
ignore  these  picturesque  and  romantic  legends. 

Bjarni  When    Eric  the    Red  with   his   colony  returned   from 

Herjuifson  Iceland  to  Greenland  in  985,  he  was  accompanied  by 
Herjulf  Bardson.  Herjulf  had  a  son,  Bjarni  or  Biarne. 
Father  and  son  generally  spent  their  summers  in  trading 
voyages  to  Norway,  passing  the  winters  at  home  in 
Iceland.  On  his  return  from  one  of  these  Norway 
trips,  Bjarni  found  that  his  father  had  emigrated  to 
Greenland.      Without    hesitation,    the    son    again   sailed 

986  westward.      A  dense   fog  enveloped  ship  and   crew  and, 

for  many  days,  a  north  wind  drove  them  over  an 
unknown  course.  At  last,  the  weather  cleared  and,  soon 
after  that,  they  sighted  land.  As  the  land  was  wooded 
and  without  mountains,  the  discoverer  of  America,  who 
was  seeking  his  father  in  Greenland,  turned  his  prow 
from  the  shore. 

Off  the  Coast  Two  days  later,  Bjarni  Herjuifson  (i.e.,  Bjarni,  the 
son  of  Herjulf)  neared  the  shore  a  second  time.  Finding 
it  still  flat  and  wooded,  he  refused  to  land,  "because  in 
Greenland  are  said  to  be  very  high  ice-hills."  Then  for 
three  days  and  nights  they  sailed  with  a  southwest  wind 
and  again  saw  land  ahead.  But  because  there  were  no 
glaciers  Bjarni  said:  "In  my  opinion,  this  land  is  not 
what  we  want."  His  men  wished  to  land  for  wood  and 
water,  but  he  would  not,  and  "he  got  some  hard 
speeches  for  that  from  his  sailors."  Sailing  with  the 
southwest  wind  for  three  days  more,  they  came  in 
sight  of  land,  mountains,  and  glaciers.  Then  Bjarni 
said:  "This  is  most  like  what  has  been  told  me  of 
Greenland  and  here  we  shall  take  to  the  land."  His 
filial  faithfulness  had  its  reward,  for  the  cape  before  him 
was  called  Herjulfness  and   his  father's   house  was  near. 


of  Labrador 


I 


The  Northmen 


8i 


Bjarni  Herjulfson  had  been  borne  on  the  cold  current 
that  sets  southward  from  the  arctic  circle  and  flows 
through  the  narrowed  channel  between  Iceland  and  Green- 
land. By  reason  of  two 
physical  conditions,  in  com- 
bination with  the  restless 
activity  of  the  tenth-century 
Northmen,  Bjarni  had 
sighted  the  American  coast 
and  sailed  along  the  shores 
of  Newfoundland  and  Lab- 
rador to  Greenland,  He 
made  no  landing  on  the  con- 
tinent. 

Near  the  end  of  the  cen- 
tury, Leif  Ericson  ( i.e.,  Leif 
the  son  of  Eric)  sailed  from 
Greenland  to  Norway  and 
found  that  King  Olaf  had 
accepted  the  Christian  relig- 
ion and  was  forcing  it  upon 
his  people  with  true  Moham- 
medan zeal.  It  was  about  this  time  that  the  king  sent 
word  that,  if  all  the  Norsemen  inhabiting  Iceland  did 
not  at  once   become  Christians,  he  would   kill  every  one 

:v  of  them  he  could   lay 


Leif  Ericson, 
999 


Map  of  Bjarni 's  Course 


hand  upon.  Leif  was 
converted  with  the 
rest  and,  on  his  return 
to  Greenland,  took  a 
priest  of  the  new  faith 
with  him.  Greenland 
became  a  Christian 
land  and  her  people 
built      Christian 

Ruins  of  the  Church  at  Katortok  churchcS  The      ruinS 

of  one  of  these,  known  as  the  Katortok  church,  still  remain. 

Inevitably,  the  story  of  the  land  that  Bjarni  had  seen 

was  much  discussed  in   the  Greenland  homes.     Among 


82 


The  Northmen 


such  a  people,  talking  leads  to  doing.      Eric  the  Red  was 

the  pioneer  of   Greenland,    his    father    was    one    of   the 

The  Pioneer     pioncers  of  Iceland;    his  son  became  the  pioneer  of  the 

of  American     AmeHcan  mainland.      In  the  year  looo  (or  thereabouts). 

Discovery  ^..    ^,    .  .,,.  ~       ■>  ■  -ij  i 

Leif  Ericson,  with  thirty-nve  companions,  sailed  south- 
ward from    Herjulfness.       His    first    landing-place    he 


•^^^T^s^s,.         -^^     '\        '     \'^^A 


'-^%r^j, 


^.^pf?:J?^ 


Landing  of  the  Northmen 

called  Helluland  (i.e.,  Flatstone  Land) ;  it  is  thought 
that  this  was  Newfoundland.  His  next  landing  was  at 
a  place  that  Leif  named  Markland  (i.e.,  Woodland); 
perhaps  it  was  Nova  Scotia.  They  then  sailed  with  a 
northeast  wind  for  two  days  and  landed  on  an  island 
north  of  the  mainland.  According  to  the  "  inspired 
identifiers  of  localities,"  they  were  now  somewhere  on 
the  New  England  coast,  but  at  what  precise  locality  no 
ordinary  mortal  knows.  Finding  that  the  climate  was 
pleasant  and  that  the  dew  upon  the  grass  was  sweet,'"^ 
they  were  delighted.  Then  they  sailed  between  the 
island  and  the  mainland,  went  up  a  river  that  came 
through  a  lake,  cast  anchor,  went  ashore,  pitched  their 
tents,  built  huts,  and  spent  the  winter  there,  the  adven- 
turous pioneers  of  American  discovery. 

*  Probably  the  so-called  honeydew. 


The  Northmen 


83 


r  -• 


Norse  Boat  Used  as  a  Habitation 

"But  is  that  true,  my  foster-brother?"      Tyrker 


On  the  return  of  one  of  Leif 's  exploring  parties,  a  man  viniand 
by  the  name  of  Tyrker,  in  great  excitement  and  with 
wild  gesticulation,  addressed  his  companions  in  German, 
to  them  an  unknown 
tongue.  "  Leif  saw 
that  his  foster-brother 
was  not  in  his  right 
senses."  When 
Tyrker's  excitement 
had  passed  away,  he 
addressed  his  com- 
panions in  their 
familiar  tongue,  say- 
ing, "I  found  vines 
and  grapes!"  Quoth 
Leif 

replied:  "Surely  it  is  true,  for  1  was  brought  up  where 
there  is  no  want  of  either  vines  or  grapes."  Leif  then 
called  the  country  Viniand,  filled  his  long-boat  with  the 
trunks  of  trees,  and  heaped  its  deck  with  grapes  and 
vines;  in  the  spring,  he  returned  to  Greenland.  No 
wonder  that,  in  a  land  where  trees  did  not  grow  and 
where  vines  and  grapes  were  never  seen,  the  priceless 
cargo  and  the  land  whence  such  things  came  formed 
the  subject  of  eager  discussion,  and  kindled  enthusiastic 
zeal.  On  this  or  some  previous  voyage  Leif  had  rescued 
a  shipwrecked  crew.  For  this  and  that,  he  was  ever  after 
known  as  Leif  the  Lucky. 

In  1002,  Eric  the  Red  having  died  and  Leif  the  Thorwaid 
Lucky  having  succeeded  to  his  earldom,  the  younger  E"'^^°" 
son  and  brother,  Thorwaid,  thought  further  to  explore 
Viniand.  "Thou  canst  go  with  my  ship,  brother,  if 
thou  wilt,"  said  Leif.  Thorwaid  accepted  the  offer, 
selected  a  crew  of  thirty  men,  and  sailed  southward. 
They  found  Leif 's  booths  still  standing  and  therein  went 
into  winter  quarters.  The  next  season  was  spent  in  this 
pleasant  land.  In  the  spring  of  1004,  while  Thorwaid 
and  some  of  his  party  were  exploring  the  country  in  a 
northward    direction,  the    ship  was    driven    ashore    in   a 


84 


The  Northmen 


-5^,^W' 


storm  near  a  ness  or  cape.  They  put  a  new  keel  into 
their  damaged  ship,  set  up  the  old  keel  in  the  sand,  and 
called  the  place  Kjalarness  or  Keel  Cape.      It  has  been 

thought  by  some,  and 
stated  as  a  fact  by  others, 
that  this  Kjalarness  was 
on  Cape  Cod's  shores. 
To  meet  some  of  the 
difficulties  in  the  way, 
these  enthusiasts  do  not 
hesitate  to  bring  an  is- 
land up  from  the  bottom 
of  the  sea,  and  to  make 
other  restorations  in  the 
coast  line.  Soon  after 
the  disaster  at  Kjalar- 
ness, they  came  to  "a 
point  of  land  which 
stretched  out  and  was 
covered  with  wood." 
Looking  upon  the  scene, 
Thorwald  said:    "This 

Map  of  Cape  Cod  "Restored-  pj^^^      j^      beaUtiful      and 

here  I  would  like  to  raise  my  dwelling."  His  wish  was 
voiced  in  prophecy. 

Here  the  Northmen  first  met  the  natives,  whom  they 
called  Skraellings  (dwarfs,  or  Eskimos).  Of  a  party  of 
nine,  eight  were  captured  and  mercilessly  put  to  death; 
the  other  one  escaped  to  tell  the  story  of  the  wrong 
wrought  by  Europeans  upon  the  American  aborigines. 
It  was  the  first  of  a  long-continued  series.  Quick  retri- 
bution came.  The  avenging  dwarfs  attacked  the  sleep- 
ing Northmen.  When  the  Skraellings  had  withdrawn, 
the  mortally  wounded  Thorwald  said :  "  Now  counsel 
I  ye,  that  ye  get  ready  instantly  to  depart.  But  ye  shall 
bear  me  to  that  cape  where  I  thought  it  best  to  dwell. 
There  shall  ye  bury  me  and  set  up  crosses  at  my  head 
and  feet,  and  call  the  place  Krossaness  forever,  in  all 
time  to  come."      He  died  and  was  buried  and  all  things 


Killed  by  the 
Skraellings 


The  Northmen  85 

were  done  as  he  had  said.  Then  the  party  went  back  to 
Vinland,  loaded  the  boat  with  grapes  and  timber,  and  in 
the  spring  went  back  to  Greenland  as  Leif  the  Lucky 
had  done  before.  They  who  locate  Kjalarness  at  the 
extremity  of  Cape  Cod,  set  the  Krossaness  on  the  shores 
of  Plymouth  County,  Massachusetts. 

In  the  summer  of  1005,  an  expedition  was  fitted  out  Thorstein 
to  fetch  Thorwald's  body  to  Greenland.  It  was  in  E""°" 
command  of  Thorstein,  another  son  of  Eric  the  Red. 
Thorstein  had  taken  unto  himself  as  wife  Gudrida,  the 
widow  of  the  captain  of  the  shipwrecked  crew  rescued 
by  Leif  the  Lucky.  The  expedition  of  Thorstein  and 
Gudrida,  for  she  accompanied  her  husband,  was  a  failure. 
They  found  neither  Krossaness  nor  Vinland,  and  after  a 
cruise  of  several  months  returned  in  the  early  winter. 
Thorstein  and  many  of  his  crew  died,  and  strange 
manifestations  followed.  After  his  death,  Thorstein 
assured  the  twice  widowed  Gudrida  that  he  had  "come 
to  a  good  resting-place,"  and  foretold  for  her  a  third 
husband  and  a  numerous  posterity.  The  pleasing 
prophecy,  related  in  heroic  style,  proved  true.  Thus 
did  rude  but  vigorous  fancy  supplement  and  ornament 
the  poverty  of  real  life  with  its  peculiar  pageantry. 

In   1006,  Thorfin  Karlsefne  (i.e.,  Thorfin  the  Hope-  Thorfin 
ful  or  Manly),  a  wealthy  Icelandic  merchant  of  distin-  ^Y^!,^^"/-, 

.,,,.•'''..,/,  ,         J  . .  and  Gudrida 

guished  Imeage,  visited  Greenland  on  a  trading  voyage. 
He  passed  the  winter  at  Brattahlid,  the  home  of  Leif  the 
Lucky.  The  splendor  of  the  winter  entertainment  was 
largely  due  to  the  liberality  of  Karlsefne  who,  knowing  of 
the  poverty  of  his  host,  said  to  him:  "We  have  in  our 
ship  plenty  both  of  malt  and  corn;  take  of  it  what  you 
will  and  make  as  great  a  feast  as  your  heart  desires." 
Yule-tide  brought  its  joys  for  young  and  old  and  doubt- 
less did  its  part  in  yielding  favoring  circumstances.  In 
the  preceding  spring,  Gudrida  had  come  home  with  the 
body  of  the  dead  Thorstein.  Soon  after  Christmas,  and 
before  the  end  of  the  first  year  of  her  second  widowhood, 
Gudrida  and  Karlsefne  were  married. 

Three  Icelandic  merchants  in  Greenland,  Snorri  Thor- 


86 


The  Northmen 


Merchant  brandsoii,  Bjarni  Grimolfson,  and  Thorhall  Gamlason, 
Adventurers  J^gard  much  of  Viiiland  and  arranged  with  Karlsefne  to 
visit  the  country  of  which  so  many  tempting  reports  had 
been  made.  Thorwald,  who  had  married  Freydisa,  a 
natural  daughter  of  Eric  the  Red,  was  to  go  with  them 
in  a  ship  of  his  own.  Thus  was  organized  a  voluntary 
expedition  to  consist  of  three  ships  and  a  hundred  and 
forty  persons  —  about  equal  in  size,  as  Mr.  Gay  remarks, 
to  that  for  which  four  centuries  later  Columbus,  poor  and 
praying,  waited  seven  years.  The  colonists  were  provided 
with  tools  and  provisions,  cattle  and  lesser  live  stock,  and 
other  necessaries  for  a  permanent  settlement.  Besides 
Gudrida  and  Freydisa  there  were  a  number  of  women, 
married  and  single.  Their  presence  was  not  an  unmixed 
blessing.  One  of  the  narratives  of  the  subsequent 
troubles  tells  us  that  "the  women  were  the  cause  of  it, 
for  those  who  were  unmarried  would  injure  those  who  were 
married,  and  hence  arose  great  disturbance." 

The  ships  sailed  in  the  spring  of  1007,  touched  at  Hel- 
luland,  at  Markland,  and  at  Kjalarness,  at  which  last 
named  place  they  found  the  keel  set  up  three  years  before 
by  Thorwald.  Beyond  Kjalarness  extended  a  sandv  shore 
of  such  a  length  that  it  was  called  Furthustrand,  after  which 
the  coast  became  much  indented  with  bays  and  inlets. 
On  the  shores  of  a  bay  further  along  the  coast,  Karl- 
sefne and  his  companions  spent  the  first  winter.  On 
account  of  its  currents,  they  called  this  bay  Straumfjord. 
In  the  southern  part  of  the  bay  they  found  a  large  island 
abounding  in  sea-fowls'  eggs.  The  island  they  called 
Straumfey. 
The  Settlement  The  scason  was  onc  of  trouble.  The  fishing  was  poor, 
provisions  ran  short,  and  desertions  followed.  Atter  this, 
Karlsefne  and  his  party  sailed  "a  long  time,"  and  found 
a  place  where  "a  river  ran  out  from  the  land  and  through 
a  lake  to  the  sea."  Here  they  made  a  resting-place,  put 
up  houses,  and  called  the  settlement  Hop.  Whatever 
its  location,  Hop  seems  to  have  been  a  goodly  place  in 
which  to  dwell. 

The  Skraellings  soon  appeared,  a  race  described  by  the 


Departure  of 
the  Colonists 


at  Hop 


The  Northmen 


87 


Eskimo  Skin-boat 


settlers  as  very  dark  and  grim-visaged,  with  filthy  heads 
of  hair,  great  eyes,  and  broad  cheeks.  They  were  fierce- 
looking  but  friendly.  In  the  spring  of  1009,  they  came 
again  and  in  greater  numbers  than  before.  The  thrifty 
settlers  set  up  a  profitable  barter  with  the  natives,  exchang- 
ing red  cloth  for  valuable  furs  on  their  own  terms. 
When  the  latter  wanted  European  weapons,  Karlsefne, 
with  a  worldly  wisdom  that  the  white  man  has  not  always 
imitated,  refused  to  trade.  The  saga  says  that,  when  the 
red  cloth  was  exhausted,  "he  took  this  plan:  he  bade 
the  women  bring  out  their  dairy  stuff  for  them,  and  as 
soon  as  the  Skraellings  saw  this  [milk,  butter,  etc.],  they 
would  have  that  and  nothing  more.  Now  this  was  the 
way  the  Skraellings  traded: 
they  bore  off  their  wares  in 
their  bellies,  but  Karlsefne 
and  his  companions  had 
their  bags  and  skin-wares, 
and  so  they  parted." 
While  the  Iceland  merchant 

was  thus  engaged,  his  bull  rushed  from  the  woods. 
Skraellings,  terrified  by  the  huge  unknown  beast  and  his 
hideous  bellowings,  fled  precipitately  to  their  skin-boats 
and  paddled  off  with  the  energy  of  unsimulated  fear. 

After  several  weeks  or  months,  the  newcomers  having 
killed  a  native,  the  Skraellings  returned.  They  were 
now  a  hostile  army,  an  avenging  horde.  In  the  furious 
battle  that  followed,  Karlsefne's  little  band  was  overpow- 
ered by  numbers  and  driven  back.  When  the  flight 
became  a  panic,  Freydisa  rushed  among  the  fleeing  North- 
men. Imagine  the  heroic  spectacle  as  this  child  of 
shame  appears  with  Amazonian  mien  and  words  of 
eloquent  reproach.  "Why  do  ye  run,  stout  men,  before 
these  miserable  caitiffs,  whom  I  thought  ye  would  knock 
down  like  cattle?  If  I  had  weapons,  I  ween  I  could 
fight  better  than  any  of  you." 

The  still  fleeing  Northmen  heeding  not  her  appeal, 
Freydisa  seized  the  sword  of  one  of  the  killed  and  turned 
to   face   the  foe;   a  woman   heavy  with  child  against  an 


skraellings, 
Barter,  and 
the  Bull 


The 


The  Natives 
Rout  the 
Northmen 


Freydisa 
Turns 
the  Tide 


88  The  Northmen 

army !  Tearing  open  her  dress,  she  beat  her  bare 
breasts  with  the  sword.  Her  cries  and  aspect  were  those 
of  a  fury.  The  natives  were  startled  and  checked  by 
the  strange  sight.  Is  this  then  some  powerful  priestess 
calling  upon  us  the  dire  vengeance  of  the  gods  with  her 
strange  incantations  and  fierce  imprecations?  It  was 
something  that  they  could  not  understand  and,  there- 
fore, something  of  which  to  beware.  The  fight  was 
renewed  and  the  rout  reversed.  Only  two  of  the  North- 
men were  lost.  About  this  time,  and  in  fulfilment  of 
her  second  husband's  post-mortem  prophecy,  Gudrida 
had  a  child  who  was  called  Snorri,  the  first  person  of 
European  parentage  born  on  American  soil  of  whom 
history  makes  mention.  Then  "  disputes  arose  on 
account  of  the  women,  those  who  had  no  wives  wishing 
to  take  them  from  those  who  had."  The  Vinlanders 
had  been  Christianized,  but  not  radically  enough  to 
respect  the  gospel  of  chastity, 
viniand  In    the    following    spring,   Karlsefne    abandoned    his 

Abandoned,      colonization    scheme.     After    loading    their     ships    with 

loio  .  .  or, 

timber,  the  party  sailed  for  Greenland  where  they  arrived 
in  safety.  Thence  Karlsefne  voyaged  to  Norway  with 
the  richest  cargo  that  had  ever  left  Greenland  shores. 
In  1015,  he  sold  his  merchandise  and  bought  a  great 
estate  in  Iceland,  so  that  "Snorri  grew  up  there  and  his 
children  after  him."  Gudrida  died  in  an  Icelandic 
cloister  founded  by  her  son.  Among  her  distinguished 
descendants  the  best  known,  probably,  is  Thorwaldsen, 
the  Danish  sculptor.  Thorlak,  the  grandson  of  Snorri, 
became  a  bishop  and  was  reputed  very  learned.  He 
compiled  a  still  existing  code  of  Icelandic  ecclesiastical 
law  and  probably  committed  to  writing  the  sagas  which 
constitute  the  most  valuable  of  the  records  from  which 
these  facts  were  ascertained.  The  Antiquitates  Americans 
owes  much  of  its  value  to  the  cooperation  with  Professor 
Rafn  of  Finn  Magnusen,  a  descendant  of  the  same 
Snorri. 

Bjarni  Grimolfson  set  out  from  Viniand  with  Karlsefne, 
but  his  ship  was  carried  into  seas  infested  with  the  teredo 


The  Northmen  89 

or  ship-worm  and  thus  soon  reduced  to  a  sinking  condi-  The  Heroism 

tion.      "They  had  a  boat  which  was  smeared  with  seal   Q^ra^fson 

oil,  for  the  sea-worms  do  not  attack  that."     Then  Bjarni 

said:  "Since  the  boat  cannot  give  room  to  more  than  the 

half  of  our  men,  it  is  my  counsel  that  lots  should  be  drawn 

for  those  to  go  in  the  boat,  for  it  shall  not  be  according  to 

rank."     Accordingly  the  "  lots  were  drawn,  and  it  fell 

upon  Bjarni  to  go  in  the  boat,  and  the  half  of  the  men 

with  him."      When  one  of  the  unfortunates  upbraided  his 

chief  for  leaving  him  behind,  Bjarni  replied:  "Go  thou 

down  into  the  boat,  and  1  will  go  up  into  the  ship,  since 

I   see  that  thou  art  so  desirous  to   live."      Places  were 

accordingly  exchanged,  and  "it  is  most  people's  belief  that 

Bjarni  and  his  companions  were  lost  in  the  worm-sea,  for 

nothing  was  heard  of  them  since  that  time." 

Freydisa  soon  began  to  plan  for  a  return  to  Vinland.   Freydisa's 
Two  brothers,  Helgi  and  Finnbogi,  Iceland  merchants,  ^"'""'^ 
accepted  her  proposition  for   a  joint    expedition.     The 
brothers  were  to  take  thirty  fighting  men  and  Freydisa 
an  equal  force.      She  permitted  Thorwald,  her  husband, 
to  be  one  of  her  thirty.      Helgi  and  Finnbogi  reached   1012 
Vinland    ahead    of   Freydisa,   and    stored    part  of   their 
goods  in  Leif 's  booths.      Upon  her  arrival  she  demanded 
that  their  goods  be  moved.      When  the  brothers  found 
that   Freydisa    had    secretly    brought    five   fighting   men 
additional  to  the  expected  thirty,  the  goods  were  moved. 
Freydisa  made  her  party  a  faction,  and  the  two  houses 
soon  developed  into  hostile  camps.      Helgi  and  Finnbogi 
and  their  followers  were  attacked  while  sleeping.      All  the 
men  were  put  to  death,  but   Freydisa's  men  would  not 
lay  hands  on  the  five  women.     Then  Freydisa  seized  an 
ax,  and  "did  not  stop  till  they  were  all  dead."      Speaking 
to  her  men,  she  said:    "If  it  be  permitted  us  to  come 
again  to  Greenland,  I  will  take  the  life  of  that  man  who 
tells  of  this  business!"      In   the   following   spring   they  The  Nonh- 
returned  to  Greenland.      It  is  supposed  that,  during  the  vin"iand'"'^°" 
next    two    centuries,    frequent    voyages    were    made    to 
America  from  Greenland.      It  is  said  that  Eric   Upsi,  a 
Greenland  bishop,  sailed  for  Vinland  in   1121.     We  do 


90 


The  Northmen 


or    not.      With    hi 


im, 


Correction 

and 

Corroboration 


The  North- 
men Linger 
in  Greenland 


not    know    whether    he    got    there 
Vinland  drifts  into  obhvion. 

Since  the  story  as  herein  briefly  told  was  given  to  the 
world  in  1837,  the  researches  of  Storm  and  Reeves  and 
others,  and  the  critical  analysis  of  Fischer  have  done  not 
a  little  in  the  way  of  correction  of  Rafn's  version  in 
chronology  and  other  details.  It  is  possible  that  other 
copies  are  more  accurate  than  is  the  Flato  codex,  that  the 
voyage  of  Bjarni  Herjulfson  came  after  the  discovery  of 
Leif  the  Lucky  rather  than  before  it,  and  that  the  Karl- 
sefne  expedition  sailed  from  Greenland  and  returned  from 
Vinland  at  dates  four  or  five  years  earlier  than  those  above 
recorded.  But  the  essential  facts  are  that  the  discovery 
and  the  brief  occupation  of  America  by  the  Northmen 
have  not  been  discredited,  and  that  the  more  the  subject 
is  illuminated,  the  stronger  becomes  the  corroboration  of 
the  general  trustworthiness  of  the  sagas. 

Traces  of  the  Norse  occupation  of  Greenland  are 
abundant.  The  colonists  maintained  a  regular  commer- 
cial intercourse  with  Europe  until  the  thirteenth  century. 
Then  a  royal  mandate  made  the  trade  a  monopoly  of 
the  throne.  Commerce  died  out  and,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  the  hostile  Eskimo  appeared.  By  their  attacks, 
~  -'^^^^^  '^-..      ^^  and    possibly    by    pestilence 

'--"_   ''^^'''*^^^ /-^^^'^^n,    and   famine,  the    Greenland 
'-ss^- -     -  ->-    -^^'  '      :~,,-  colonists    were    depopulated 
_„^--»    ,^r^    and  brought  to  the  verge  of 
destruction.        Under    such 
^'   circumstances  it  is  not  sur- 
"^^^^M^^^M.^^^^^  prising  that  little  was  heard 

Norse  Ruins  in  Greenland  ,  ,  i  ,  „  • 

teenth  century,  communica- 
tion with  Europe  wholly  ceased.  So  completely  were 
the  colonists  forgotten  that  a  century  rolled  by  before 
the  world  remembered  that  they  had  once  existed.  In 
1 72 1,  Hans  Egede  was  sent  with  his  wife  and  children 
on  a  mission  to  the  Eskimo.  Ruins  and  relics  of  the 
lost  settlements  were  found  on  the  west  coast  of  Green- 
land instead  of  the  coast  that  lay  opposite  Iceland,  where 


The  Northmen 


91 


Evidence  in 
Support  of 
the  Sagas 


they  had  at  first  been  sought.  It  is  probable  that  the 
Northmen  who  remained  were  amalgamated  with  the 
Eskimo  and  thus  disappeared. 

Having  glimpsed  the  contents  and  inherent  prob- 
abilities of  the  sagas,  we  turn  for  a  moment  to  the  other 
evidence  adduced  in  their  support.  This  proof  is  classi- 
fied as  linguistic,  ethnological,  physical,  geographical, 
and  monumental.  Most  of  it  has  a  bearing  on  the 
location  of  Vinland.  The  testimony  based  on  the 
correspondence  of  language  is  preeminently  inconclusive 
and,  with  this  recognition  of  its  existence,  need  not 
delay  us  further.  Ethnology  does  better  than  philology, 
but  wholly  fails  to  make  a  case.  It  is  stated  that  the 
Micmacs  have  a  tradition  of  a  people  visiting  their  coast 
in  ships  in  the  tenth  century;  and,  by  means  of  resem- 
blances in  mythology,  Leland  "proves"  that  at  one  time 
there  must  have  been  an  extensive  intercourse  between 
the  Northmen  and  the  Algonquins.  One  author  sees 
Scandinavian  descendants  in  the  people  of  Central 
America;  Brasseur  finds  remnants  of  Norse  civilization 
in  the  same  region;  and  Gravier,  an  exceedingly  credu- 
lous Frenchman,  is  sure  that  the  culture  of  the  Aztecs 
was  drawn  from  a  viking  fountain.  The  Northmen  are 
thus  credited  with  the  great  mounds  of  Ohio  and  the 
Mississippi  valley.  Setting  to  the  south,  the  Norse 
tide  of  emigration  swept  over  Mexico.  Thus  are  the 
Mexican  ruins  very  comfortably  accounted  for.  With 
similar  facility,  others  have  seen  in  the  ruins  of  an  ancient 
city  in  the  province  of  Bahia  conclusive  evidence  that 
the  Northmen  resided  in  Brazil.  Unfortunately  they 
have  not  thus  explained  the  origin  of  the  temples  and 
palaces  of  Peru  or  told  us  of  the  final  fate  of  the  North- 
men in  the  New  World. 

Among    the     physical     proofs    lie    considerations    of  where  is 
climate,    tides,    and    the    length    of    the    summer    day. 
Much  has  been  made  of  the  fact  that  wild  grapes  grow 
in  Rhode  Island;  but  they  also  grow  in  Canada.      The 
phenomena  of  the  tides  on  the  Massachusetts  coast  are 


Fancy 

Running 

Riot 


Vinland  ? 


92 


The  Northmen 


said  to  correspond  well  to  the  descriptions  given  in  the 
Icelandic  legends.  The  second  part  of  the  saga  of  Eric 
the  Red  contains  a  passage  that  has  been  relied  upon  by 
many  as  fixing  the  length  of  Vinland's  shortest  day, 
and  thus  determining  the  latitude  of  the  place.  Unfor- 
tunately, even  Icelandic  scholars  differ  widely  as  to  the 
proper  interpretation  of  the  words  that  represent 
respectively  the  time  of  the  sun's  rising  and  setting. 
The  varying  interpretations  cover  a  range  of  six  hours 
in  the  length  of  the  brumal  day,  and  a  sweep  of  the 
coast  from  New  York  to  Newfoundland.  As  under- 
stood by  Professor  Rafn,  the  sentence  indicates  a  nine- 
hour  day  and  a  latitude  that  corresponds  with  singular 
exactness  to  that  of  Canonicut  Island  in  Narragansett 
Bay.  Another  writer  says  that  the  passage  is  about  as 
definite  as  if  the  sagas  had  told  us  that  the  Vinland 
solstitial  day  lasted  from  breakfast  time  until  the  middle 
of  the  afternoon. 

Appeals  have  been  made  to  the  length  of  the  voyage 
from  Greenland  as  recorded  in  the  sagas,  but  the  sailors 

were  practically  coast- 
ing, and  we  have  no 
means  of  telling  how 
often  they  followed  the 
common  Norse  custom 
of  anchoring  at  dark. 
The  value  of  the  evi- 
dence drawn  from  cor- 
respondence  of  the 
coast-line  to  the  de- 
scriptions of  the  sagas 
has  been  pushed  up 
and  down  the  gamut 
between  conclusiveness 

Rafn's  Map  of  Vinland  and    WOTthleSSneSS. 


Attempts  at 
Identification 


NAXTUCKET 

oiN'antuukB 


rtnevarti 


Professor  Rafn  seems  to  have  had  no  trouble  or  hesi- 
tation in  identifying  the  island  at  which  Leif  the  Lucky 
landed  with  Nantucket,  and  Vinland  with  Massachu- 
setts   and    Rhode    Island.      He  places  the  site  of  Leif's 


The  Northmen 


93 


booths  at  Bristol,  Rhode  Island,  and  speaks  with  a  charm- 
ing confidence  of  "the  precise  spot  where  the  ancient 
Northmen  held  their  intercourse."  On  the  other  hand, 
it  has  been  said  that  a  mere  study  of  the  map  will  show 
any  dispassionate  man  that  the  description  given  bv  the 
sagas  has  hardly  anything  in  common  with  the  Rhode 
Island  locality,  and  that  the  changes  undergone  by  the 
coast  of  southern  New  England  during  nine  hundred 
years  renders  the  identification  of  any  spot  visited  by  the 
Northmen  practically  impossible. 

The  monumental  evidences  are  more  tangible  but  not  Norse 
more  conclusive.  Not  a  single  indisputable  runic  in-  Monuments 
scription  exists  south  of  Greenland.  The  earthworks  of 
Onondaga  were  once  believed  by  many  to  be  of  Scan- 
dinavian origin,  but  no  one  so  believes  today.  Several 
alleged  runes  have  been  studied  and  their  importance 
magnified  and  loudly  heralded;  such  were  the  inscription 
on  a  stone  said  to  have  been  found  in  the  Grave  Creek 
mound,  another  on  a  rock  near  Yarmouth  in  Nova  Scotia, 
and  another  on  a  rock  near  Monhegan  on  the  coast  of 
Maine.  Some  of  these  were  merely  natural  markings, 
fissures  rather  than  incisions.  Their  definite  translation 
into  modern  English  has  been  cited  as  a  striking  instance 
of  the  way  in  which  a  lively  imagination  aids  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  weather  cracks  on  a  rock. 

None  of  these  supposed  memorials  of  the  Northmen  The  Dighton 
in    America    is    more    fa- 


Rock 


mous  than  the  Dighton 
rock,  lying  on  the  bank 
of  Taunton  River  in  the 
town  of  Berkley,  Massa- 
chusetts. Learned  and 
eager  Danes  easily  read 
"Thorfin"and"CXXXr' 
in  the  inscriptions,  part  of  which,  they  said,  pro- 
claimed that  "One  hundred  and  thirty-one  men  of 
the  North  have  occupied  this  country  with  Thorfin." 
When  the  Dighton  rock  came  to  be  studied  without 
the  fervid    Scandinavian  patriotism  and  was   freed   from 


The  Dighton  Rock 


94 


The  Northmen 


the  learned  and  ingenious  commentaries  of  the  Copen- 
hagen   antiquaries,    the    representations    of    the    human 

figures  and  animals 
appeared  too  rude  for 
the  monumental  work 
of  the  Icelandic  emi- 
grants. "They  greatly 
resembled  the  figures 
which  the  Indians 
paint  on  the  smooth 
side  of   their  buffalo 


Newport 


A  New  Mexico  Inscription  Rock 

skins.  The  characters  supposed  to  be  numerals  certainly 
resemble  the  Roman  signs  for  unity  and  ten ;  but  every 
straight  mark  resembles  T'  and  every  cross  resembles 
'X'."  The  idea  of  a  Norse  origin  for  the  Dighton  rock 
inscriptions  was  never  generally  accepted  in  the  United 
States  and,  since  the  finding  of  numerous  rock  inscrip- 
tions of  undoubted  Indian  origin,  it  has  been  wholly 
given  up. 
The  Tower  at  The  old  mill  at  Newport  has  been  often  cited  as  a  true 
Norse  memorial.  While  it  is  strange  that  we  have  no 
record  of  the  building  of  so  sin- 
gular a  tower  by  early  English 
inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island,  it 
would  be,  as  Mr.  Palfrey  says, 
much  more  strange  that  the  first 
English  settlers  did  not  mention, 
the  fact  if,  on  their  arrival, 
they  had  found  a  vestige 
of  a  former  civilization  so 
different  from  anything 
else  within  their  view. 
Benedict  Arnold  (the 
name  was  not  blacked  until 
a  later  century)  succeeded 

Roger  Williams  as  governor  of  Rhode  Island  in  1657 
and  held  the  oi^ce  many  years.  He  died  in  1678,  and 
in  his  will,  made  that  year,  speaks  of  the  monument 
in   question    as    "my  stone-built  windmill."      Governor 


The  Newport  Tower 


The  Northmen 


95 


Arnold's  family  came  from  Warwickshire,  England,  and  in 
Warwickshire  is  Leamington.  He  had  a  farm  in  Rhode 
Island  and  called  it  Leaming- 
ton Farm.  Three  miles  from 
the  English  Leamington  is 
Chesterton,  and  at  Chesterton 
is  a  round  stone  windmill. 
This  English  mill,  the  admi- 
ration of  the  people  at  War- 
wickshire, and  doubtless  well 
known  to  Arnold  in  his  boy- 
hood days,  much  resembles 
the  one  at  Newport.  That 
the  Newport  mill  was  copied 
from  the  one  at  Chesterton 
is  suggested  by  a  glance  at 
pictures  of  the  two  structures. 
Of  like  authenticity  is  the 
story  of  the  "Skeleton  in 
Armor,"  discovered  in  1831 
near  Fall  River,  Massachusetts.  Parts  of  a  well  pre- 
served skeleton  were  found  with  armor,  consisting  of  a 

breastplate  and  a  belt  of  brass 
tubes  linked  together  in  a 
peculiar  manner,  not  unlike 
mail  in  its  general  construction. 
Armlets  and  anklets  made  in 
the  same  way  and  brass  arrow- 
heads of  superior  construction 
were  also  found.  All  of  these 
remains  were  placed  in  the 
museum  at  Fall  River  and 
subsequently  destroyed  by  fire. 
The  skeleton  was  not  that  of 
an  Indian,  and  as  certainly  not 
that   of  a    Northman.       Good 


The  skeleton 
in  Armor 


The  Chesterton  Mill 


Statue  of  Leif  Ericson  yiklng      flcsh     WOuld     nOt      cHng 

to   the  old  bones,  and   even  Longfellow's  genius   could 
not  perpetuate  the  fancy.      Still,   M.   Gravier  concluded 


96 


The  Northmen 


Conclusion 


that  certain  other  skeletons   found  near  by  were  those  of 
the  victims  of  Queen  Freydisa! 
The  These  and  other  supposed  Norse  remains  were  ques- 

tionable testimony  at  the  best  and  are  no  longer  admitted 
in  evidence.  We  must  depend  wholly  upon  the  sagas 
themselves,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  they  can  settle  the 
question  as  to  where  Vinland  was.  When  the  Boston 
statue  to  Leif  Ericson  was  projected,  the  members  of 
the  Massachusetts  historical  society  discouraged  it  on  the 
ground  that  there  was  no  satisfactory  evidence  that  the 
Northmen  ever  reached  New  England.  It  is  probable 
that  we  shall  never  be  able  to  remove  from  the  realm  of 
doubt  a  single  place  in  the  United  States  as  having  been 
settled  by  the  Northmen.  We  may  feel  sure  that  such 
settlements  existed;  we  do  not  know  where  they  were 
located. 


c 


H 


A 


R 


V 


EARLY 


GEC^  GRAPHICAL 


KNOWLEDGE 


THE  world  ot   Homer,  "the  author  of  geograph-  a  Fiat 
ical  experimental  science,"  was  a  narrow  world.   ^^"^ 
The  earth  was  a  plane,  known  to  be   such   by 
the  direct  evidence  of  undoubted 


It  "ended  in  a 
pure     ignorance,     ei 


sense, 
of 

by  the  deep-flowing  currei 
of    the     river     Oceanus," 
on  the    further    bank    of 
which      lay     fable-land. 
In  common   beliet,  this 
conception  of  the  earth    i 
long  outlived   Homeric 
times.      With  advancing 
knowledge,  the    idea    of 
a    disk-like    earth    gradu- 
ally changed  to  the  concef 
tion  of   a  parallelogram  v, 
its     greater    extent     lying 
and  west.      This  assumed 
variously    shaped,  was    as    variously        Homer's  worid 
supported.      The  consideration   of  the   means  of  terres- 
trial support  belongs  to  celestial  mechanics  rather  than  to 
historical  geography. 

It    is    not    known  when   or  where  the  theory  of   the  a  Spherical 
earth's  sphericity  originated,  but  it  antedates  Columbus  ^^"^ 
by  two  thousand  years.      It  was  held  by  the  disciples  of 


98 


Early  Geographical  Knowledge 


Pythagoras  and  was  probably  taught  by  that  philosopher 
six  centuries  before  Christ.  Plato  adopted  the  doctrine, 
and  Aristotle,  Eratosthenes,  Strabo,  and  other  wise 
men  who  lived  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
era  admitted  their  belief  in  the  globular  form  of  the 
earth  and  indulged  in  speculation  as  to  the  possibility 
of  sailing  westward  from  Spain  to  India.  It  is  by  no 
means  probable  that  the  theory  was  generally  accepted 
by  the  people  either  in  antiquity  or  in  the  middle  ages. 
The  Habitable  At  an  early  day,  the  spherical  earth  was  conceived  as 
divided  into  zones  by  the  tropics  and  the  polar  circles. 
The  polar  zones  were  uninhabitable  on  account  of  their 
intense  cold,  as  was  the  torrid  on   account  of  its  intense 


Zone 


heat.  Only  in  the  temperate  zones  could  man  live,  and 
only  in  the  north  temperate  zone  could  he  be  known  to 
live;  the  southern  was  cut  off  from  knowledge  by  the 
fiery  heats  along  the  equator.  Little  by  little,  commerce, 
the  most  efficient  pioneer  of  geography,  broke  its  own 
bonds  and  put  an  end  to  the  long-enduring  error. 
Geographical  The  earliest  measurement  of  the  earth  by  a  known 
Measurements  jyiefhod  was  made  by  Eratosthenes,  about  the  middle  of 
the  third  century  before  Christ.  He  measured  a  degree 
on  the  meridian  of  Alexandria  and  concluded  that  the 
circumference  of  the  earth  was  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  stadia.  The  stadium  was  a  measure  of  six 
hundred  Greek  feet  of  uncertain  length.  In  later 
centuries,    Strabo,    Ptolemy,  his   contemporary,  Marinus 


Early  Geographical  Knowledge  99 

of  Tyre,  and   others    made  widely   varying  estimates   in  About 
which  we   find   little   learned   from   actual   discovery    but   'S^a.  d. 
much  to  emphasize  the  general  mistiness  of  geographical 
information. 

Mingled  with  these  teachings  of  crude  science  are  the  The  Eiysian 
glowing  pictures  of  a  wonderful  literature,  blending  fact  f f ''^j  ^"r  !l!^ 
and  fable  so  skilfully  that  it  is  far  from  easy  to  decide  Bkst 
what  is  myth  and  what  is  history.  In  an  admirable 
monograph  to  which  the  writer  of  this  chapter  acknowl- 
edges a  deep  obligation,  Mr.  Tillinghast  tells  us  that 
"the  expanding  horizon  of  the  Greeks  was  always  hedged 
with  fable:  in  the  north  was  the  realm  of  the  happy 
Hyperboreans;  in  the  east,  the  wonderland  of  India;  in 
the  south,  Panchasa  and  the  blameless  Ethiopians;  nor 
did  the  west  lack  lingering  places  for  romance.  Here 
was  the  floating  isle  of  tEoIus,  brazen-walled;  here  the 
mysterious  Ogygia,  navel  of  the  sea;  and  on  the  earth's 
extremest  verge"  was  Elysium,  the  abode  of  the  blessed 
and  immortal  dead,  the  Eiysian  Fields  of  Homer, 
Hesiod's  and  Pindar's  Islands  of  the  Blest. 

In  the  course  of  his  tenth  labor,  Hercules  erected  on  The  Piiiara  of 
the   Strait  of  Gibraltar   the   opposing  promontories  that  ^'^'■^"■"  and 

11  or  the  Fortunate 

were    called    the    pillars    of    Hercules    and    were    long  islands 
regarded  as   the  western   boundary  of  the  world.     His 
eleventh   labor  was   the  getting  of  the  golden  apples  of 
the    Hesperides    from    their    island    gardens    at    earth's 
remotest  western  bounds. 

Beyond  whose  shores  no  passage  gave 
The  ruler  of  the  purple  wave. 

The  poets  delighted  in  glowing  pictures  of  these  Hes- 
perian plains  and  the  long-lingering  Islands  of  the  Blest. 
As  early  as  the  first  century  before  Christ,  the  Fortunate 
Islands  designated  some  of  the  Canaries.  Although  the 
Canaries  were  soon  engulfed  in  the  darkness  of  the 
middle  ages,  the  Fortunate  Islands  remained  as  a  favorite 
theme  for  the  poets  and  myth-makers  of  that  period. 

In    Plato's   dialogue   of  Tim^us,   wherein    the   author  Atlantis 
sketches   the   history   of  creation,  Critias  relates  that   his  "^''""'^ 
grandfather   had   been   told   by   Solon   some  remarkable 


loo  Early  Geographical  Knowledge 

events  in  early  Athenian  history,  learned  by  him  from 
Egyptian  priests  whose  records  went  much  further  back 
than  did  those  of  the  Greeks.  The  most  famous  exploit 
of  the  early  Athenians  was  the  overthrow  of  the  power 
of  the  island  of  Atlantis,  the  destruction  of  which  took 
place  before  the  conflagration  of  the  world  by  Phaethon. 
Atlantis  was  described  as  a  continent  lying  over  against 
the  pillars  of  Hercules  and  greater  in  extent  than  Libya 
and  Asia  Minor  put  together.  From  it  there  was  an 
easy  passage  to  other  islands  and  another  continent. 
In  Atlantis  Neptune  settled,  and  there  his  descendants 
ruled  for  many  ages.  This  mighty  power  was  arrayed 
against  all  the  countries  of  the  Mediterranean,  but  its 
armies  were  driven  back  by  the  Athenians.  Soon  after 
this  came  an  earthquake  by  which  Atlantis  and  all  its 
splendid  cities  and  warlike  nations  were  sunk  to  the 
bottom  of  the  sea. 
Fact  or  The  idea  of  a  vanishing  island  is  very  old,  perhaps  as 

Fancy?  ^j^    ^^    fog-banks    and    mirage.      The    existence  of  the 

ocean  plateaus  and  many  floral,  faunal,  and  ethnological 
resemblances  between  the  Old  World  and  the  New  have 
been  held  up  as  proofs  of  the  prehistoric  existence 
of  an  Atlantis.  More  than  one  modern  writer  has 
declared  in  substance  that,  with  passing  years,  the  story 
"seems  to  lose  much  of  its  mythical  character  and  to  be 
brought  to  the  plane  of  a  historic  fact."  Still,  it  is 
generally  believed  that  Atlantis  is  a  myth. 
Meropian  and  The  storv  givcn  by  Theopompus  concerning  the 
Saturnian         Mcropian  Continent  that  held  the  ocean  sea  that  com- 

Continents  f       i  i  r       i  o 

passed  the  known  world,  and  that  or  the  Saturnian 
continent  given  in  one  of  Plutarch's  dialogues  mav  also 
be  classed  as  imaginative  literature.  Such  theories  of 
physical  geography  as  they  contain  have  no  basis  in 
exploration. 
Phenician  and  The  Phcnicians  were  the  pioneers  of  maritime  discov- 
£rioMtk.n"  ery,  and  founded  the  present  Cadiz,  beyond  the  pillars 
of  Hercules,  more  than  eleven  hundred  years  before  the 
coming  of  Christ.  When  the  Phenicians  dropped  the 
scepter  of  the  sea,  the  Carthaginians  picked  it  up.      They 


Early  Geographical  Knowledge  loi 

discovered  the  Canaries  and  perhaps  the  Madeira  and 
Cape  Verde  islands.  There  is  no  evidence  that  either 
Phenicians  or  Carthaginians  reached  the  Azores,  much 
less  America,  although,  of  course,  such  honors  have  been 
claimed  for  both.  I'o  the  Greeks  and  Romans  we  owe 
even  less  in  the  matter  of  westward  exploration.  The 
commercial  rivalry  of  states  and  the  hostile  interruption 
of  overland  routes  of  trade  with  the  East  that  gave  an 
incentive  for  the  ocean  voyages  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
were  unknown  under  the  almost  universal  dominion  of 
the  Roman  empire,  while  the  fabled  but  accepted  dangers 
of  the  deep  were  fatal  to  a  very  common  love  of  explo- 
ration of  the  western  waters  for  its  own  sake.  But  the 
increase  in  wealth,  and  the  consequent  growth  of  luxury, 
drew  heavily  upon  the  resources  of  India  and  China,  and 
thus  led  to  a  truer  knowledge  of  the  shape  and  size  of 
the  earth. 

It  seems  strange  that,  after  the  development  of  the  Laaantius 
idea  of  the  earth's  sphericity,  the  notion  of  a  flat  world  ^""^  ^^'."^ 
should  be  revived,  and  that  the  fantastic  concepts  of 
the  ancients  should  be  outdone  by  those  of  Christian 
teachers.  Largely  owing  to  a  certain  habit  of  mind 
that  "fears  nothing  but  a  want  of  faith,"  there  was  a 
medieval  period  in  which  geographical  science  was  pros- 
tituted for  religious  purposes.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century,  Lactantius  urged  that  it  was  absurd  to 
suppose  that  men  lived  on  the  other  side  of  the  earth 
when  their  feet  would  be  higher  than  their  heads.  A 
century  later.  Saint  Augustine  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  Bible  makes  no  mention  of  a  race  of  men 
descended  from  Adam  living  on  the  other  side  of  the 
world.  "  Were  the  earth  a  globe,  men  living  on  the 
other  side  could  not  see  the  Lord  when  he  descended  to 
judge  the  world." 

About  the    year   540,  the  Alexandrian   monk   known   Cosmas 
as  Cosmas  (probably  a  nickname)  unfolded   his  theolog- 
ical doctrines  in  his  Christian  Topography.      In  this  work, 
now     proverbial     among     the     curiosities    of    literature, 
Cosmas  declared  that  "the  world  is  a  flat  parallelogram. 


I02 


Early  Geographical  Knowledge 


Polyhistor 


Antillia 


Its  length,  which  should  be  measured  from  east  to  west, 
is  the  double  of  its  breadth,  which  should  be  measured 
from  north  to  south.  In  the  center  is  the  earth  we 
inhabit,  which  is  surrounded  by  the  ocean,  and  this 
again  is  encircled  by  another  earth  in  which  men  lived 
before  the  deluge  and  from  which  Noah  was  transported 
in  the  ark.  To  the  north  of  the  world  is  a  high  conical 
mountain,  around  which  the  sun  and  moon  continually 
revolve  [an  Indian  concept].  When  the  sun  is  hid 
behind  the  mountain,  it  is  night;  and  when  it  is  on  our 
side  of  the  mountain,  it  is  day.  To  the  edges  of  the 
outer  earth  the  sky  is  glued."  Although  preposterous 
as  a  philosopher,  Cosmas  had  journeyed  to  India  as  a 
trader,  and  probably  had  visited  Abyssinia,  Egypt,  and 
Palestine,  before  he  settled  down  in  his  monastery  and 
wrote  what  Mr.  Beazley  has  called  the  systematic  non- 
sense of  his  Christian  Topography.  "  Even  more  than 
actual  exploration,  theoretical  knowledge  seemed  on  its 
death-bed  for  the  next  five  hundred  years." 

In  the  middle  ages,  when  learning  shrank  into  the 
cloister  and  barbarism  flooded  Europe,  it  is  probable  that 
there  was  a  prevalent  belief  in  a  flat  earth,  disk-shaped  or 
rectangular.  Ptolemy  and  Strabo,  Herodotus  and  Hip- 
parchus,  passed  almost  wholly  away  from  Christian  mem- 
ory. The  only  works  of  the  pagan  period  that  held  much 
attention  were  compilations  like  those  of  Solinus,  surnamed 
Polyhistor,  in  which  geography  is  taken  into  account  only 
as  "a  framework  on  which  the  web  of  the  story-teller  is 
woven  into  the  garments  of  romance."  But  while  learn- 
ing dwindled  it  did  not  die.  The  monastery  preserved 
the  precious  knowledge  of  the  earth's  sphericity,  knowl- 
edge that  became  the  guiding  star  and  sustaining  power 
of  the  world's  greatest  discoverer. 

When  the  Meropian  and  Saturnian  fictions  hibernated, 
the  Canary  Islands  dropped  out  of  memory,  and  Atlantis, 
the  Islands  of  the  Blest,  and  the  Hesperides  went  with 
them,  geographical  myth  quickly  filled  with  a  new 
progeny  the  places  thus  vacated.  Medieval  maps  of  the 
Atlantic  were  dotted  here  and  there  with  a  rank  growth 


Early  Geographical  Knowledge  103 

of  fabulous  islands.  Thus,  when  the  Moors  triumphed,  714  a.  d. 
a  Spanish  archbishop  and  six  bishops  fled  into  the  ocean 
and  discovered  Antillia,  the  largest  of  the  imaginary 
brood.  It  was  near  the  latitude  of  Lisbon  and  in  longi- 
tude 330  degrees  east  of  the  west  coast  of  Europe,  a 
convenient  way-station  for  some  coming  Columbus. 
Here  the  archbishop  and  his  followers  burned  their  ships 
to  prevent  desertions,  and  founded  seven  towns,  whence 
the  name  "The  Island  of  Seven  Cities."  The  story 
and  the  tradition  on  which  it  was  founded  were  current 
at  the  time  of  Columbus,  and  the  island  was  put  down  on 
the  maps  of  that  day. 

Saint    Brendan  was    a   sixth-century   Irish    abbot,  the  Saint 
alleged  patriarch  of  three  thousand  monks.      About  the  ^rendan's 

•  J  J 1  r      1  •     J    1         L  •       J  •       •     1        o    •  Navigation 

middle  or  the  century,  accompanied  by  his  disciple.  Saint  565  a.  d. 
Malo,  and  sixteen  other  monks,  he  set  out  in  search  of 
certain  islands  in  the  Atlantic,  which,  he  was  told,  pos- 
sessed the  delights  of  paradise.  As  his  "  Navigation  "  was 
drawn  out  for  seven  years,  the  pilgrims  had  many  strange 
adventures  and  made  many  great  discoveries,  after  which 
they  returned  to  Ireland.  The  "Navigation"  took  place 
in  the  sixth  century;  the  story  first  appeared  in  the 
eleventh.  Although  this  "Christianized  fragment  of 
classical  myth"  has  a  suspicious  likeness  to  the  Sindbad 
saga,  it  has  served  as  the  basis  of  a  claim  of  a  British  dis- 
covery of  America. 

In  later  generations,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Canaries  Saint  Bren- 
fancied  that  far  to  the  westward  and  in  perfectly  clear  '^^^  ^  ^^^^^^ 
weather  they  beheld  an  island  many  leagues  in  length. 
In  spite  of  abundant  testimony  as  to  its  existence,  the 
illusive  island  could  not  be  found.  Then  the  legends  of 
Saint  Brendan  were  revived  and  his  name  applied  to  the 
island.  In  spite  of  repeated  futile  voyages  of  investiga- 
tion, the  island  of  Saint  Brendan  took  firm  hold  of  popu- 
lar belief  and  did  not  relax  its  grip  for  centuries.  Its 
nonexistence  was  often  proved  and  yet  geographers  gave 
it  place  upon  their  maps.  This  unsubstantial  island,  one 
of  the  regions  known  to  mariners  as  Cape  Fly-away  and 
the  coast  of  Cloud-land,  was  laid  down  on  most  of  the 


(■t)fr,Jiac  reaicixt  fVplag'  arenose  et  deierte  vcJJe  magne  et  iJeo  *^j, 
terrautit Sihmaritl'na  est prarrmict-i parte^fuibiiaiumji  lu>mi  /^tn 

fendiKs  imarekt  pajsi^  hohebiOi  de  fundo. 


Andreas   Benincasa's  Map  ok    i4"6 


Early  Geographical  Knowledge  105 

charts  of  the  time  of  Columbus;  the  delusion  long  out- 
lived the  great  discoverer.  Born  in  poetic  hagiology, 
it  obstinately  lingered  in  poetic  mirage. 

Though  Saint  Brendan's  Island  was  hidden  from  the  a  Literary 
eyes  of  ordinary  men,  it  was  revealed  by  the  second  Convenience 
sight  of  the  immortal  poets.  Here  Armida  held 
Rinaldo  in  delicious  but  inglorious  thraldom,  as  set  forth 
in  the  immortal  lay  of  Tasso.  Here  the  witch,  Sycorax, 
held  sway  when  Prospero  and  Miranda  were  wafted  to 
its  shores,  as  told  in  the  magic  page  of  Shakspere, 
Nor  may  we  omit  from  our  catalog  of  wonders  the 
assurance  of  our  own  genial  Irving,  that  "on  the  shores 
of  this  wondrous  isle  the  kraken  heaves  its  unwieldy 
bulk  and  wallows  many  a  rood.  Here  the  sea-serpent, 
that  mighty  but  much  contested  reptile,  lies  coiled  up 
during  the  intervals  of  its  revelations  to  the  eyes  of  true 
believers.  Here  even  the  Flying  Dutchman  finds  a 
port  and  casts  an  anchor  and  furls  his  shadowy  sail,  and 
takes  a  brief  repose  from  his  eternal  cruisings." 

Ever  since  1375,  when  the  maker  of  the  Catalan  Bresii 
planisphere  stood  as  its  godfather,  the  island  of  Bresii 
had  been  floating  about  the  Atlantic,  generally  in  the 
latitude  of  Ireland.  In  1480,  the  English  sent  out  an 
expedition  to  search  for  it,  and,  as  late  as  the  middle  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  the  fleeting  insular  vision  had 
not  disappeared  from  the  British  admiralty  charts.  In 
addition  to  the  quondam  Islands  of  the  Blest,  the 
Atlantic  had  its  many  Isles  of  Demons: 

Kept,  as  supposed,  by  Hel's  infernal  dogs  ; 

Our  fleet  found  there  most  honest,  courteous  hogs. 

The  dense  darkness  of  this  era  was  much  relieved  by  Poetic 
Moslem  explorers  and  students,  but  their  science  made  ^^°P^^'^y 
no  considerable  advance  after  the  beginning  of  the 
second  Christian  millennium.  Gradually  the  campaigns 
of  the  Saracens  and  the  Crusaders,  missionary  and  com- 
mercial travel,  and  especially  the  reports  of  the  great  trav- 
elers of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  together 
with  the  general  advance  in  scientific  knowledge, 
led   the    learned    back   to    the    Pythagorean    conception. 


io6  Early  Geographical  Knowledge 

and  prepared  the  way  for  the  permanent  triumph 
of  the  sphere  over  the  parallelogram.  About  the 
middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  while  the  Northmen 
probably  were  yet  in  America,  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth 
wrote  his  History  of  the  Britons,  and  put  these  words  into 
the  mouth  of  Diana: 

Brutus,  far  to  the  west,  in  the  ocean  wide, 

Beyond  the  realm  of  Gaul,  a  land  there  lies, 
Sea-girt  it  lies,  where  giants  dwelt  of  old. 

Now  void,  it  fits  thy  people.      Thither  bend 
Thy  course  ;   there  shalt  thou  find  a  lasting  seat ; 

There  to  thy  sons  another  Troy  shall  rise. 
And  kings  be  born  of  thee,  whose  dreadful  might 

Shall  awe  the  world  and  conquer  nations  bold. 

Two  centuries  later,  Petrarch  wrote  of 

The  daylight  hastening  with  winged  steps, 
Perchance  to  gladden  the  expectant  eyes 
of  far-off  nations,  in  a  world  remote. 

These  and  similar  passages  need  not  be  held  to  shadow 
forth  a  knowledge  of  the  American  continent,  but  they 
do  show  that  the  possible  existence  of  such  a  continent 
was  often  in  men's  minds. 
Puici  and  In   the    fifteenth   century,  the   idea   of  the   earth   still 

common  among  the  common  people  was  that  of  a  paral- 
lelogram extending  from  east  to  west.  In  fact,  the 
world  that  they  knew,  laid  down  on  a  modern  map, 
constitutes  such  a  figure.  The  main  lines  of  travel  ran 
east  and  west,  and  the  Mediterranean  was  the  great  high- 
way of  commerce.  Some  of  the  crude  geographical 
ideas  of  that  day  have  been  fossilized  in  language,  and 
thus  perpetuated  to  ours.  For  instance,  longitude  or 
length  is  still  measured  east  and  west,  while  latitude  or 
breadth  is  measured  north  and  south.  But  a  period  of 
transition  was  at  hand.  How  far  the  tide  had  then 
returned  is  shown  by  an  extract  from  Pulci's  Morgante 
Maggiore,  in  which  the  Devil,  referring  to  the  common 
superstition  concerning  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  says: 

Know  that  this  theory  is  false  ;  his  bark 
The  daring  mariner  shall  urge  far  o'er 
The  western  wave,  a  smooth  and  level  plain. 
Albeit  the  earth  is  fashioned  like  a  wheel. 


Columbus 


Early  Geographical  Knowledge  107 

Man  was  in  ancient  days  of  grosser  mould, 

And  Hercules  might  blush  to  learn  how  far 

Beyond  the  limits  he  had  vainly  set, 

The  dullest  sea-boat  soon  shall  wend  her  way. 

Men  shall  descry  another  hemisphere. 

Since  to  one  common  center  all  things  tend, 

So  earth,  by  curious  mystery  divine, 

Well  balanced,  hangs  amid  the  starry  spheres. 

At  our  antipodes  are  cities,  states, 

And  thronged  empires,  ne'er  divined  of  yore. 

But  see,  the  sun  speeds  on  his  western  path 

To  glad  the  nations  with  expected  light. 

Evidently  the  world  was  ready  for  the  genius  and 
achievement  of  the  great  discoverer.  Five  years  after 
Pulci's  death,  Columbus  verified  the  almost  imperative 
prophecy.  Thus  the  tangled  thread  of  fact  and  fancy 
leads  from  the  i^gean  and  the  Nile  to  the  portals  of  the 
western  world. 


CHAPTER 


V      I 


PRINCE       HENRY       THE       NA\'IGATOR 


Profit  and 

Progress 


T/ief    that  go    doivn  to  the  seu  in  s/iips,  that  do   business   in  great  ivaters ;    these  see  the 
•works   of  the   Lord,  and  his   ivonders   in   the  deep. —  Psalm    cvii. 


T 


,HE  wondrous  story   that,  in   the  latter  part  of 
the    thirteenth    century,  the  Venetian,    Marco 
Polo,  had  told  of  Kublai  Khan,  and  of  Mangi 
and  Cathay  (China)  with   their  countless   cities,  teeming 
,r'^^^  wealth,  and   indescribable  mag- 

nificence, had  aroused  the  curi- 
osity and  kindled  the  avarice 
of  the  western  world.  The 
growing  wealth  and  luxury  of 
the  age  had  made  an  increasing 
demand  for  the  costly  mer- 
chandise of  India,  and  the 
great  cities  of  Italy  had  fattened 
on  the  traffic.  But  the  path- 
way to  the  gorgeous  East  lay 
through  wide  deserts  and  hostile 
countries.  Portugal  and  Castile, 
far  removed  from  the  devious 
route  ot  this  profitable  commerce,  were  almost  forced  to 
turn  their  eyes  to  the  western  ocean  and  to  seek  therein 
new  paths  and  new  domains.  The  drain  of  coin  from 
the  west  to  the  east  had  doubled  the  purchasing  power 
of  silver  and   gold   in    Europe,   and   some   readjustment 


Marco    Polo 


Prince  Henry  the  Navigator 


109 


of  the  disturbed  balance  of  trade  had  become  an  eco- 
nomic necessity.  Thus  the  one  great  dream  of  western 
Europe  came  to  be  an  ocean  route  to  the  dominions  of 
the  great  khan,  and  the  one  great  problem  was  to  find 
it.  Two  methods  of  solution  were  offered,  one  by 
Prince  Henry  of  Portugal,  surnamed  the  Navigator,  and 
the  other  by  Christopher  Columbus.  Prince  Henry's 
plan  was  to  pass  around  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
African  continent;  that  of  the  immortal  Genoese  was  to 
sail  boldly  westward  across  the  Sea  of  Darkness. 

Prince  Henry  of  Portugal,  the  fourth  son  of  King  Prince  Henry 
John  I.  of  Portugal  and  a  nephew  of  Henry  IV.  of 
England,  was  born  in  1394.  He 
lived  to  aid  in  the  development  of 
reawakening  science,  to  wreathe 
his  country's  name  in  glory,  and 
to  extend  the  blessings  of  the 
Christian  religion.  But  more  to 
him  than  science,  the  laurel,  or 
the  cross  was  —  India.  His  pro- 
posal to  turn  the  commerce  of 
the  East  from  the  Red  Sea,  the 
Nile,  and  the  Mediterranean  to 
the  broad  bosom  of  the  Atlantic 
involved   defiance   to   the    fabled 

monsters  of  the  Sea  of  Darkness  and  the  traditional 
terrors  of  the  Sea  of  Fire.  Pliny  had  taught  and  gen- 
erations had  believed  that  "the  middle  of  the  earth  on 
which  is  the  path  of  the  sun  is  parched  and  set  on  fire  by 
the  luminary  and  is  consumed  by  being  so  near  the 
heat."  Proverbs  had  been  born  of  the  belief  that  no 
man  could  go  beyond  Cape  Non  and  live. 

Prince  Henry  took  up  his  home  on  the  barren  Sagres 
promontory  of  Sagres  at  the  southwestern  extremity 
of  Portugal  and  gathered  wise  men  there.  His  court 
became  a  college,  with  courtiers  for  pupils,  sages  for 
professors,  and  a  prince  for  president  and  patron.  He 
died  in  1460,  too  soon  to  see  the  fulfilment  of  his  dream, 
but  he  had  committed    Portugal  to  the  policv  of  mari- 


Prince   Henry  the  Navigator 


m '- 


I  lO 


Prince  Henry  the  Navigator 


Portuguese 
Exploration 


1425 


time  discovery.  The  skilful  mariners  whom  he  enlisted 
explored  the  western  coast  of  Africa  as  far  as  Sierra 
Leone,  discovered  the  Azores,  and,  about  141  8  or  1419, 
rediscovered  Madeira,  then  uninhabited.  Porto  Santo, 
one  of  the  Madeira  group,  was  discovered  about  the  same 
time.  Six  or  seven  years  later.  Prince  Henry  sent 
colonists  to  Porto  Santo  and  Madeira;  among  them  was 
Bartolomeo  Perestrello,  a  gentleman  of  the  household. 
In  1452,  Pedro  de  Velasco,  following  a  flight  of  birds, 
had  found  Flores,  the  most  westerly  of  the  Azores  and 
the  remotest  outpost  of  the  Old  World.  But  these 
experimental  and  accidental  voyages  were  subordinate  to 

the  definite  program  of  an  ad- 
vance down  the  coast  of  Africa, 
and  thus  a  route  to  Asia. 
In  1469,  King  Alfonso 
fiirmed  out  the  African 
commerce      and      re- 
quired that  the  limit 
of  discovery  be   car- 
ried     southward      a 
hundred  leagues  each 
year.      The    equator 
was  crossed  in  1471, 
and  the  mouth  of  the 
Congo  reached  in  1484. 
Dias   doubled   the   Cape 
of  Good    Hope  in    i486. 
It  is  said  that  Bartholomew, 
the    brother    of    Christopher 

Map  Illustrating  Early  Portuguese  Discoveries      ColumbuS,    WaS     One     of     thoSe 

who  made  this  eventful  voyage.  Vasco  da  Gama  sailed 
to  India  by  way  of  "the  cape,"  arriving  at  Calicut  on  the 
twentieth  of  May,  1498,  a  few  days  before  Columbus 
sailed  on  his  third  voyage.  The  dream  of  Prince  Henry 
was  justified;  the  ocean  route  to  India  was  opened. 
Venice  and  her  sister  cities  of  the  Mediterranean  fell 
into  decline;  Lisbon  and  her  sister  cities  of  the  Atlantic 
seaboard  received  new  life.      The  tide  of  oriental  traffic 


Prince  Henry  the  Navigator 


III 


flowed  in  new  channels  and  continued  therein  until  the 
Suez  canal  was  opened  in  1869. 

These  were   not   the    only   results;    for,   if  the   great  Three 
achievement    of    Columbus    "was    the    connecting    link  ^"a.'^^^ 

o      _  or  Uiscovery 

between  the  Old  World  and  the  New,  the  explorations 
instituted  by  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal  were,  in  truth, 
the  anvil  upon  which  that  link  was  forged."  Although 
the  luster  of  his  fame  as  the  father  of  discovery  is  dimmed 
by  the  fact  that  the  Portuguese  exploration  of  Africa 
reposed  on  the  solid  economic  basis  of  the  slave-trade. 
Prince  Henry  was  the  originator  of  one  of  the  greatest 
revolutions  that  has  affected  the  destinies  of  mankind. 
In  the  widest  sense,  the  age  of  maritime  discovery  begins 
with  his  career  and  ends  with  that  of  Captain  Cook.  In 
a  more  restricted  sense,  it  reaches  from  1492  to  1522. 
Within  these  thirty  years,  greater  additions  were  made  to 
man's  knowledge  of  the  earth's  surface  than  were  made 
in  any  thousand  years  from  which  this  single  generation 
is  excluded.      To  this  briefer  period  we  now  turn. 


CHAPTER 


V     I     I 


COLUMBUS       AND        HIS        GREAT        IDEA 


The 
Columbi 


MANY  an  Italian  town  and  village,  and  a  hamlet 
in  Corsica,  moved  by  local  pride  and  sustained 
by  an  almost  pardonable  enthusiasm,  have 
laid  claim  to  the  honor  of  giving  to  the  world  the  most 
illustrious  of  discoverers.  Moreover,  a  natural  pride  in 
a  family  name  has  piled  claims  around  the  family  tree 
until  the  Columbian  genealogy  is  intricate  if  not  doubt- 
ful. The  best  that  can  now  be  done  is  to  give  what 
seems  to  be  most  probably  true.  Giovanni  Colombo 
had  a  son,  Domenico,  who,  in  1439  or  earlier,  settled  in 
the  wool-weavers'  quarter  in  Genoa,  outside  the  old  gate 
of  San  Andrea.  This  Domenico  had  sons,  Christoforo, 
Bartolomeo,  and  Giacomo,  probably  all  born  in  Genoa. 
About  1470,  the  family  moved  to  Savona,  twenty-six 
miles  from  Genoa,  where  Domenico  and  his  son  Christo- 
foro pursued  their  trade  as  weavers.  But  business  aftairs 
did  not  prosper,  and,  about  1484,  Domenico  returned  to 
Genoa.  It  is  probable  that  Christoforo  was  born  between 
March,  1446,  and  March,  1447,  and  in  the  house  No. 
37,  in  the  Vico  Dritto  di  Ponticello.  In  1887,  the 
municipality  bought  the  property  and  placed  over  the 
door  an  inscription  with  which  the  above  statement 
agrees.  In  different  lands  the  name  is  written  in  different 
ways  —  as  Colombo,  Colon,  Colomb,  and  Columbus. 
To  us,  Christoforo  is  known  as  Christopher,  and  Barto- 
lomeo as  Bartholomew;  when  Giacomo  went  to  Spain,  he 
was  known  as  Diego  Colon. 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


113 


As    to    the    early    life    of    Columbus,    events    are    so    i    4  4  6 
entangled  that  absolute  clarification   of  the  record  seems    i    4   8   4 
almost    impossible.      The    wool-combers  of   Genoa  had  Coiumbusas 
local  schools  for  their  children,  and   it  is  probable  that  ^  ^"^ 
young  Christopher  had  the  benefit 
thereof.        If    we     can     trust     the 
Historic  attributed  to   his  younger 
son,  he  spent  a  few  months  (prob- 
ably about  1460)  at  the  university 
of    Pavia.       Possibly    the     failing 
fortunes  of  the  father  abbreviated 
the  university  training  of  the  son, 
who  probably   returned    to   Genoa 
and,  not  long  thereafter,  began  his 
seafaring  life.    According  to  a  state- 
ment attributed  to  Columbus  him- 
self, he  was  only  fourteen  years  ol   -^""^^ 
age  when   he  took  this  important 
step.      Even  if   Columbus   did  so 
state  his  age,  the  statement  cannot  ^-s-^,=—=~ 

b^      1  1        •  lA        U^  Ship  of  the  Fifteenth  Century 

e  accepted  as  conclusive.    JJoubt-  ^ 

less  he  was  an  adventurous  youth,  and  for  such  the  sea 
then  had  strong  attraction. 

About  1460,  John  of  Anjou,  duke  of  Calabria,  fitted  Coiumbus 
out  an  expedition  at  Genoa  to  recover  the  kingdom  of  g*^^^  "  s«^ 
Naples  for  his  father.  It  has  been  usual  to  associate  the 
earliest  maritime  career  of  Columbus  with  this  expedi- 
tion, and  a  letter,  said  to  have  been  written  in  1495  ^Y 
Columbus  to  the  Spanish  monarchs,  describes  some  of 
the  events  of  the  campaign.  But  there  is  testimony  in 
rebuttal,  and  some  reason  to  think  that  Columbus  was 
of  adult  age  when  he  first  went  to  sea.  Fortunately, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  he  did  go  to  sea,  and  little  if  any 
that,  during  several  years  of  "  commercial  adventures 
and  warlike  enterprises,"  he  gained  much  of  the  nautical 
skill  that  fitted  him  for  his  great  work  —  a  work  for 
which  he  came  to  think  he  was  specially  ordained  of 
heaven.  Some  of  these  "warlike  enterprises"  had  a 
strong  flavor  of  what,  in   our  day,  is  called  piracy.     At 


114 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


His  Marriage 


1446  this  period,  there  was  such  a  spice  in  every  commercial 
1484  venture.  There  were  French  corsairs  of  his  name,  and, 
with  little  doubt,  some  of  their  exploits  have  been 
charged  to  the  account  of  Christoforo  of  Genoa.  In 
spite  of  the  mistiness  of  these  early  days,  some  of  his 
biographers  do  not  hesitate  to  give  precise  accounts  of 
his  daily  life.  Little  of  this  information  is  deserving  of 
much  credit.  Our  evasive  hero  disappears  from  Italy  in 
1473  and  is  next  found  in  Portugal, 

For  the  years  that  Columbus  spent  in  Portugal  we 
have  little  that  is  authentic;  unfortunately,  there  is  not 
a  single  act  of  his  life,  in  this  period,  that  can  be 
credited  with  an  exact  date.  The  usual  story  is  that  he 
took  up  his  home  at  Lisbon,  where  his  brother  Bartholo- 
mew was  making  charts  for  a  living.  He  had  not  been 
there  long  before  he  married  Dona  Felipa  Moniz, 
daughter  of  Bartolomeo  Perestrello.  It  is  supposed 
that  they  soon  went  to  Porto  Santo,  one  of  the  Madeira 
Islands,  where  the  wife  had  an  inheritance.  It  is  also 
supposed  that  here,  before  1484,  a  son,  Diego,  was  born; 
and  that,  among  the  documents  and  maps  of  his  dead 
father-in-law,  Columbus  found  something  that  hastened 
his  conception  of  a  western  way  to  India.  The  date  of 
his  return  from  Porto  Santo  to  Portugal  is  unknown. 
In  fact,  there  is  no  conclusive  evidence  that  Columbus 
ever  lived  at  Porto  Santo. 

In  the  doubtful  Italian  edition  of  the  Historie  ascribed 
to  Ferdinand  Columbus,  the  translator  ( if  the  book 
has  the  authority  of  a  translation)  makes  the  admiral 
say  that,  in  February,  1477,  ^e  sailed  "one  hundred 
leagues  beyond  Thule,"  or  made  a  privateering  cruise  to 
Iceland  and  beyond.  In  the  minds  of  some  students, 
this  alleged  voyage  is  of  pivotal  importance,  but  the 
incident  is  surrounded  with  doubt.  If  Columbus  went 
to  Iceland,  he  may  have  heard  of  Eric  and  Vinland,  but 
there  is  no  admissible  evidence  to  show  that  he  did. 
He  certainly  did  not  use  the  success  of  the  Northmen 
in  his  subsequent  tedious  struggle  to  persuade  some 
court  to   help  him   try   his  plan.      This   he  would  have 


His  Alleged 
Voyage  to 
Iceland 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea  i  i 


^ 


done  had  he  known  the  story,  for,  as  Mr.  Higginson  1473 
remarks,  "in  converting  practical  men,  an  ounce  of  i  4  8  4 
Vinland  would  have  been  worth  a  pound  of  cosmog- 
raphy," It  seems  inconceivable  that  Columbus  should 
have  sailed  westward  from  the  Canaries  if  he  had  been 
influenced  by  discoveries  of  non-European  lands  in  the 
northwest.  It  is,  however,  probable  that  he  sailed  with 
some  of  the  Portuguese  expeditions  to  the  west  coast  of 
Africa,  and,  when  at  home,  added  to  his  income  by 
making  maps  and  sea-charts. 

According  to  the  generally  accepted  history  of  the  dis-  Toscanem 
covery  of  America,  Columbus  wrote,  as  early  as  1474, 
to  Paul  Toscanelli,  a  famous  cosmographer  of  Florence. 
Toscanelli  was  then  seventy-seven  years  old,  and  there 
were  current  rumors  of  his  theory  of  a  westward  way  to 
India.  In  reply,  the  Florentine  physicist  sent  the  out- 
line of  a  plan  of  discovery,  and  a  sailing-chart  that  set 
forth  his  ideas  of  the  Asiatic  coast  lying  over  against  that 
of  Spain.  Unfortunately,  the  map  is  lost,  but  various 
efforts  have  been  made  to  restore  it.  We  do  not  know 
just  when  the  letter  was  received  by  Columbus  or  just 
what  place  it  holds  in  the  development  of  his  views. 
In  fact,  the  authenticity  of  the  Toscanelli  letter  and  map  . 
has  been  vigorously  impeached.  One  of  the  Columbian 
iconoclasts  accounts  for  the  alleged  fraud  as  the  fruit  of 
the  vanity  of  the  great  discoverer  who  wished  to  appear 
as  the  correspondent  of  scientific  men,  and  by  another 
one  on  the  supposition  that  the  letters  were  forged  by 
Bartholomew  Columbus  as  an  antidote  for  the  current 
story  that  his  brother  Christopher  had  worked  out  his 
plan  in  accordance  with  the  story  of  a  dving  pilot  who 
had  been  blown  across  the  Atlantic.  Whether  Tosca- 
nelli was  or  was  not  "the  initiator  of  the  discovery  of 
America,"  the  eastward  trend  of  the  African  coast  just 
north  of  the  equator  had  been  recently  discovered,  and 
the  discovery  had  raised  high  hopes  of  a  short  route  to 
the  Indies,  the  objective  point  of  the  anxious  Portuguese 
quest.  But  in  1472,  Santarem  and  Escobar  had  brought 
back  to   Lisbon   news  that,  beyond  the  Gold  Coast,  the 


ii6  Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 

1473  land-line  turned  southward  and  so  stretched  away  beyond 
1484  the  equator,  no  one  knew  how  far.  According  to  the 
common  version  of  the  story,  it  thus  happened  that  Tos- 
canelli's  letter  came  just  at  the  time  when  King  Alfonso 
of  Portugal  and  many  of  his  subjects  were  anxiously  con- 
sidering the  possibility  of  a  way  to  the  Indies  shorter 
than  the  southern.  At  that  opportune  moment,  the 
Florentine  cosmographer  pointed  toward  the  west. 
Size  of  the  As   the   ancicnts   magnified   the  extent  of  the  western 

Earth  Under-    Q^ean    Until    it    appeared    impassable,    so    most    of    the 

estimated  r      1  1  1  •  1       1  • 

advocates  of  the  new  geography  underestmiated  the  size 
of  the  earth.  It  was  believed  that  Asia  extended  over 
far  more  than  a  hemisphere,  and  that  the  remaining 
distance  around  the  globe  was  comparatively  short. 
Marco  Polo  had  not  told  how  far  out  in  the  ocean  from 
the  Asiatic  coast  Cipango  lay,  and  Toscanelli's  map 
showed  that,  in  case  ot  disaster,  ships  could  find  a  harbor 
in  Antillia  or  in  one  of  the  other  islands  of  which  there 
was  an  abundant  supply.  Toscanelli  closely  estimated 
the  size  of  the  earth,  but  Columbus  continued  to  accept 
Ptolemy's  estimate,  and  thus  made  more  plausible  his 
project.  He  also  thought  that  he  had  scriptural 
authority  tor  his  belief  that  he  would  find  land  not  more 
than  seven  hundred  leagues  west  of  the  Canaries,  for  in 
one  of  the  apocryphal  books  ot  the  Bible  he  had  often 
2Esdrasvi,  read:  "Upon  the  third  day  thou  didst  command  that 
^'^  the  waters  should  be  gathered  in  the  seventh  part  of  the 

earth  :  six  parts  hast  thou  dried  up." 
A  Helpful  The   earth   of  Columbus  was   but   two-thirds   as  large 

^"'^'^  as  ours.      His    three    thousand    miles   of  western   sailing 

would  bring  him  near  the  American  coast,  but  ( even 
if  land  had  not  blocked  the  passage )  it  would  have 
measured  off  but  a  third  of  the  way  to  his  Cipango,  our 
Japan.  This  unintentional  diminution  of  the  distance, 
increased  the  probabilitv  of  finding  the  needed  patron. 
Mr.  Fiske  makes  the  remark  that  "many  a  hopeful 
enterprise  has  been  ruined  by  wrong  figuring,"  but  that 
this  "was  a  case  where  the  littleness  ot  the  knowledge 
was  not  a  dangerous  but  a  helptul  thing." 


i 


ii8 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


1473 
1484 

Tendencies  of 
the  Age 


The  World 

Wakes  Up 


The  Studies 
of  Columbus 


Living  in  an  atmosphere  that  was  surcharged  with 
the  spirit  of  maritime  enterprise;  mingHng  with  wise 
men  who  had  brought  renown  and  wealth  to  Portugal ; 
with  navigators  for  kith  and  kin;  himself  a  sailor  by 
training  and  a  cosmographer  by  profession  —  it  was, 
perhaps,  inevitable  that  his  imaginative  mind  should 
conceive  great  ideas  and  his  impetuous  temper  urge  him 
on  to  their  execution.  We  must  bear  in  mind  that 
science,  speculation,  and  invention  had  recently  awak- 
ened after  twelve  centuries  of  trance.  The  newly 
created  art  of  printing  was  multiplying  books.  The 
compass  had  come  into  use,  the  improved  astrolabe 
enabled  the  mariner  to  determine  his  latitude  and  longi- 
tude at  sea,  the  magnetic  needle  pointed  his  way 
across  the  trackless  waters,  and  ship-building  and  ocean 
navigation  had  developed  a  type  of  vessel  better  fitted 
for  the  passage  of  the  Atlantic  than  were  the  light 
galleys  of  the  Mediterranean.  Geographical  discoveries 
had  created  an  intense  longing  for  geographical  informa- 
tion, and  such  longings  led  to  further  effort. 

That  there  was  a  western  passage  to  the  East,  Colum- 
bus became  convinced  by  the  combined  force  of  several 
lines  of  influence,  including  the  scientific  teachings  of 
Ptolemy,  Strabo,  and  Pliny,  and  the  speculative  views 
of  Aristotle,  Seneca,  and  Toscanelli.  In  1267,  Roger 
Bacon  had  collated  many  passages  from  ancient  writers 
to  the  general  effect  that  the  distance  westward  from 
Spain  to  Asia  could  not  be  very  great.  These  were 
copied  in  the  hnago  Mundi,  written  in  1410,  but  not 
printed  until  seventy  or  eighty  years  later.  Columbus 
was  a  close  student  of  the  Imago  Miindi^  and  his  copy, 
with  numerous  marginal  notes  in  his  own  writing,  is  still 
preserved.  He  was  also  familiar  with  the  stories  of 
Marco  Polo  and  Mandeville,  and  had  taken  part  in  the 
Portuguese  explorations  of  the  African  coast,  "which 
at  every  step  winnowed  the  geographical  tradition  of  its 
terrifying  chaff."  As  mariner  and  cartographer,  Colum- 
bus was  familiar  with  the  sea-charts  of  his  day.  To  us 
these  are  a  chaos  of  error;    but,  if  we  are  to  estimate  the 


1  20 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


1473   great   discoverer   fairly,  we   must   put   away    the   modern 

1484  map. 

Columbus  Probably,  Columbus  knew  Martin  Behaim,  the  maker 

Convinced  of  the  famous  globe  of  1492  which  placed  Cathay  in  tan- 
talizing proximity  to  the  European  seaboard,  provided 
Antillia  and   Cipango   (Japan)    as    convenient    stopping- 


Behaim's 

Globe  of  1492 

(Asiatic  Continent) 


places,  and  liberally  sprinkled  in  lesser  islands,  as  if  to 
lure  mariners  to  the  unknown  west.  There  were  also 
relics  of  an  unknown  people  cast  upon  European  shores 
by  unsuspected  oceanic  currents.  There  was  a  shorter 
route  to  India  than  that  coastwise  by  Africa.  With  this 
conviction,  and  without  doubt  or  hesitation,   Columbus 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


1  2  1 


became  the  Peter  the  Hermit  of  geographical  fanaticism.    1473 
His  great  merit  is,  not  that  he  originated  the  idea  of  a    i    4   8   4 
western  way,  but  that  he  breathed  into  it  the  breath  of 
Hfe.      He  was  not  a  moral  hero,  but  he  had  a  virile  readi- 
ness to  follow  an  intellectual  conviction,  and  an  indomi- 
table persistence  that  must  always  challenge  admiration. 


Behaim's 
Globe  of  1492 
(Europe  and  Africa 


It  is  said  that  he  first  asked  his  native  Genoa  to   help  He  Asks 
him  give  to  her  an  empire.      It  is  not  likely  that  he  did,   Po«"ga' ^o"" 
but  it  he  did  he  asked  in  vain.      He  appealed  to  Alfonso, 
king    of    Portugal,    and    waited    persistently   (some  say 
patiently)  until  that  monarch  laid  down   the  scepter  and 
John   II.    began   to  govern   in   the   name   of  his   father. 


122  Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 

1473   This  ruler  had  the  spirit  of  his  great  uncle,  Prince  Henry. 

1484  He,  however,  with  justifiable  prudence,  referred  the 
Columbian  scheme  to  a  learned  bishop  and  two  eminent 
cosmographers.  They  reported  that  the  project  was 
extravagant  and  impracticable.  Whether  the  adverse 
nature  of  the  report  arose  from  a  disbelief  in  the  proba- 
bility of  success,  or  from  a  loyal  desire  to  protect  the 
monarch  from  the  extortionate  demands  of  the  applicant, 
is  still  an  open  question.  Columbus  understood  the 
merits  of  power  and  wealth,  and  had  a  goodly  vision  in 
his  eye.  If  anticipations  ever  were  gorgeous,  they  were 
those  of  the  Genoese  map-maker  of  Lisbon. 

Why  Portugal       The  demands  of  Columbus  were  excessive,  and  the 

Refused  conquest  of  Guinea  had  put  burdens  on  the  royal  treas- 

ury. The  war  with  Castile  absorbed  the  energies  and 
the  money  of  Alfonso  V.  The  time  was  not  favorable 
for  maritime  adventures.  Moreover,  Portugal  already 
had  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  African  route  to  India, 
secured  by  papal  bulls  and  a  treaty  with  Spain.  It  is 
easy  to  conjecture  that,  with  a  certainty  in  the  southern 
route.  King  John  was  less  inclined  than  he  otherwise 
would  have  been  to  waste  time  and  money  in  support  of 
the  western  venture.  Perhaps  more  fundamental  is  the 
fact  (emphasized  by  Harrisse)  that  the  theory  advanced 
by  the  great  Genoese  was  not  new,  and  that  his  arguments 
were  only  a  repetition  of  what  Toscanelli  had  written  to 
the  king's  chaplain  years  before.  Moreover,  the  time 
was  past  when  Portugal  had  to  depend  upon  Italian 
mariners. 

Delay  and  Thus  the  fanatic  of  today  and  the  immortal  of  tomorrow 

was  kept  for  years  in  pendulous  suspense  between  hope 
and  despair.  At  last  the  king's  confessor  proposed  a 
treacherous  scheme.  Columbus  had  submitted  his  plans, 
charts,  sailing-directions,  and  other  needed  information. 
A  caravel  (a  small  three-masted  vessel)  was  secretly  sent 
to  sea.  She  bore  the  documents  furnished  by  Columbus 
for  the  consideration  of  the  court  and  council;  her  com- 
mander had  instructions  to  sail  westward  as  far  as  possible 
and  to  test  the  correctness  of  the  theory  to  which  the 


Deceit 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea  123 

documents  related.  When  the  captain  reached  the  Cape  1484 
Verde  Islands,  he  put  the  ship  about,  returned  to  Portu-  i  4  8  8 
gal,  and  reported  that  the  proposed  western  passage  to 
India  was  a  chimerical  notion.  Columbus  was  poor  but 
he  was  proud,  and  when  he  learned  of  the  attempted 
fraud  he  turned  from  the  court  that  he  so  long  had 
haunted,  and  refused  to  reopen  negotiations  with  a  mon- 
arch who  could  stoop  to  such  an  infamy.  Death  had 
robbed  him  of  his  wife,  and  a  faithless  king  had  tried  to 
rob  him  of  the  honors  that  pertained  to  his  proposed 
discoveries.      Why  or  what  should  he  care  for  Portugal? 

The  story  has  thus  been  told  so  many  times  that  it  Cokmbus 
seems  almost  heartless  to  record  that  Columbus  left  ^°"  '^°  ^p^'" 
Portugal  in  secrecy  to  escape  the  vigilance  of  government 
spies,  that  there  is  some  reason  for  believing  that  he  also 
had  to  shun  arrest  for  debts,  and  that  it  is  not  certain  that 
his  wife  was  dead.  The  letter  that  he  wrote  to  Dona 
Juana  de  la  Torre  in  1500  indicates  that  when  he  fled 
into  Spain  he  left  a  wite  and  children  behind  him  in 
Portugal.  The  exact  date  of  the  flight  is  not  known, 
but  it  seems  to  be  agreed  that  Columbus  left  Lisbon  in 
the  latter  part  of  1484.  The  first  exact  date  that  we  can 
link  to  any  of  his  doings  after  the  seventh  of  August, 
1473,  when  he  was  at  Savona  in  Italy,  is  the  fifth  of 
May,  1487,  when,  as  the  accounts  of  the  treasurer  of  the 
Spanish  sovereigns  show,  he  received  at  Cordova  his  first 
gratuity,  three  thousand  maravedis,  about  eighteen  dol- 
lars, according  to  present  money  values.  The  vagueness 
is  unfortunate  because  these  were  the  fourteen  years  that 
made  his  later  success  possible.  It  is  also  unfortunate 
that  the  story  of  the  deceit  of  the  king  of  Portugal  and 
other  incidents  rest  upon  the  unsupported  testimony  of 
his  filial  biographer  and  are  looked  upon  as  myths  by 
some  and  accepted  with  a  grain  of  salt  by  others. 

It  is  said  that  Columbus  went  in   person   to  reopen  The  Convent 
negotiations  with  the  republic  of  Genoa  and  that  he  made  ^"'^  ^^^  ^"°'' 
proposals  to  the  Venetian  senate,  but  he  next  appears  in 
history  at  the  door  of  the  Franciscan  monastery  near  Palos, 
asking  the  porter  for  bread  for  the  boy  whom   he  was 


I  24 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


1484  leading  by  the  hand.       Ihls  convent  of  Santa  Maria  de 

1488    Rabida  stands  on  a  rocky  promontory  east  of  the   Rio 

Tinto,    a    conspicuous    landmark    from    the    sea.     Juan 

Perez  (often  called  Marchena),  the  prior  of  the  convent, 

noticed    the   dignified   appearance   and   demeanor   of  the 


Columbus  at 
Cordova 


The  Convent  of  La  Rabida 

Stranger  and  quickly  found  that  the  beggar  was  not  of 
the  common  kind.  Columbus  became  the  guest  of  the 
convent  and  to  the  prior  told  the  story  of  what  he  had 
been,  was,  and  hoped  to  be.  La  Rabida  became  a  home 
for  Diego  and  a  frequent  resting-place  for  his  father.  In 
the  neighboring  port  of  Palos  lived  Garcia  Fernandez, 
a  physician  skilled  in  geography  and  mathematics ;  also 
the  Pinzons,  a  family  of  seafaring  men.  With  this 
choice  set  of  kindred  spirits,  in  the  cloisters  of  the  con- 
vent, Columbus  discussed  his  theories,  his  problems,  and 
his  plans.  They  believed  his  theories,  approved  his 
plans,  and  espoused  his  cause  with  eager  zeal. 

In  the  spring  of  i486,  the  migratory  Spanish  court 
was  at  Cordova,  preparing  for  a  vigorous  campaign  against 
the  Moors,  to  whose  expulsion  from  Spanish  soil  were 
directed  all  the  energies  and  all  the  resources  of  the  mar- 
ried monarchs,  Ferdinand,  king  ot  Aragon,  and  Isabella, 
queen  of  Castile  and  Leon.  Armed  with  a  letter  from 
the  prior  to  his  friend,  Fernando  de  Talavera,  prior  of  the 
monastery  of  Prado  and  confessor  to  the  queen,  Colum- 
bus hastened  from  the  convent  to  the  court.  Talavera 
read  the  letter,  shook  his  dubious  head,  and  bade  the 
disappointed  mariner  good  morning.  It  is  not  recorded 
that  he  made  any  mention  of  the  letter  to  the  sovereigns. 


126 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


1484  This  story  is  generally  placed  at  the  beginning  of 
1488  Columbus's  career  in  Spain,  although  some  authorities 
At  Salamanca  assign  a  later  date  for  his  first  visit  to  the  convent. 
According  to  the  journal  that  Columbus  kept  on  ship- 
board, he  entered  the  service  of  Spain  on  the  twentieth 
of  January,  i486.  This  is  not  easily  reconcilable  with 
other  statements  from  the  same  source.  Mr.  Winsor 
says  that  "two  statements  of  Columbus  agreeing  would 
be  a  little  suspicious."  The  suppliant  seems  to  have 
lingered  long  at  Cordova,  and  finally  to  have  found 
admittance  to  the  royal  presence  at  Salamanca  through 
the  good  offices  of  Medina-Celi,  one  of  the  greatest 
noblemen  of  the  nation,  and  of  Mendoza,  his  uncle, 
the  archbishop  of  Toledo  and  grand  cardinal  of  Spain. 
The  Moor  was  still  in  Spain,  and  the  war  made  such 
demands  upon  the  monarchs  that  it  is  rather  remarkable 
that  cosmography  got  any  hearing  at  all.  But  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  were  interested,  as  King  John  of 
Portugal  had  been,  and  bade  the  assembling  of  a  coun- 
cil of  astronomers  and  cosmographers  at  Salamanca, 
the  Oxford  of  Spain.  There,  in  the  convent  of  Saint 
Stephen,  the  plans  and  arguments  of  Columbus  were 
met  with  suspicion  and  scholastic  sneers,  with  scriptural 
texts  and  quotations  from  the  early  fathers  of  the 
Christian  church. 


The  Council 
of  Salamanca 


And  the  land  of  the  fabled  antipodes 

Were  a  wonderful  land  to  see, 

W^here  people  stand  with  their  heads  on  the  ground, 
And  their  feet  in  the  air,  while  the  world  spins  round  — 

And  they  all  laughed  merrily. 

The  learned  council  reported  adversely  to  the  insane 
idea.  It  is  probable  that  the  importance  of  this 
"junta"  has  been  unduly  magnified,  and  there  is  little 
foundation  for  the  oft-repeated  declaration  that  Colum- 
bus barely  escaped  conviction  as  a  heretic  and  sentence  to 
the  inquisition.  It  is  said  that  the  monarchs  softened 
the  verdict  of  the  council  by  assuring  Columbus  that, 
although  they  were  otherwise  occupied  at  that  time,  they 
would  be  ready  to  treat  with  him  at  the  close  of  the  war. 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea  127 

Then    came    the    weariness    of    long    delay.      Disap-    1488 
pointed     and     neglected,    tantalized    and    repulsed,    but    1490 
lured  on  ever  by  his  great  idea  and  by  pittances  doled  Returns  to 
out    to    him    from    the    royal    treasury,    Columbus    was  ^"'■'^"gai 
persistent.      At    last,    almost    in    despair,    he    reopened 
negotiations  with  the  king  of  Portugal,  and  was  invited  March  20, 
by  that  monarch  to  return  to   Lisbon,  with  royal   pro-   '"^^^ 
tection    against    prosecution.      It    was    natural     that    he 
should  want  to    go,  for  in  December,  1487,  his  brother 
Bartholomew  had  returned  with  Dias  and  the  great  news 
of  the  discovery  of  the  Cape  of  Good   Hope.     If  he 
went  at  all,  it  was  after  long    delay.      For    months   he 
lingered  at  Cordova  where,  before  the  end  of  summer, 
Beatriz  Enriquez,  not  his  wife,  bore  him  a  son.      To  this  August  15, 
son,  Ferdinand,  has  been  attributed  the  manuscript  of  ^"^^^ 
the    Historic   that    passes    as    a    memoir    of    his    father. 
Spanish  subsidies  seem  to  have  ceased  in  June,  Ferdi- 
nand was  born  in  August,  and  a  note,  supposed  to  be 
in  the  handwriting  of  Columbus,  was  dated  at  Lisbon 
in  December.      If  he  thus  passed  into  Portugal,  his  stay 
was  short.      It  is  probable  that,  from   1489  to  1492,  he 
remained  in  Spain. 

Ferdinand  and   Isabella  were  vigorously  pushing  the  Tries  Spain 
war  against  the   Moors.     They  wanted  India,  but  Gra-  once  More 
nada  must   be  won.     The  campaign  of  that  year  ended 
with  the  surrender  of  the  fortress   of  Baza  with   all   the  December  22, 
territory  held  by  the  elder  of  the  rival  Moorish  kings.   '"^^9 
In     February,    1490,    the     Spanish     sovereigns     entered 
Seville  in  triumph.      The  consequent  jubilation,  and  the 
marriage  of  the  Princess  Isabella  to  the  heir  of  Portugal, 
were   unfavorable   to    the   pressing   of  the    project    of  a 
western    passage.      Moreover,   Talavera    and    a    council 
reported  that  it  did  not  become  great  princes  to  engage 
in  such  chimerical  undertakings.      But  the  arguments  of 
Columbus  had  made  an  impression  upon  Diego  de  Deza, 
one   of  the   councilors   and   tutor  to   the   heir  apparent, 
Prince  Juan.      It  is  thought  that,  through  his  influence, 
the  sovereigns,  temporizing  as  before,  modified  the  harsh 
decision  of  the  council    by  again  explaining  to  the  ardent 


128  Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 

T    4  9   o   navigator  that  thev  then  were  very    busily  engaged,  and 
T    4   9    I    that  further  consideration  of  his  project  must  be  deferred 

until  the  war  was  over. 
Negotiates  After    his    failure    at    Seville,    Columbus    sought    the 

with  England    suDDort   of  some   of  the   powerful   and  almost  autocratic 

and  f  ranee  ri  _.  .    .        ^  ^ 

grandees  of  Spain,  without  profit  other  than  a  promise 
from  Medina-Celi  that  if,  on  some  more  opportune 
occasion,  another  application  was  made  to  the  crown, 
he  would  support  it  with  his  influence  with  the  queen. 
Prior  to  this,  Columbus  had  sent  his  brother  Bartholo- 
mew to  England  to  reopen  negotiations  with  Henry 
VII.,  and  had  been  in  correspondence  with  Louis  XI. 
of  France.  He  now  determined  to  go  to  Paris.  He 
first  went  to  the  convent  of  Santa  Maria  de  Rabida 
(apparently  in  the  fall  of  1491)  with  the  purpose  of 
taking  his  son  Diego  thence  and  leaving  him  at  Cordova 
with  Beatriz  and  Ferdinand.  A  consultation  of  the 
little  circle  ot  friends  was  held.  Martin  Pinzon  ofi^ered 
to  bear  the  expenses  of  a  new  suit  at  the  court,  and 
Columbus  agreed  to  linger  at  the  convent  until  the 
result  was  known. 
The  Embassy  Thcii  Juan  Pcrez,  prior,  patriot,  and  friend  —  to  whom 
of  the  Prior  gome  day  a  reader  of  this  page  will  build  a  worthy  monu- 
ment—  resolved  to  see  the  queen  w^hom  he  often  had 
confessed.  He  sent  a  letter  to  Isabella.  The  letter 
reinforced  one  that  the  queen  had  received  from  Medina- 
Celi  w^ho  had  kept  his  promise.  The  Spanish  sovereigns 
were  then  at  Santa  Fe,  in  command  of  the  forces 
investing  the  Moorish  stronghold  of  Granada.  Perez 
started  for  their  camp  the  very  night  that  he  received 
the  summons  of  the  queen.  A  friar  at  midnight, 
mounted  on  a  mule: 

That  was  all ;   and  yet  through   the  gloom   and   the   light, 
The  fate  of  a  nation   was   riding  that   night. 

Columbus  The  prior  pleaded  so  eloquentlv  in  behalf  of  Colum- 

Caiied  to  Court  i^^g  and  Spain  that  the  queen  sent  for  the  navigator  and 
accompanied  the  summons  with  money  for  his  equip- 
ment and  expenses.  Perez  was  borne  slowly  homeward 
by    his     "unappreciative     donkey    who     could     not     be 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea  129 

spurred     into     any     extra    celerity,    not    even    with    the    i    4  9    i 
discovery  of  a  vast  continent  beckoning  him  on  or  kick-    1492 
ing  at  his  sides."      He  soon    returned  to  the  court  with 
Columbus   under   his   protection.      They   arrived   at  the 
camp  at  Santa  Fe  early  in  December,  1491,  in  time  to 
see  the  surrender  of  Granada,  the  extinction  of  the  power  January  2, 
that  for  three-quarters  of  a  thousand  years  had  floated   ''^^^ 
the    crescent    on    Spanish    soil.     Although    Castile    and 
Aragon  were  united  only  through  the  marriage  of  their 
sovereigns,  they  were  already  Spain ;  the  new  nation  was 
ready  for  a  new  task. 

In  the  tumult  and  joy  that  accompanied  the  submission  Appreciation 
of  the  last  of  the  Moorish  kings,  Columbus  was  not  ^^  ^^^^ 
forgotten.  Quintanilla,  the  minister  of  finance,  became 
his  faithful  friend.  Cardinal  Mendoza  was  brought  into 
energetic  sympathy,  and  even  Talavera  developed  an 
appreciation  of  the  oft-rejected  plans.  The  war  was 
over  and  the  time  had  come.  In  his  interviews  with 
the  sovereigns,  Columbus  insisted  on  the  extravagant 
demands  that  had  contributed  to  his  ill  success  in  Por- 
tugal. Irving  says  that  Columbus  was  so  fully  imbued 
with  the  grandeur  of  his  enterprise  that  he  would  listen 
to  none  but  princely  conditions.  In  spite  of  the  witch- 
eries of  his  graceful  style,  Irving's  picture  of  Columbus 
is  no  longer  accepted  by  discriminating  students.  Winsor 
states  that  Irving's  "purpose  was  to  create  a  hero,"  and 
refuses  to  be  "blinded  to  the  unwholesome  deceit  and 
overweening  selfishness"  of  the  Italian. 

When  his  interviews  with  the  Spanish  sovereigns  Queen  isabeUa 
seemed  fruitless,  the  exacting  suitor  resolved  to  go  to  Tg^J^J^^  ^" 
France,  mounted  his  mule,  and  set  out  for  La  Rabida. 
Then  Santangel,  receiver  of  ecclesiastical  revenues,  and 
Quintanilla  urged  the  recall  of  the  departing  Columbus. 
They  pictured  the  shame  and  loss  for  Spain  if  any  other 
monarch  should  pick  up  what  they  had  thrown  away. 
Isabella  was  won;  the  less  gifted  Ferdinand  was  not. 
The  latter  said:  "Our  treasury  has  been  too  much 
drained  by  the  war  to  warrant  us  in  engaging  in  the 
undertaking."   To  this  J:he  queen  replied:   "I  will  under- 


I30 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


Columbus 
before  the 
Monarchs 


I  4  9  I  take  the  enterprise  tor  my  own  crown  ot  Castile  and,  if 
1492  necessary,  1  will  pledge  my  jevyels  for  the  money."  The 
crown  jewels  of  Castile  were  not  put  in  further  pledge; 
Santangel  promptly  agreed  to  advance  the  money  needed, 
and  did  so  —  from  the  treasury  of  Aragon,  say  some; 
from  his  private  resources,  says  another, 

A  messenger  was  sent;  at  the  bridge  of  Pinos,  two 
leagues  from  Granada,  Columbus  was  overtaken ;  the 
messenger  and  the  mariner  returned.  Columbus  was 
granted  immediate  audience  and  made  a  successful  plea. 
We  are  assured  that  when,  "with  a  tongue  that  seemed 
to  be  touched  with  the  flame  of  inspiration,  he  told  the 
queen  of  his  faith  and  hope,  .  .  .  her  face  kindled 
with  enthusiasm  and  beamed  with  angelic  benignity." 
At  the  close  of  the  scene,  the  queen  "fervently  invoked 
the  blessing  of  Almighty  God  upon  the  person  and  deeds 
of  Columbus.  The  navigator  stood  in  awe,  with  bowed 
head,  before  the  seeming  transfigured  sovereign.  The 
colder  Ferdinand's  soul  was  warmed,  and  to  the  uttered 
benediction  he  responded  'Amen.'"  It  is  easy  to  enter 
into  sympathy  with  Mr.  Lossing's  enthusiasm,  but 
Bergenroth's  documentary  researches  have  removed  not 
a  little  of  the  mellow  splendor  that  the  adulation  of 
Irving  and  Prescott  and  other  admirers  has  poured 
about  Isabella's  character.  Mr.  Winsor  asserts  that  these 
Spanish  monarchs  were  ready  at  perfidy  and  deceit,  and 
that  often  the  queen  was  more  culpable  than  the  king. 

A  contract  was  entered  into  at  Santa  Fe  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  April,  1492.  As  lords  of  the  ocean  seas, 
the  monarchs  constituted  Christopher  Columbus  their 
admiral,  viceroy,  and  governor-general  of  such  islands 
and  continents  as  he  should  discover  in  the  western  ocean, 
with  the  privilege  of  nominating  three  candidates,  one  ot 
whom  the  crown  should  name  for  the  government  ot 
each  of  these  territories.  He  was  to  have  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  all  commercial  transactions  within  his 
admiralty.  He  was  to  have  a  tenth  of  the  products  and 
profits  within  the  limits  of  his  discoveries,  and  an  addi- 
tional eighth  it  he  contributed  an  eighth  ot  the  expense. 


The 

Agreement 


I 


1 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


131 


Commission, 

April  30, 
1492 


By  Columbus's  commission,  which  was  signed  in  the  149 
newly  won  Granada  a  fortnight  later,  these  dignities  and  The 
emoluments  were  settled  on  him  and  his  heirs  forever, 
with  the  title  of  Don,  which  then  was  more  than  a 
mere  courteous  appellation.  These  demands  seem 
extravagant,  for  Columbus  was  to  sail  not  for  unknown 
regions  but  for  India,  the  inexhaustible  source  of  wealth, 
magnificence,  and  power.  In  explanation  of  the  sub- 
mission of  the  crown  goes  the  story  that  when,  twenty 
years  later,  Ponce  de  Leon  demanded  for  himself  con- 
cessions like  those  made  to  Columbus,  Ferdinand  replied: 
"Ah,  it  is  one  thing  to  give  a  stretch  of  power  when  no 
one  anticipates  the  exercise  of  it;  but  we  have  learned 
something  since  then."  The  archbishop  of  Granada 
declared  that  Columbus's  demands  savored  of  the  highest 
degree  of  arrogance  and  that  it  would  be  unbecoming  in 
their  highnesses  to  grant  them.  But  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  signed  the  bond,  and  made  the  son  Diego  a 
page  of  the  royal  household.  The  younger  son,  Ferdi- 
nand, was  left  in  school  at  Cordova.  Columbus  then 
departed  for  La  Rabida  with  a  light  heart. 

A  royal  order,  dated  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  was 
publicly  proclaimed  at  Palos,  which  owed  some  special 
duty  to  the  crown,  commanding  the  municipal  authorities 
to  equip  two  armed  caravels  for  Columbus  and  to  have 
them  ready  for  sea  within  ten  days.  Many  of  the 
Palos  seamen  fled  the  city.  For  weeks,  no  considerable 
progress  was  made,  in  spite  of  taking  prisoners  from  the 
jails  and  the  provision  of  a  royal  order  to  the  effect  that 
criminal  processes  against  any  person  engaged  for  the 
voyage  were  to  be  suspended  until  two  months  after  the 
return.  On  the  twentieth  of  June,  a  new  order  was 
issued  to  impress  the  vessels  and  crews.  Finally,  the  The  Pinzona 
Pinzon  brothers,  Martin  and  Vicente,  offered  to  furnish  ^"''^"^ 
a  third  vessel  and  to  go  in  person  on  the  voyage.  This 
had  a  good  effect  and  soon  the  three  vessels  were  ready 
for  sea.  It  is  claimed  that  Martin  Pinzon  furnished 
Columbus  with  an  eighth  of  the  cost  as  provided  by  the 
contract  with  the  sovereigns. 


A   Royal 
Proclamation 


132 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea 


I   4  9 

The    Fleet 


The  Crew 


The  admiral's  flag-ship  was  slow  and  otherwise  unfit 
for  the  work  in  hand.  She  was  decked  amidships,  had 
high  poop  and  forecastle,  and  was  rechristened  the 
"Santa  Maria"  —  the  name  brings  to  mind  the  convent 
and  the  prior.  Her  burden  was  less  than  two  hundred 
tons,  little  if  anything  superior  to  the  small  coasting- 
craft  of  modern  days.  Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  owner  and 
commander,  with  Sancho  Ruiz  for  his  pilot.  The  other 
two  were  caravels,  lighter  craft  and  faster  sailers.     They 


Columbus  s  Fleet 

had  no  decks  amidships,  but  were  high  and  covered  at 
the  ends.  It  is  said  that  they  were  hardly  seaworthy. 
Martin  Alonso  Pinzon  commanded  the  "Pinta;"  his 
brother  Francisco  was  his  pilot.  In  the  crew  were  the 
two  owners,  ill-natured  and  ready  for  mischief.  Vicente 
Yanez  Pinzon  commanded  the  "Nina;"  caravel  and 
crew  had  been  pressed  into  service. 

The  three  vessels  carried  not  more  than  a  hundred 
and  twenty  persons,  perhaps  only  ninety.  Included 
in  the  number  were  a  physician  and  a  surgeon,  a  notary, 
a  historian,  a  metallurgist,  and  an  interpreter  who 
was  qualified  to  converse  in  Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew, 
Arabic,  Coptic,  or  Armenian,  as  best  fitted  the  attain- 
ments of  the  great  Asiatic  potentates  whom  they  were 
about    to    visit.      There  was    no    priest    to    shrive    the 


Columbus  and  His  Great  Idea  133 

Christian  dead    or    to    baptize    the   heathen   Hving,  but   1492 

prior  to  their  departure    Juan   Perez  ministered  to  the 

admiral  and  his  company    in  the  matters  of  confession 

and    communion.     The  fleet    had  a  total    tonnage  less 

than   that  of  the  average  lumber-schooner  of  the   great 

lakes,  and  not  more  than  a  tenth  as  great  as  that  of  one 

of  the  steel  steamers  that  carry  grain  and  iron  ore  upon 

those  inland  seas.      As  the  cost  of   the  expedition  was  The  Cost 

less  than  four  thousand  dollars,  which  reckoned  by  its 

purchasing   power  was   equivalent  to  not  more  than  fifty 

thousand    dollars    of   today,    we    may    wonder    at    the 

eighteen    years'    delay.     The    wonder    will    grow    if  we 

forget  the  almost  universal    doubt  as  to  the  soundness 

of  the    project,    the    imagined    terrors    of    the  voyage, 

and  the  extravagance    of   the  demands    that  Columbus 

made  for  himself 


CHAPTER 


VIII 


COLUMBUS        S         FIRST         VOYAGE 


An  Epoch 


International 
Courtesies 


IVe  do  not  read  even  of  the  disco'very  of  this  continent  "without  feeling  something  of  a 
personal  interest  in  the  e-vent  ,•  ivithout  being  reminded  hoiv  much  it  has  affected  our  own 
fortunes  and  our  oiun  existence. —  Daniel  Webster. 


T 


,HE  fleet  of  three  little  vessels  sailed  from  Palos 
at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  Friday,  the 
third  of  August,  1492.  Centuries  later,  an- 
other "Santa  Maria,"  built  in  imitation  of  the  flag-ship 
of  Columbus,  set  sail  from  Palos  at  six  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  escorted  to  the  sea  by  a  Spanish  flotilla  of 
fifteen  war-ships.  At  the  old  monastery  that  had  given 
shelter  to  the  great  admiral,  were  flying  the  flags  of 
forty-four  American  states  and,  as  the  fleet  passed  by, 
the  stars  and  stripes  were  raised  and  the  following 
messages  exchanged: 

La  Rabida. 
The   President  : 

Four  hundred  years  ago  today,  Columbus  sailed  from  Palos,  discovering  America. 
The  United  States  flag  is  being  hoisted  this  moment  in  front  of  convent  La  Rabida,  along 
with  banners  of  all  American  states.  Batteries  and  ships  saluting,  accompanied  by  enthusi- 
astic acclamations  of  the  people,  army,  and  navy.      God  bless  America  ! 

Prieto, 

Alcalde  of  Palos. 

Department  of  State, 

Washington,  August  3,  1892. 
Senor  Prieto,  Alcalde  de  Palos,  La  Rabida,  Spain  : 

The  president  of  the  United  States  directs  me  to  cordially  acknowledge  your  message 
of  greeting.  Upon  this  memorable  day,  thus  fittingly  celebrated,  the  people  of  the  new 
western  world,  in  grateful  reverence  to  the  name  and  fame  of  Columbus,  join  hands  with 
the  sons  of  the  brave  sailors  of  Palos  and  Huelva,  who  manned  the  discoverer's   caravels. 

Foster, 

Secretary  of  State. 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


^35 


The  Southern 
Route 


Map  of  the  Spanish  Coast  between 
Huelva  and  Cadiz 


As  the  "Santa  Maria"  of  1892  reached  the  sea,  she  1492 
met  the  assembled  squadrons  of  other  nations  and 
passed  between  their  lines 
amid  salutes  and  cheers. 
In  1492,  Palos  was  a  port 
of  considerable  impor- 
tance. In  1892,  decayed 
wharves  told  their  story 
of  lost  commerce,  and  the 
Rio  Tinto  and  its  towns 
had  no  claim  to  distinction 
save  in  their  past. 

Columbus's  voyage  to 
the  Canaries  was  without 
special  incident  other  than 
an  accident  to  the  rudder 
of  the  "Pinta."  He 
may  have  run  thus  far 
southward  because  Toscanelli  had  put  the  Canaries  in  the 
latitude  of  Cipango.  If  he  had  sailed  westward  from 
Palos,  he  would  probably  have  met  serious  disappoint- 
ment, for  winds  and  currents  set  directly  from  American 
shores  to  the  coasts  of  western  Europe,  as  a  glance  at  the 
seaman's  chart  will  show.  Thus  does  history  often  hang 
on  physical  conditions.  As  it  was,  he  secured  the  advan- 
tage of  the  northeast  trade-winds  and  some  help  from 
the  equatorial  current,  a  distinct  and  steady  drift  of 
intertropical  surface-waters  from  the  African  to  the 
American  side  of  the  Atlantic  basin.  After  making  Departure  from 
the  necessary  repairs  to  his  ships,  Columbus  sailed  from  ^""^^''^ 
the  Canaries  on  the  morning  of  Thursday,  the  sixth  of 
September.  He  escaped  the  Portuguese  caravels  that 
were  reported  as  lying  in  wait  with  hostile  purpose.  Dry 
land  soon  dropped  below  the  horizon  astern  and  Colum- 
bus was  plowing  the  unknown  and  dreaded  waters  of 
the  western  ocean.  Winds  and  waves  were  in  good 
humor.  For  eleven  days,  easterly  trade-winds  filled 
the  sails;  then  came  gentle  southwest  breezes  and  the 
dreaded    calms.      Day    after    day    passed  by,  and  night 


136 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


Sailors'  Super 
stitions 


1492  after  night  the  sun  set  in  the  western  ocean  as  it  had 
done  the  night  before.  Discontent  and  mutiny  appeared 
and  were  calmly  met  with  kind  and  hopeful  words, 
tempting  promises,  or  timely  threats. 

When  we  think  of  the  well-known  superstitions  of 
sailors  in  our  own  day  we  shall  not  wonder  at  those 
of  the  ignorant  seamen  of  that  less  enlightened  age. 
Even  the  great  admiral  described  three  mermaids,  and 
made  mention  of  men,  some  with  tails,  some  with  heads 
of  dogs,  and  others  with  one  eye  apiece.  The  crews  of 
flag-ship  and  caravels  were  familiar  with  all  the  stories 
of  the  Sea  of  Darkness  that  we  have  recorded  and  many 
more.  When  they  sailed  into  the  "Sargasso  Sea,"  a 
vast  ocean  tract  of  gulfweed,  they  imagined  the  slime 
of  the  fabled  Atlantis  beneath  their  keel  and  dreamed 
of  hideous  monsters  rising  from  the  ooze. 

And  they  spoke  of  the  terrors  that  lay  between, 

of  the  hurricanes  born  of  hell, 

Of  the  sunless  seas  that  forever  roar 

Where  the  moon  had  perished  long  years  before. 

When  an  evil  spirit  fell. 

Even  the  benignant  trade-winds  always  blew  from  home 
and  it  would  be  impossible  to  return  along  the  inclined 
plane  down  which  they  then  were  sailing.  Late  in 
September,  these  fears  were  partly  swept  away  by  west 
winds  that  showed  a  possible  return  to  Spain. 

During  the  voyage,  Columbus  kept  two  records  of 
his  progress.  One  was  a  dead  reckoning,  which  then 
depended  on  observation  by  the  eye  alone  but  which  he 
made  as  accurate  as  possible;  the  other  was  made  to  tell  a 
daily  lie  for  fear  that  his  followers  would  become  alarmed 
if  they  knew  how  far  they  were  from  the  meridian 
of  Palos.  Reputable  writers  have  declared  that  the 
precaution  was  fully  justified  by  the  circumstances. 
When  it  was  observed  that  the  variation  of  the  compass 
had  changed  from  westerly  to  easterly  and  the  sailors 
were  alarmed  thereby,  the  admiral  explained  to  the 
credulous  crew  that  the  polar  star  and  not  the  needle 
was  in  an  abnormal  condition.      The  explanation  had  in 


Columbine 
Frauds 


September 
13-  17 


Columbus's  First  Vo 


yage 


137 


it  an  unsuspected   element  of  truth.      The  variation   of  i   4  9   2 
the  needle  must  have  been  known  to  sailors,  but  Colum- 
bus discovered  the  line-of-no-variation. 

Like  some  old  alchemist  whose  toilsome  years 
Had  stamped  endurance  on  his  iron  brow, 
Within  whose  breast,  high-hoping,  thwarted  oft, 
Had  calmed  to  patient  trust,  resolved  he  stood, 
A  grand,  gray-headed  man. 

After  sailing   about  two    hundred    miles    beyond   the  a  New  Course 
imagined  longitude  of  Cipango,  the  flight  of  birds  and 
the  urging  of  the  elder  Pinzon   led  Columbus  to  turn 
his  prows  toward  the  southwest.     Had  he  continued  to 


'"""•Ti 


T  L  A.  nr  I  c    0  c  t:  A 


Cape' Verde.  ^/ 


Map  of  Columbus's  Course,  First  Voyage 

steer  westward,  he  would  probably  have  entered  the 
Gulf  Stream  and  been  borne  to  Florida  and  thence  to 
Cape  Hatteras  and  Virginia.  In  that  event,  the  United 
States  might  have  been  given  a  Catholic  Spanish  instead 
of  a  Protestant  English  population.  Never  has  a  flight 
of  birds  been  attended  by  more  important  results. 

At  the  evening  hour  of  the  eleventh  of  October, 
signs  of  land  near  by,  a  carved  stick,  and  a  hawthorn 
branch  raised  hopes  that  drowned  all  thoughts  of  insur- 
rection. Every  one  was  on  the  eager  watch;  none  more  Hope 
eager  than  the  admiral.  The  scene  is  thus  described  by 
Herrera:  "And  Christopher  Columbus,  being  now  sure 
that  he  was  not  far  off",  as  the  night  came  on,  after 
singing  the  Salve  Regina  as  is  usual  with  mariners, 
addressed  them  all  and  said  that,  since  God  had  given 
them   grace  to   make   so   long  a  voyage   in   safety,  and 


138 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


1492  since  the  signs  of  land  were  becoming  steadily  more 
frequent,  he  would  beg  them  to  keep  watch  all  night. 
And  they  knew  well  that  the  first  chapter  of  the  orders 
that  he  had  issued  to  them  on  leaving  Castile  provided 
that,  after  sailing  seven  hundred  leagues  without  making 
land,  they  should  only  sail  thenceforth  from  the  follow- 
ing midnight  to  the  next  day;  and  that  they  should 
pass  the  time  in  prayer,  because  he  trusted  in  God  that 
during  that  night  they  should  discover  land;  and  that, 
besides  the  income  of  ten  thousand  maravedis  that  their 
highnesses  had  promised  to  him  who  should  make  the 
first  discovery,  he  would  give,  for  his  part,  a  velvet 
jerkin," 

About   ten    o'clock   that    night,    Columbus,    from    the 
high    poop    of    the   "Santa    Maria,"   saw   a   glimmering 


Fruition 


Columbus  Sighting  the  Light 

light  ahead  and  directed  that  a  vigilant  watch  be  kept 
on  the  forecastle.  At  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
the  twelfth,  a  gun  fired  from  the  "Pinta"  announced 
the  joyful  news  of  land  in  sight.  Columbus  claimed  the 
discovery,  kept  the  velvet  jerkin,  and  received  the 
maravedis ;  poor  Rodrigo,  disgusted  with  Christian 
promises,  became  a  Mohammedan  in  despair — at  least. 


Columbus's  First  Voyage  139 

so  the  story  goes.      Mr.  Winsor  sees  a  sort  of  retributive    1492 
justice  in  the  fact  that  the  pension   of  the   crown  was 
made  a  charge  upon  the  shambles  of  Seville. 

In  his  journal,  Columbus  says  that  on  this  Thursday  The  Dawn 
they  encountered  a  "heavier  sea  than  they  had  met  with 
before  on  the  v^^hole  voyage,"  and  that  "after  sunset 
they  sailed  twelve  miles  an  hour  until  two  hours  after 
midnight,  going  ninety  miles."  When,  at  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  Rodrigo  de  Triana  sighted  land  two 
leagues  distant  (its  direction  from  the  ship  is  not 
recorded),  the  mariners  "took  in  sail  and  remained 
under  square  sail,  lying  to  till  day."  With  what  impa- 
tience the  dawn  must  have  been  awaited!  Who  can 
comprehend  the  emotions  of  Columbus  in  those  hours? 
The  wisdom  and  the  sublime  faith,  the  persistence  and 
the  enthusiasm  that  for  eighteen  years  had  kept  him  from 
despair,  had  guided  him  to  triumph  —  triumph  over  the 
sneers  of  monks  and  scoffs  of  sages,  triumph  over 
the  treachery  and  doubts  of  monarchs,  triumph  over 
the  errors  of  ages  and  the  superstitions  of  millions,  a 
triumph  that  revealed  the  great  mystery  of  the  ocean 
and  realized  the  visions  of  a  lifetime.  There  before 
him  in  the  gloom  of  early  morning  lay  the  Indies,  with 
all  the  opulence  and  splendor  of  her  palaces  and  cities. 
There  in  peaceful  slumber  lay  the  countless  millions  to 
whom  he  had  come  as  the  messenger  of  the  glad  tidings 
of  salvation.  He  thought  that  he  had  discovered  a  new 
route  to  India.  He  knew  not,  nor  did  he  ever  know, 
that  he  had  found  a  world  and  not  a  way.  He  had  sailed 
upon  the  unknown  sea  to  seek  the  El  Dorado  of  wealth 
and  power  and  had  found  instead  the  battle-field  of 
liberty. 

Fair  lay  the  land  ;    all  green  and  dewy,  fresh 
As  if  but  yesterday  the  morning  stars 
Had  o'er  its  birth  their  hallelujahs  sung, 
Creation's  latest  labor  and  her  best. 

The  landing  was  made  at  sunrise,  on  the  twelfth  of  The  Day 
October,  1492.     (The  date  is  thus  written  according  to 
the  "old   style;"  according   to   the   Gregorian   calendar, 


140 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


I  4  9 


The  Landfall 


i.e.,  "new  style,"  now  in  general  use,  the  date  would 
be  October  21.)  He  who  for  years  had  worn  the  garb 
of   poverty   now  was    clad    in   scarlet    and    in    gold;    he 


T/t 


..^.O^-c-ir^t-^?,/:. 


.^■'f-^  /=^- 


r-vr-  -^■'=%^ 


The  Landing  of  Columbus 

who  at  the  convent  gate  had  begged  for  water  and  a 
crust  of  bread  now  bore  Spain's  royal  standard  with  its 
ominous  hues  of  gold  and  blood.  Then  came  his 
captains,  Martin  and  Vicente  Pinzon,  each  with  the 
white  silk  banner  of  the  expedition,  on  which  were 
displayed  the  initials  of  Ferdinand  and  Ysabella,  each 
letter  surmounted  by  a  golden  crown.  Then  the 
officers  and  men  all  knelt  and  kissed  the  earth  and 
chanted  the  Te  Deum  Laudamus. 

In  robes  of  scarlet  and  princely  gold, 
On  the  New  World's  land  they  kneel  ; 
In  the  name  of  Christ,  whom  all  adore, 
They  christened  the  island  San  Salvador, 
For  the  crown  of  their  own  Castile. 

Columbus  understood  the  native  name  of  the  island 
to  be  Guanahani.  The  precise  location  of  the  landfall 
has  been  the  subject  of  much  controversy.  It  has  been 
claimed  for  nearly  all  the  eastward  lying  Bahama  Islands, 
from  Cat  Island  to  the  Grand  Turk.  For  several  years 
prior  to  1890,  it  was  generally  held  that  Cat  Island  was 
the  first  land  seen  by  Columbus.  Few  can  be  investi- 
gators, and  most  readers  were  content  with  the  charming 
story  of  Irving  and   the  authority  of  Humboldt.      But 


Columbus's  First  Vo 


yag( 


141 


during   the   last   decade   oi    the   nineteenth   century,   the    1492 
opinion  of  scholars  drifted  toward  a  belief  that  the  land- 
fall was  on  Watling,  an  island  that  is  about  twelve  miles 
long   and    from    four   to    six   miles   in 
breadth.       In    1891,    a     column    sur- 
mounted    by     a     marble     globe    was 
erected    to    mark    the    spot    where    it 
was  supposed  that  Columbus  landed. 
The    later    investigations     of    Rudolf 
Cronau,  an  enterprising  German  trav- 
eler and  historian,  seem  to  establish  as 
a  fact  that  the  landing  was  made  at  or 
near   Riding    Rocks,   on    the   western 
coast  of  the  island. 


Map  Showing  Columbus's  Course  after  his  Landfall 
(With  Map  of  Watling  Island  in  Corner) 

From  the  deep  shadows  of  the  forest  the  timid  natives  a  New  Ra 
watched  the  newcomers,  and  thought  them  to  be  superior 
beings  descended  from  the  skies.  As  fear  wore  away, 
they  drew  near  w^th  signs  of  peace  and  good  will.  Their 
dusky  forms  were  clad  in  scanty  pigments  of  varymg 
color  and  device;  their  hair  was  coarse  and  black,  short 


142 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


I  4  9 


Reconnois- 
sance 


October  14 


over  the  forehead  but  hanging  long  behind.  They 
were  unHke  any  people  of  whom  Columbus  had  ever 
heard,  but  as  he  thought  that  they  were  inhabitants  of 
an  island  of  India,  he  called  them  Indians.  This 
designation,  thus  born  of  error,  was  extended  to  all  the 
aborigines  of  the  New  World,  and  so  they  are  called  to 
this  day.  In  later  years,  Europeans  tried  to  substitute  the 
term  "Americans,"  which  survived  until  the  latter  part 
of  the  eighteenth  century  when  the  war  of  independence 
gave  it  a  new  meaning.  By  agreement  among  eth- 
nologists, the  term  "Amerinds"  has  recently  come  into 
use  as  a  substitute  for  the  term  "American  Indians." 
Owing  to  the  error  above  mentioned,  the  newly  found 
lands  were  called  the  Indies,  which  became  the  official 
name  of  Spanish  America.  The  English,  French,  and 
Dutch  later  restricted  the  term  to  the  islands,  which  were 
thus  distinguished  from  the  true  India  by  the  name 
"West  Indies."  Among  the  comfort-loving  natives  of 
San  Salvador,  the  Spaniards  found  the  word  "  ham- 
mock" and  the  article  thus  designated.  This  adjunct 
of  luxurious  ease  and  the  corresponding  noun  have 
become  familiar  in  nearly  every  land,  and  constitute 
almost  the  only  record  of  a  quickly  exterminated  race. 

Columbus  thus  described  his  newly  found  domain : 
"This  is  a  tolerably  large  and  level  island,  with  trees 
extremely  flourishing,  and  streams  of  water.  There  is 
a  large  lake  in  the  middle  of  the  island,  but  no  moun- 
tains. The  whole  is  completely  covered  with  verdure 
delightful  to  behold."  Under  date  of  Sunday,  he  says: 
"At  daybreak,  I  ordered  the  boat  of  my  vessel,  as  well 
as  the  boats  of  the  other  caravels,  to  be  put  in  readiness, 
and  I  skirted  along  the  coast  toward  the  north-northeast 
in  order  to  explore  the  other  part  of  the  island,  namely 
that  which  lies  to  the  east."  On  this  reconnoissance, 
they  discovered  two  or  three  villages,  from  which  the 
people  beckoned  them  to  come  ashore.  But  "  I  was 
apprehensive  on  account  of  the  reef  of  rocks  which 
surrounds  the  island,  although  there  is  a  depth  of  water 
and  room  for  all  the  ships  of  Christendom,  with  a  very 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


143 


narrow  entrance.  There  are  some  shoals  within;  but  1492 
the  water  is  as  smooth  as  a  pond."  Attracted  by  bits 
of  gold  worn  by  some  of  the  islanders,  Colun.ihus  made 
inquiry  and  understood  from  their  signs  that  a  greater 
abundance  of  that  metal  could  be  found  on  an  island  at 
the  south.  In  narrating  this  incident.  Sir  Arthur  Helps 
remarks  that,  if  the  poor  wretches  had  possessed  the  gift 
of  prophecy,  they  would  have  thrown  the  baubles  into 
the  sea. 

Lured  by  the  foretaste  of  gold  and  the  hope  of  find-  The  Voyage 
ing  the  richer  Cipango,  and  having  seized  some  of  the  Continued 
natives  and  recorded  an  intimation  of  using  force  to 
make  them  serve  their  new  masters,  Columbus  soon 
pushed  on  to  other  islands;  his  course  has  been  as  much 
disputed  as  his  landfall.  Frequent  landings  were  made 
and  formal  possession  was  taken  in  the  name  of  the 
Spanish  sovereigns.  There  were  many  reports  of  gold 
and  gold-mines  somewhere  else  not  far  away.  The 
admiral's  journal  ot  this  first  voyage,  which  is  known 
to  us  only  through  the  abridgment  made  by  Las  Casas, 
is  well   marked  with    frequent    expressions  of  his   hope 


Longitudtj  West     7p^    fro 


NAUTICAL   MIX-li 


G^;;;^GreatAba'coI. 
■'-Z    W'  A     T     L    \A     :?f     T      I 

nutj^r^  F.lruiliera  I. 


^^  ^m-^y^  Uudro^/V^-^^S  L  A  S  D  S 

ff„    •''«,  ,•     Islands^  '      *'    '^1    flSan  Salvador 

'«l«''*«>  ,.       ••■      -         --A       -      ts.  V  (Watliag    L) 

^      '"         .-^W/  ■■•■..      '^mongl. 


"'rfc,  Bahama  Bank,  -  -fe.  rjjCrooked  I. 


■D- 


o 


C    E    A     K 


Isla  de 
^'o  Queen's  Gardv__    ,  „.. 
gay°/^"'Vauzani 


C5>Mariguana  I. 
.rt"'^'^^'"""'":   '>'*^   .Turk 


Grand  Caj-man''       |         ^  ^''""="=''' *"  ^"^\  f»*'''La  S^iS*         ^-»y— a.^         ^<.  ^v 

JA3IAK'AC<T??>^  VU'^'^-v>'*-^'^«Kn  jSfSyM""'^ 


C  A    H]    I     li    li    E    A    A'vox^*  A'    E    A         J    poRtO  ^^ 


Map  of  the  West  Indies 

that,  "with  the  help  of  our  Lord,"  he  might  find  gold, 
but  not  a  word  now  of  the  conversion  of  the  heathen. 
Occasionally  a  native  was  picked  up,  loaded  with  cheap 


144 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


In  Cuba 


1492  presents,  and  put  ashore  —  a  well-played  and  sometimes 
successful  ruse  of  friendship.  One  island  ( probably 
Long  Island)  he  called  Fernandina,  and  another  (pos- 
sibly Crooked  Island)  he  called  Isabella.  Sailing  from 
this  latter  island  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  October,  they 
landed  on  the  twenty-sixth  within  the  mouth  of  a  river 
near  the  eastern  end  of  what,  in  honor  of  the  prince,  he 
called  Juana,  the  Cuba  of  today.  This  anchorage  is 
probably  that  now  known  as  Puerto  de  Naranjo.  Here 
the  welcome  stories  of  gold  were  for  the  first  time  set 
with  pearls. 

Thence  Columbus  coasted  westward.  The  expected 
king  did  not  send  the  hoped-for  welcome,  and  the 
gold  remained  elusive.  Columbus,  therefore,  sent  an 
embassy  into  the  interior  to  seek  intelligence  concerning 
the  dominions  of  the  grand  khan.  Some  of  these  envoys 
found  the  natives  smoking  tobacco.  The  discovery 
was  then  deemed  unimportant,  but  it  proved  more 
productive  to  Spain  than  the  gold  for  which  Columbus 
searched  so  eagerly.  Having  careened  his  ships  on  a 
quiet  beach  and  cleaned  their  bottoms,  Columbus  started 
in  search  of  a  place  called  Babeque,  "where  gold  was 
collected  at  night  by  torch-light  upon  the  shore,  and 
afterward  hammered  into  bars."  He  retraced  his  track 
and  thus  failed  to  prove  that  Cuba  w^as  an  island  and  not 
the  continental  country  of  Cathay.  By  this  time,  the 
enslaved  natives  had  become  acquiescent. 

The  ships  sailed  east  by  south  and  cruised  for  several 
days  among  the  islands  of  the  archipelago  known  as 
the  King's  Garden.  Here  Martin  Alonso  Pinzon 
deserted  with  the  "Pinta"  to  find  the  gold  of  which 
he  had  heard.  It  w'as  not  his  first  act  of  insubordina- 
tion. As  he  skirted  the  northeast  coast  of  Cuba, 
Columbus  noted  the  harbors  in  some  of  w'hich  he 
anchored,  explored  some  of  the  rivers,  and  resolved  to 
master  the  language  of  the  frightened  natives,  in  which 
way  "w^e  can  learn  the  riches  of  the  country  and  make 
endeavors  to  convert  these  people  to  our  religion,  for 
they   are  without  even    the   faith    of  an  idolater."      He 


November  i : 


Pinzon's 
Desertion 


Columbus's  First  Voyage  145 

reached  the  eastern   end   of  the   island   on  the  fifth   of  i   4  9   2 

December,  1492,  looked   around   its   southern   side,  and 

at  the  southeast  observed  the  island  of  Haiti  which  he  Haiti 

called  Espanola.     The  "Nina"  was  sent  to  search   the 

shore  of  this  lofty  island  and    to  find  a  landing-place. 

The    next    morning,    the    "Santa    Maria"    entered    the 

harbor  now  known  as  Saint  Nicholas.     The  country  and 

its   mountains  and   birds  and   trees   looked  "like  those 

of  Castile."     At  the   middle   of  the  month,  they  sailed 

out   of  this    magnificent   harbor,  which    Columbus    said 

could  easily  accommodate  a  thousand  caracks   (like  the 

"Santa  Maria"),  landed  on  the  neighboring  island  that 

he    named     Tortuga,   and     passed    along    the    channel 

between  the  two  islands. 

Casting  anchor  near  a  village,  Columbus  set  ashore  a  Goidand 
captive  Indian  with  the  usual  gifts.  The  natives  who  ^'^^'^"ipt"'" 
quickly  gathered  on  the  beach  were  informed  that  the 
visitors  had  come  from  heaven  and  were  going  to 
Babeque  to  find  gold.  The  Spaniards  got  the  bits  of 
gold  that  the  islanders  wore  at  ear  and  nose,  and  were 
informed  that  if  they  sailed  in  a  certain  course  two  days 
they  would  arrive  at  their  goal.  This  is  the  last  we 
hear  of  Babeque.  On  the  eighteenth  of  December,  the 
admiral  entertained  the  cacique  (the  first  occurrence  of 
the  word)  and  heard  of  an  island  that  was  all  gold.  He 
wrote  in  his  journal:  "Our  Lord,  in  whose  hands  are 
all  things,  be  my  help.  Our  Lord,  in  His  mercy,  direct 
me  where  I  may  find  the  gold  mine."  He  heard  of  a 
place  further  east,  Cibao,  where  the  king's  banners  were 
made  of  plates  of  gold.  It  was  promptly  identified 
with  Cipango  and  proved  to  be  the  place  where  the  best 
mines  were  found.  On  account  of  religious  scruples, 
Columbus  ordinarily  refrained  from  sailing  on  Sunday. 
The  next  day  was  Sunday  and,  with  the  fresh  inspiration  December  23 
of  Cibao,  he  sailed  along  the  coast  "in  order  to  display 
the  symbols  of  redemption." 

On  Christmas  eve,  all  seemed  well  with  the  flag-ship  The  Wreck  of 
and  the  "Nina."     The  weary  admiral  went  to  bed  and  'j^^J'-"^"'* 
the    crew   of   the  "Santa    Maria"   closely   followed    his 


146  Columbus's  First  Voyage 

1492  example.  Even  the  helmsman  put  the  tiller  into  the 
hands  of  a  boy  and  drifted  into  Dreamland.  The  ship 
was  carried  by  the  currents  out  of  her  course  and  wrecked 
on  a  sand-bank.  Columbus  and  his  men  rowed  to  the 
"Nina,"  the  only  one  remaining  of  the  fleet  of  three. 
On  Christmas  morning,  and  in  the  spirit  of  "  Peace 
on  earth,  good  will  toward  men,"  Guacanagari,  the 
cacique  of  that  region,  sent  men  and  canoes  to  assist 
in  unloading  the  wrecked  ship.  The  stores  were  saved. 
Some  of  the  crew  of  the  now  overcrowded  caravel  wished 
to  remain  in  Haiti  and  Columbus,  probably  delighted 
with  the  opportunity  for  Christian  colonization,  gave 
orders  for  the  building  of  a  fort.  The  fort  was  provi- 
sioned for  a  year,  with  seed  for  the  planting-time.  The 
admiral  left  the  ship's  long-boat  and  orders  to  "search 
for  the  gold  mine."  Columbus  wrote  that  the  natives 
were  "  tractable  and  peaceable.  .  .  .  They  love 
their  neighbors  as  themselves.  Their  discourse  is  ever 
sweet  and  gentle  and  accompanied  with  a  smile." 

La  Navidad  After   3.   pretty    exchange   of    courtesies    between    the 

admiral  and  the  cacique,  and  leaving  two  score  in  the 
fort,  the  "Nina"  stood  out  of  the  harbor  of  La 
Navidad,  so  named  because  of  the  shipwreck  there  on 
the  day  of  the  nativity.  This  was  on  Fridav,  the  fourth 
of  January,  1493.  Two  days  later,  Pinzon  and  the 
"Pinta"  rejoined  Columbus  and  the  "Nina."  Pinzon 
reported  that  "he  had  left  against  his  will,"  and  the 
admiral  did  not  express  his  doubts  as  to  the  truth  of 
these  professions.  Having  failed  to  find  the  gold  of 
which  he  went  in  search,  Pinzon  had  returned  with 
some  captives  who  "were  released  by  the  admiral,  for 
the  usual  ulterior  purpose."  Columbus  had  kidnapped 
six  men,  seven  women,  and  three  children,  for  the  purpose 
of  teaching  them  the  Spanish  language  and  thus  opening 
a  readier  avenue  to  their  benighted  souls.  This  seems 
commendable  to  the  Columbian  canonizers,  who,  how- 
ever, refer  to  Pinzon  as  "joining  violence  to  rapine." 
Scarcely  had  the  "Nina"  left  La  Navidad  when 
the  Christians  who  remained  among  the  pagans  entered 


Columbus's  First  Voyage  147 

upon     a    course     of    robbery     and     licentiousness     that   1493 
brings    the    tinghng    of   indignation    and    the    blush   of 
shame  today. 

Having  spent  a  day  in  harbor  to  calk  the  seams  of 
the  leaking  "Nina,"  the  two  ships  started  again  on  the 
tenth  of  January.  On  the  twelfth,  the  Spaniards,  for 
the  first  time,  engaged  in  a  fight  with  the  natives,  several 
of  whom  were  wounded.  On  the  sixteenth,  they  had  The  Return 
their  last  look  at  Haiti  and  again  faced  the  broad  ocean  ^°y^s^ 
with  its  seaweed  and  monotony.  There  were  storms, 
alarms,  and  vows,  but  the  most  serious  of  the  troubles  of 
the  admiral  was  his  apprehension  that  the  world  might 
never  know  of  his  success.  In  the  gale  the  "Pinta"  had 
been  blown  away  to  the  north,  and  Columbus  feared  that  February  14 
she  had  foundered.  An  account  of  the  voyage,  written 
on  parchment  and  rolled  in  a  waxed  cloth,  was  sealed 
in  a  cask;  the  cask  was  then  thrown  overboard.  Another 
cask  with  a  like  record  was  placed  on  the  poop  of  the 
"Nina,"  whence  it  might  float  if  the  caravel  should 
founder.  Some  one  might  find  one  of  the  casks  and  the 
world  be  made  richer  by  news  of  the  great  discovery. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  February,  the  caravel  found  an  Portuguese 
anchorage  at  one  of  the  Azores,  the  Portuguese  authori-  Welcome 
ties  of  which  seemed  disposed  to  be  belligerent,  but  were 
restrained  by  the  exhibition  of  the  admiral's  commission 
and  a  monitory  suggestion  of  Spanish  indignation. 
Leaving  the  Azores  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  February, 
they  encountered  another  storm  and  made  new  vows. 
But  the  entrance  of  the  mouth  of  the  river  Tagus  was 
made  in  safety,  and  messengers  were  sent  to  Ferdinand  March  4 
and  Isabella  and  to  the  king  of  Portugal.  As  the  pest 
was  raging  at  Lisbon,  King  John  sent  his  steward  to 
accompany  Columbus  to  the  court  at  Valparaiso.  Co- 
lumbus accepted  the  invitation  and  was  received  more 
graciously  than  on  any  previous  visit.  His  royal  host 
promptly  resolved  to  send  an  armed  expedition  to  take 
possession  of  the  newly  found  regions  before  a  second 
Spanish  fleet  could  be  fitted  out,  and  sent  a  messenger 
to   Rome  to  watch  the  interests  of  Portugal  before  the 


148 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


1493  only  potentate  who  had  authority  to  confirm  a  trespass 
on  the  possessions  of  the  heathen.  Columbus  returned 
to  his  caravel  with  an  escort  of  knights,  put  to  sea  on 
the  thirteenth,  and,  at  noon  of  the  fifteenth  of  March, 
1493,  ^fter  an  absence  of  more  than  seven  months,  again 
cast  anchor  in  the  port  of  Palos. 


At  Palos 
Again 


While  Columbus  had  been  cruising  in  the  gentle 
waters  of  his  Indian  islands,  the  coasts  of  western 
Europe  had  been  storm-swept.  The  winter  had  been 
one  of  unusual  severity,  and  for  months  Palos  had  been 
filled  with  deep  anxiety  fiar  the  safety  of  those  who  in 
August  had  sailed  out  into  the  unknown  sea.  When 
the  "Nina"  returned,  exultation  sat  in  the  seat  of 
despondency,  as  a  way  was  opened  through  the  throng 
for  the  votive  procession  to  the  church.  Two  score  had 
been  left  at  La  Navidad,  and  the  "Pinta"  and  her 
crew  had  not  been  seen  since  the  parting  in  the  gale. 
But  assurances  of  the  safety  and  comfort  of  the  colonists 
were  not  difficult  to  give,  and,  before  the  rejoicings  of 
the  day  were  over,  the  missing  caravel  arrived  and 
relieved  all  anxiety  on  that  score.  The  "Pinta"  had 
been  driven  by  the  gale  to  the  northwestern  corner  of 
Spain,  whence  Pinzon  sent  a  messenger  to  announce  his 
intended  visit  to  the  court.  A  royal  order  held  him  in 
check  and  saved  the  honor  of  the  first  announcement 
fiDr  Columbus.  The  "Pinta"  sailed  to  Palos,  where 
Pinzon  remained  in  humiliation  and  retirement  until 
Columbus    had    left     for     Barcelona.      Not    many    days 


Pil  ^'''•^'^li''*'  °^^^  ^  "" *'*"'  ^^^  fftrnio  cfto  po: b  qpl  fjbref s  coiito  engf iiifc  di.is  pafcB 
llWxt^ei/''? '^''® '"^ '^ aniiJOa q lo6  illdftiilVntioc  iRcjr t "iRcj^na fuoa feilorce rnc oicjaii 
j^looocfo fallc  inuf  mucbas  3lfl.i0poblaoa9  co gciitc fin  imitieio ;  jrodl^a  tooaf 


^)CtomaDopor«fw)iipo:  fus  9ltc5a9CO!i  prcgoiif  u  jocrarrc-al  eflciioid;»  ^iion  iiicfii 
ccotf  idicbo  31.1  priiiicra  q  fofallcpurciionbre  Taut  faluaoozacoincmoracicn  afii  alfa  magef 
tat cl  qual  iiMraMillofijmciitc toao  cWo  anoadolos  idios la  !Iain<in guanaba'ii  "Hla fcgiio* 
pufe  nonbrc  la  n'|a  k  faiita  inana  occonccpcion  ata  tcrccra  ferrandiiia  ala  quarfa  la  ifla  bclU 
aUquitahJfla  ^uana  e  aft  a  caoavua  nonbrc  niicuoi^uaidofollcgne&la^uanafcg 
ui  \o  (a  co(\i  Delia  a'  pjnientc  yla  falle  tan  grjnnt  q  penfc  que  fctia  ucrra  firme  la  pzoalcia  dc 
c?.u\fo  y  como  no  fallc  afi  villas  y  liiguares  t.ila  cofta  ocla  luarfaliiopeqtttnad  poblacionc* 
coiil£'gcntcKla3qf'uU6nopooiabaucrfablapo:q«tw'lac5of«)?an  toDog:andaaa)roaoc 
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legnas  villoq  no  bauia  inouacto  i  que  la  coila  nte  Icu.iiia  atrctctriaii  de  adodemi  voluntai 
c.rt cotraria pozq d vtiicmo era ya ccarnado  fo  tenia  pzopofito aba3cr del  el aufh* f  tan bic 
cl  victo  medio  adelate  drterniineoeno  agiiardarotzo  ttepo )' boltii  atras  faHa  vn ''^alado  p;tcr 
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p:i  fe  nonibre  la  fpnnola  y  fm  alli  y  fcgui  la  parteoel  faemrion  afi  como  kI«  maua  al  oticntc. 
dirviitt  grades  leguas  poz  lima  recta  del  oncce  ad  como  ocla  iuana  la  qu  at  y  todae  las  otraf 
(o  foztiflidias  en  Dcnrtfiaoo  gi  aoo  y  cfta  cneflremo  en  clla  ay  mncbo9  piieitos  cnla  cofta  ocl.« 
mar  ft  coparacio  oe  on-o*  q  yo  fcpa  en  criftianos  y  fartos  riios  y  bucnog  y  granoea  q  ee  inara 
Villa  la©  tkiraetjclla  fo  altae  y  e  clla  miiy  mucbae  fierrao  y  motaiiae  alciifimas  fi  coparacia 
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tx  mil  mancrao  iaitaa  i  parcccn  q  lle$a  al  cicio  i  tcgopozoicbo  q  lainas  pieroclafota  fegun  I9 
pae^e  copbeotrq  loa  vi  ta  veroca  i  «a  bennofos  como  fo  poz  mayo  en  fpana  1  ocl'oa  (lauaflor 
noos  oclloa  c6  fruto  t  oelloa  enotr^termmo  (e^ *T  es  fu  calioao  1  cacavia  el  mi fJioz  i otzoe ps 
yancog  ocmil  mancras  en  el  mcaoeitouicbrepozalli  oodc  10  aoana  ay  palmaa  o<  feia  oh 
oc  ho  inancraa  q  ca  aonuracion  vctlaa  pot  la  Oifozmidao  fcrmofa  Dcllia  maa  aftcoino  (00  • 
otzo9  atbolea  y  fnitoi  eieroaa  en  clla  ay  pinarca  amarauilla  cay  can  pittas  graoifiimaa  cay  mi 
cl  I  vc  moc'^aa  mancraa ot auce  yfiutae  mny oiucrfaa  cnlaa  tuiia«af  mucbaa  mimia ccrK 
talcseafgftciftiraabiknuwczoJCafpanolaisinvTauiUaiaricrraaiKflaniotdiiaojrlaa  uega* 
i'sia  cainpmaa  y  laa  tiaras  ran  fennofaafgrHcfaa  para pUBtarpfcbrar  pacziarganaooa  octa 
oaa  Inc. tea  para  bcoificioa  oc  villas  elngarca  to9  pucrtos  ocla  mar  aqw  no  bauiia  Hoaiaada 
virta  focloa  noe  imicboa  y  gzanoca  y  t  naiaa  aguaa  loa  maa  odoa  qualce  trac  ozo  c  loo  aib# 
Ice  yUnto^  c  fczuae  ay  granoco  oiifacnciaa  tx  aquel  laa  cda  iu:^tia  cti  cfta  ay  nuicbaa  fj.ajc 
riaa y granoea nuR^^rceoK) txxi. oCiWHKtalsaXaj^naoefia yl'la 8»-yooa©  laa otrsj© q be 
fallaooybatiioo-.niaya  b3i:ioo  noticia  anoantc>t)oab<liiint>«6bobrc6f  magczee'afi  com* 
(no  maozce  lo«  pare baun que algnnaa mugcrea fe  cobii.in  vii fo!o Ittgazco  vna foia oe yc 
iia: o  vna  cofa  ocafgood  quepa  ello  fajcn  dloa no ticucn  fia;o  ui  a5ezo  ui  annas  nifon 
ncHono  pozquc  no  (wgoucbicnoiffncfta/dcfermofacftfltuzafaliio  que  'o  mny  tr- 
amaranilia no ncnc otzai^armaa falnolaar     iaoclaa; Caiioo quanootll^  ,coia fimtouf "' 
qn  al  po:icii  ill  cabo  vn  pa  Alio  aguDocno  u  An  vfaroiaqltas  que  im    /  —  svirfjr-' 
ciu-v^  ciiicirtzatioTaooaoiiTes  bombica  aljUiiariUapabiiuezfkjti   .lalus  "^ 

First   Page  of  Columbus's   Printed   Letter  to   Santangel 


150  Columbus's  First  Voyage 

1493  later,  he  died  in  his  own  house,  an  alleged  victim  of 
mortification  induced  by  royal  neglect  and  displeasure. 

Ac  Seville  Instead    of  sailing    to    Barcelona  where    the    Spanish 

court  then  was,  Columbus  prudently  sent  a  messenger, 
and  with  six  of  his  native  prisoners  proceeded  to  Seville 
to  await  the  commands  of  the  monarchs.  His  reception 
at  Seville  was  elaborate  and  enthusiastic.  On  the 
thirtieth  of  March,  he  received  the  expected  summons. 
He  was  instructed  to  begin  preparations  for  a  new 
expedition  and  then  to  appear  at  court.  Although  so 
little  reliable  information  concerning  the  events  of  the 
next  few  weeks  has  come  down  to  us  that  the  modern 
iconoclasts  doubt  whether  the  recognition  of  the  impor- 
tance of  the  discovery  was  at  all  general,  it  appears  that 
the  advance  report  had  made  a  deep  impression  at  the 
court.  The  king  and  queen  looked  upon  the  Colum- 
bian discoveries  and  their  own  conquest  of  the  Moors 
as  special  marks  of  the  favor  of  God.  Having  arranged 
for  the  preparation  of  another  fleet,  the  admiral  set  out 
from  Seville  for  Barcelona.  The  journey  was  a  trium- 
phal march ;  from  city,  town,  and  country-side  the 
people  crowded  forward  to  gratify  their  curiosity  and  to 
do  homage  to  the  man  who  had  given  India  to  Spain. 

At  Barcelona  By  the  middle  of  April,  and  accompanied  by  a  joyous 
throng,  Columbus  entered  Barcelona.  Leading  the  line 
were  the  Indians  with  their  ornaments  of  gold.  Porters 
followed  with  the  somewhat  scanty  plunder  of  the  Indies. 
Then,  on  horseback,  came  Columbus  and  the  chivalry 
of  Spain.  Thus  through  crowded  streets  to  the  alcazar 
of  the  Moorish  kings  and  into  the  presence  of  the 
waiting  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 

A  Royal  As  the  admiral  approached  the  thrones,  the  monarchs 

Reception  j.^^^  ^^^  rcceivcd  him  with  marked  consideration.  The 
narration  of  the  great  discoverer  followed.  Crowned 
heads  bow  as  the  story  is  told;  courtly  cavaliers  listen  in 
breathless  silence;  the  conquerors  of  Granada  acknowl- 
edge a  superior  in  the  conqueror  of  the  mighty  deep. 
Then  the  sovereigns  and  all  engaged  in  prayer,  and  the 
choir  of  the  royal  chapel  chanted  the    Te  Deum.     "  Not 


Columbus's  First  Voyage 


151 


when  the  crescent-flag  was  taken  from  Granada's  towering  1493 
battlements,  not  when  the  Alhambra's  marble  courts 
were  ringing  with  the  tread  of  the  red-cross  victors  of 
the  Moor,  .  .  .  did  adoration  more  exultant  swell." 
Then  Columbus  was  conducted  as  a  royal  guest  to  his 
lodgings.  During  his  sojourn  in  Barcelona  he  was  high 
in  royal  favor.  He  rode  in  public  with  the  king,  and  at 
a  banquet  given  by  Cardinal  Mendoza  laid  the  founda- 
tion for  the  well-known  story  of  the  Post-prandiai 
egg  —  a  story  that  "loses  its  point  in  ""'"°'' 
the  destruction  of  the  end  on  which 
the  aim  was  to  make  it  stand." 
He  was  awarded  a  pension  for  seeing 
the  light  at  ten  o'clock  at  night  while 
Rodrigo  did  not  see  the  land  until 
two.  Irving  would  condone  the 
theft  because  Columbus's  "whole 
ambition  was  involved,"  while  Win- 
sor  seems  to   think   that   "his  whole 

The  Arms  of  Columbus       character  WaS   inVolvcd." 

On  the  twentieth  of  May,  the  sovereigns  bestowed  a  The  Glory  of 
coat    of  arms    on    him    who    had    brought   them    such   a  ^  ^^^ 
direct   reward   from    heaven    for   their    conquest    of    the 
Moor  and   their   banishment   of  the    Jew.      The    glory 
and  barbaric  pomp  were  for  but  a  day ;  they  never  were 
repeated.     At  Granada  and  at  San  Salvador,  Columbus 
had  won.      His  success  entailed  miseries  upon  him  and 
his   line,  and   the   outcome  to  Spain  was   long-continued   1492- 1898 
reproach  and  final  humiliation. 

And  so  from  hour  to  hour,  we  ripe  and  ripe, 
And  then  from  hour  to  hour,  we  rot  and  rot, 
And  thereby  hangs  a  tale. 


^^^.^^^ 


-^    >-:,j,j'var..  J     -jg-  ~  ,.~ -^ 


H      A 


T      E      R 


I      X 


DIPLOMACY 


AND 


PREPARATIOx\ 


An  Appeal 
to  the  Pope 


The  Bull  of 
Donation, 
May  3,  1493 


K 


T  Valparaiso,  King  John  reminded  Columbus 
that,  by  the  treaty  of  1479,  ^^^  newly  dis- 
covered lands  belonged  to  him.  Columbus 
replied  that  he  had  not  been  in  the  direction  of  Guinea. 
Very  likely  the  remark  of  the  king  was  reported  to 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  Possibly  King  John  took 
some  action  to  maintain  his  claim.  At  all  events,  Ferdi- 
nand did  not  delay  in  bringing  the  matter  to  the 
attention  of  the  pope.  Remembering  the  concessions 
made  to  Portugal  by  existing  papal  bulls,  the  Spanish 
ambassadors  at  Rome  were  instructed  to  state  explicitly 
that  the  new  discoveries  did  not  encroach  on  the  rights 
of  Portugal,  and  that  their  Catholic  majesties  desired 
his  holiness  to  grant  them  the  lands  already  discovered 
and  others  that  should  be  discovered. 

Pope  Alexander  VI.  (Borgia)  issued  the  asked-for 
bull  under  date  of  the  third  of  May,  1493.  This  inter- 
esting and  short-lived  grant  confirmed  Spain  in  full 
possession  of  all  lands  discovered  and  to  be  discovered 
that  were  not  under  the  dominion  of  Christian  princes. 
The  donation  was  made  because,  among  works  agreeable 
to  Divine  Majesty,  one  is  that  "barbarous  nations  should 
be  subjugated  and  converted  to  the  Catholic  faith.  .  .  . 
Further,  because  some  of  the  kings  of  Portugal  have 
acquired  rights  in  parts  of  Africa  through  the  apostolic 
see,  we  grant  you  and  your  successors  exactly  the  same 
rights   just    as    fully    as    if    here    expressed    in    detail." 


Diplomacy  and  Preparation 


153 


There  was  no  reference  to  any  dividing  line ;  the  bull  1493 
put  no  limit  except  the  domination  of  a  Christian  prince. 
The  bull  was  accompanied  by  another,  a  condensation 
of  the  former — a  "brief"  or  sort  of  papal  bull  for  com- 
mon use.  Mr.  Harrisse  calls  these  bulls  of  the  third  of 
May  "the  starting-point  of  the 
diplomatic  history  of  America." 
It  is  possible  that  King  John, 
as  well  as  the  Spanish  monarchs, 
was  represented  at  Rome,  and 
that,  when  the  bulls  appeared,  his 
envoy  or  ambassador  protested 
against  such  a  diminution  of  the 
rights  that  earlier  bulls  had  con- 
ferred on  Portugal.  Mr.  Har- 
risse, however,  thinks  it  improb- 
able that  the  restriction  that 
quickly  came  was  due  to  any 
outside  influence  that 
could  have  arisen  and  ^ 
culminated  in  twenty-  /^, 
four  hours,  "as  any  one  '^^^S§f^,:^rn 
at  all  familiar  with  the  W'^^tm^. 
dilatory  habits  of  the  (^^S^^^iJ^lfe' 
court  of  Rome  will  read-  "^--^^^P^" 

ily   believe."  Alexander  VI 

On  the  next  day,  the  bulls  of  the  third  of  May  were  The  Buii  of 
followed  by  another  that  omitted  the  unlimited  grants  ^i'!J^^''""°"' 
and  equal  rights  conferred  by  the  former.  Perhaps  the 
papal  archives  could  reveal  the  secret  of  the  sudden 
change.  This  third  bull  pushed  the  margin  of  the  Span- 
ish dominion  of  the  Atlantic  from  the  seaboard  of  Europe 
to  a  meridian  one  hundred  leagues  west  and  south  of  the 
Azores  and  of  Cape  Verde.  As  the  Azores  and  Cape 
Verde,  or  even  the  Azores  and  the  Cape  Verde  Islands, 
differ  both  in  latitude  and  longitude,  the  language  of  the 
bull  is  not  a  little  puzzling.  All  heathen  lands  discovered 
and  to  be  discovered  to  the  west  and  south  of  this  line 
should  belong  exclusively  to  Spain.    This  papal  suggestion 


fy  Cv^..--  -'>^  /^^  !>V^  hcljll^  ^v^  C,aJt.  ^^T^ 

^a»^^»-<   ~,a*t(n**«    iriyryls^h^   0  •»n-»' rf''*;J^v  Vl^   V^vi^   JCTI' »/L*J 
^_^;   ^-|     ^A^--^  ^4.^*^  e^^-r^j^   IvX^v-^^ 

^^4^  yVrf-  /»•«■'•*-•  -2^***"!^  *'**^  (T^'^  A'^^  vfU/-  t^^r** 


.K*«^  '^ 


First   Page  of  the  Bull  of   May  4,  1493 


Diplomacy  and  Preparation  155 

of  a  point  south  of  a  meridian  further  emphasizes  the  1493 
mistiness  of  geographical  ideas  then  prevalent.  By  acci- 
dent or  with  a  desire  for  a  scientific  frontier,  the  pope 
chose  the  meridian  that  passes  through  the  point  where 
Columbus  observed  that  the  magnetic  needle  pointed  September  13, 
toward  the  north  star.  It  seems  to  have  been  assumed  '"'"^^ 
that  the  agonic  line  that  Columbus  found  was  unique 
and  a  true  north-and-south  line.  If  its  choice  was  more 
than  a  mere  coincidence,  it  certifies  to  another  papal  error, 
for,  if  the  eccentric  movements  of  the  line-of-no-varia- 
tion  had  been  as  well  known  then  as  they  are  now,  the 
binational  survey  would  not  have  been  started  from  a 
point  floating  in  the  ocean.  Portugal  is  not  mentioned 
in  connection  with  this  line  of  demarcation,  but  it  was 
understood  that  like  rights  were  reserved  to  her  on  the 
east  side  of  the  meridian  in  question.  The  bull  did  not 
bother  with  the  division  that  a  great  circle  would  make 
on  the  other  side  of  the  earth.  One  pope,  two  kings, 
and  a  queen  were  seemingly  free  from  even  a  dream  of 
complications  between  "east"  and  "west"  in  antipodal 
realms.  The  immediate  effect  of  the  bull  was  to  confine 
Portuguese  explorations  to  the  African  coast  and  the 
adjacent  islands. 

With  the  recognition  of  the  rotundity  of  the  earth,  The  Papai 
even  India  was  conceded  to  Spain,  for  Rome  had  failed  ^"f^o^T 
to  indicate  where  the  west  should  end.  Like  most 
compromises,  the  decision  proved  unsatisfactory  to  both 
parties  to  the  controversy ;  it  was  soon  amended.  At  the 
time  these  bulls  were  issued,  the  fundamental  authority 
of  the  holy  see  was  recognized  by  European  nations  in 
general  and  by  England  in  particular.  Earthly  poten- 
tates might  send  out  expeditions  to  find  regions  unknown 
of  Christians,  but  when  the  discoveries  were  accom- 
plished, they  required  confirmation  from  the  pope.  A 
failure  to  keep  in  mind  the  undipped  potency  of  the 
Roman  church,  "the  most  majestic  and  powerful  of  all 
historic  human  creations,"  carries  with  it  a  loss  of  the 
key  to  the  history  of  Europe  for  ten  centuries. 

The  Portuguese  were  not  satisfied  that  the  rectitude 


156 


Diplomacy  and  Preparation 


1493 

Ferdinand's 

Shrewd 

Diplomacy 


Council  for 
the  Indies 


of  the  magnet  should  limit  their  search,  and  an  interest- 
ing game  of  diplomacy  followed.  King  John  sent  an 
ambassador  to  Spain  and  King  Ferdinand  one  to  Lisbon. 
The  Spanish  game  was  the  better  played,  for  King 
John  promised  that,  pending  the  negotiations,  no 
Portuguese  vessel  should  sail  on  any  voyage  of  discov- 
ery for  sixty  days.  Ferdinand  then  shrewdly  sent  a 
fresh  embassy  with  instructions  to  move  slowly  and  to 
protract  the  discussion.  Meanwhile,  Columbus  was 
pushing  preparations  for  his  second  voyage. 

Before  leaving  Barcelona,  Columbus  had  received  a 
large  gratuity  from  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  and  a  con- 
firmation of  the  contracts  made  the  previous  year  at 
Santa  Fe.  He  was  even  trusted  with  a  royal  seal  for  his 
official  use.  He  left  Barcelona  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
May.  Early  in  June,  he  was  in  Seville,  where  he  w^as 
soon  joined  by  Don  Juan  de  Fonseca,  representative  of 
the  crown  and  chief  director  of  the  preparations.  From 
the  measures  now  adopted  for  the  regulation  of  the 
expected  commerce,  grew  what  is  known  as  the  council 
for  the  Indies,  and  the  casa  de  contratacion  of  Seville, 
i.e.,  the  India  house.  Whatever  title  the  papal  bull 
had  conferred  lay  in  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  not  in  the 
Spanish  nation.  Of  course,  the  idea  of  governmental 
power  emanating  from  the  governed  had  no  application  — 
perhaps  no  existence.  The  subsequent  administra- 
tion of  political  and  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  Spanish 
America  was  conducted  on  the  theory  that  the  monarchs 
were  the  only  source  of  authority.  The  two  institutions 
just  mentioned  sprang  up  as  a  consequence  of  this  funda- 
mental fact  of  Spanish  policy.  With  its  eight  members 
under  the  direction  of  Fonseca,  the  council  for  the  Indies 
^managed  the  political  affairs  of  the  newly  discovered  lands. 
The  plan  of  the  king  to  subject  the  trade  with  America 
to  a  rigid  monopoly  gave  rise  to  the  second  institution, 
which  was  created  to  take  immediate  control  of  economic 
affairs.  Its  beginnings,  the  exchange  of  Seville  and  the 
Casa  de  custom-house  of  Cadiz,  were  established  prior  to  Colum- 

Contratacion     bus's    sccond   voyagc.      The    casa    de    contratacion    was 


Diplomacy  and  Preparation  157 

definitely  established  at  Seville  in  1503.  From  its  deci-  1493 
sions  appeals  might  be  taken  only  to  the  council  for  the 
Indies,  which  might  be  presided  over  by  the  king.  No 
one  was  to  be  allowed  to  trade  with  the  new  regions 
without  license  from  the  monarchs,  Columbus,  or  Fon- 
seca.  Fonseca  was  an  archdeacon,  but  he  was  quite  as 
worldly,  selfish,  and  unscrupulous  as  were  they  with 
whom  he  had  to  deal.  As  the  official  guardian  of  the 
royal  treasury,  he  soon  felt  called  upon  to  check  the 
immoderate  personal  demands  of  the  admiral.  It  seems 
that  the  monarchs  sided  with  Columbus  —  an  offense  on 
the  part  of  the  latter  that  the  watch-dog  of  the  treasury 
never  forgot  and  never  forgave. 

There  was  now  no  need  of  forcing  any  one  to  go.  The  Recruits 
Columbus  said:  "There  is  not  a  man,  down  to  the  very 
tailors,  who  does  not  beg  to  be  allowed  to  become  a 
discoverer."  Many  a  cavalier  took  service  without 
promise  of  pay,  but  there  was  a  sorry  lack  of  artisans 
and  laborers.  The  original  complement  of  twelve  hun- 
dred was  swelled  by  importunity  to  fifteen  hundred. 
Among  them  were  Alonso  de  Ojeda;  Diego,  the  brother 
of  the  admiral;  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  who  had  been  the 
owner  and  pilot  of  the  "Santa  Maria"  and  was  to  be 
the  cartographer  of  the  Columbian  discoveries;  Juan 
Ponce  de  Leon,  and  others  whose  names  we  shall 
encounter  again.  The  twenty-fifth  of  September  dawned 
before  everything  was  ready. 

By  royal  order,  Columbus  and  Fonseca  were  empow-  Active 
ered   to    impress    in    the   ports    of   Andalusia  ships    and   f'^'^P^''^""" 
persons    as    might    be    required    for    the    service.       The 
ecclesiastical    tithes   were   drawn    upon,    the    sequestered 
estates  of  the  lately  banished  Jews  were  utilized,  and  a 
loan  of  five  million  maravedis  was  negotiated.      Artillery  a  maravedi  is 
and  military  stores  were  speedily  collected,  and  a  fleet  of  aboutt*"uarter 
fourteen    caravels    and    three   caracks    put    in    readiness,  of  a  cent 
Some  of  the  caravels  were  especially  designed  for  exploring 
service.      Horses  and  other  domestic  animals,  seeds  and 
agricultural  implements,  goods  for  barter  with  the  Indians, 
and  the  many  necessaries  of  colonial  life  were  provided. 


158  Diplomacy  and  Preparation 

1493    Among  those  engaged  in  this  work  of  preparation  was 

Juonato  Beradi  (or  Berardi),  a  Florentine  merchant  who 

had   then    for   several    years    been    domiciled   in    Seville. 

Connected  in  some  way  with  this  commercial  house  was 

Americus        Amcricus  Vcspucius,  another  Florentine,  who  had  come 

vespucius        |.Q   Spain   as   the  agent  of  the    Medici.      Six  of  the  ten 

Indians  whom  Columbus   had   brought   from   the  West 

were   taken    to    Barcelona  and   given    Christian    baptism 

with  royal  sponsors.     The  pope  made  Father  Bernardo 

Bull,    a    Benedictine   monk,    his   apostolic   vicar   for  the 

Indies;  with  the  vicar  went  eleven  of  his  brethren.      The 

queen  gave  them  the  sacred  vessels  and  vestments  from 

her    own    altar    and    instructed    Columbus    to   treat   the 

Indians  with  love  and  kindness. 

Watching  and       Mcanwhile  the  diplomatic  game  was  going  on.      When 

Praying  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  heard  of  a  new  Portuguese  fleet 

they  asked  for  an  explanation,  and  directed  Fonseca  to 

cause  the  armaments  of   Portugal   to   be   watched  and, 

should  a  fleet  really  be  fitted  out,  to  have  one  twice  as 

strong  prepared   to  accompany    Columbus.      Meanwhile 

they  were  planning  for  an  extension  of  the  bull  of  the 

fourth  of  May.      Before  the  papal  nuncio  had  delivered 

that  bull   to   Ferdinand  and   Isabella,  they   had  sent  to 

Rome  an  embassy  of  obedience  for  the  purpose  of  giving 

the  recently  elected  pope  assurances  of    filial  allegiance 

and   submission    according   to   the   custom    of   Christian 

princes.     Possibly  these  professions  of  loyalty  and  the 

'     fact  that    Pope  Alexander  was   Spanish-born   had  some 

effect,  for  when  the  Spanish  monarchs  requested  that  the 

bull    of  demarcation    be   amended  in   the  matter  of  the 

margin    of    a   hundred    leagues,  the   pope   granted  their 

request. 

The  Bull  of         A  fourth  bull,   known  as  the  bull  of  extension,  was 

Extension,       jssucd  undcr  date  of  the  twenty-fifth  of  September,  the 

September  25,  L  •     1       r-     1  U  M     J  U'  A 

1493  day  on  which   Columbus    sailed  on   his  second  voyage. 

In  this  bull,  of  which  no  contemporary  manuscript  is 
extant,  the  pope  said  to  the  Catholic  sovereigns:  *'We 
amplify  the  donation  and  extend  it  with  all  its  clauses 
to  all   the  islands  and  mainland  whatever,  discovered  or 


Diplomacy  and  Preparation  159 

to  be  discovered,  which  in  sailing  westward  or  southward  1493 
are  or  appear  in  the  western  or  southern  or  eastern  1494 
parts  and  in  those  of  India."  The  only  route  to 
India  left  to  Portugal  was  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  Harrisse  remarks  that,  if  the  belief  that  the 
Atlantic  extended  to  Asiatic  regions  was  founded  in 
fact,  Spain  would  have  been  the  absolute,  rightful 
sovereign  of  all  those  countries,  the  bulls  issued  in  favor 
of  Portugal  by  Nicholas  V.  and  Sixtus  IV.  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding.  This  conclusion  seems  un- 
avoidable, for  the  bull  made  the  extension  "  notwith- 
standing all  apostolical  constitutions  and  ordinances,  and 
whatever  donations,  concessions,  powers,  and  assign- 
ments made  by  us,  or  by  our  predecessors,"  to  any 
persons  "and  for  any  cause  whatsoever."  The  line  of 
demarcation  was  virtually  superseded,  and  the  validity 
of  the  rights  of  discovery  and  conquest  established. 

As  the  pope  would  not  recede  from  the  position  taken  Convention  of 
in  the  bull  of  extension,  the  disappointment  in  Lisbon  Tordesiihas 
was  very  great.  Both  sides  were  anxious  to  avoid 
hostilities  and,  in  March  of  the  following  year,  Portu-  1494 
guese  commissioners  went  to  Barcelona  to  negotiate  a 
treaty.  On  the  fifth  of  June,  the  Spanish  monarchs 
appointed  commissioners  who,  two  days  later,  executed  June  7,  1494 
at  Tordesilhas,  a  town  of  Old  Castile,  the  treaty  that 
bears  its  name.  Spain  and  Portugal  felt  that  they 
were  at  liberty  to  modify  their  rights  secured  by  papal 
concession  if  they  could  do  so  by  common  consent.  In 
the  treaty  that  they  made  on  this  basis,  the  contracting 
parties  stipulate,  without  any  reference  to  papal  bulls  or 
previous  partition  of  unknown  lands,  "that  in  the  ocean 
sea  there  shall  be  drawn  and  marked  a  band  or  line, 
straight  from  pole  to  pole,  .  .  .  three  hundred 
and  seventy  leagues  west  from  Cape  Verde  Islands,  by 
degrees  or  otherwise,  as  best  or  more  promptly  can  be 
done."  It  was  further  agreed  that,  within  ten  months, 
Spain  and  Portugal  should  send  experts  to  the  Gran 
Canaria,  thence  to  proceed  due  west  for  the  agreed 
distance  and  to  mark  the  limit.      If  the  line  ran  through 


i6o 


Diplomacy  and  Preparation 


1494  any  island,  it  was  to  be  marked  by  the  erection  of  a 
tower  or  by  some  other  suitable  sign.  The  pope  was 
to  be  asked  to  confirm  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty. 
The  contracting  parties  swore  on  the  holy  cross  to  obey 
the  articles  of  agreement,  and  bound  themselves  not  to 
ask  pope  or  prelate  for  absolution  in  case  of  violation 
of  the  compact. 
EflFortsto  This  agreement,  executed  by  Ferdinand  and   Isabella, 

Draw  the  Line  jg^iored    some    of  the    rights    of   Columbus    under    the 

capitulations 
of  1492, and 
the  discov- 
erer ignored 
the  two  hun- 
d  r  e  d  and 
seventy 
leagues  that 
the  Spanish 
monarchs 
had  given  to 
Portugal. 
The  com- 
mission of 
experts  did 
not  sail,  and 
nothing 
more  was 
Twelve 


1506 


Map  showing  the  Line  of  Demarcation 

January  24,     Said  about  the   matter  for   at   least  ten   years 

years  after  the  date  of  the  treaty,  it  was  confirmed  by 
Pope  Julius  II.  Even  then  we  hear  nothing  of  any 
attempt  to  send  experts  to  mark  the  line  until  January, 
1 518,  when  it  was  reported  that  the  pilots  "could  do 
nothing  nor  knew  anything  certain  to  do  and,  therefore, 
returned  without  having  accomplished  anything."  With 
our  geographical  knowledge  and  geodetic  methods  and 
instruments  of  precision,  it  would  be  an  easy  thing  to 
fix  the  line  contemplated  by  the  treaty,  but  the  diffi- 
culties really  were  formidable  then.  Although  the 
starting-point  of  the  survey  was   not  as  grossly  indeter- 


Diplomacy  and  Preparation  i6i 

minate  as  "the  Azores  and  Cape  Verde"  of  the  bull  of  i  4  9  4 
demarcation,  "the  Cape  Verde  Islands"  still  left  a  range  of 
possibilities  of  nearly  three  degrees  of  longitude.  With 
varying  estimates  of  the  value  of  a  degree  and  the  length 
of  a  league,  and  the  crude  and  inaccurate  methods  of 
determining  longitude  (chronometers  had  not  yet  been 
invented  and  astronomical  tables  were  very  defective), 
and  with  the  ambiguity  of  the  starting-point,  the  problem 
presented  insuperable  difficulties.  The  line  was  never 
actually  drawn.  It  has  been  claimed  that,  if  it  had  been, 
it  would  run  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  west  of 
Rio  de  Janeiro  —  a  mere  approximation  at  the  best. 

It  was  supposed  that  the  new  dividing-line  would  lie  Effects  of  the 
about  midway  between  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  and  the  ^^p^'  ^"'^^ 
new  discoveries.  No  one  then  suspected  that  south  of 
Haiti  there  was  a  continent  stretching  much  further 
eastward.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  doubtless  felt  that 
they  had  an  abundant  margin  of  safety  for  their  conces- 
sion of  two  hundred  and  seventy  leagues.  As  it  turned 
out,  the  change  made  by  this  last  partition  of  the  ocean 
gave  Brazil  to  Portugal.  After  Da  Gama's  opening  of 
the  African  route  to  India  and  Magellan's  circumnaviga- 
tion of  the  earth  had  brought  Spaniard  and  Portuguese  1519-22 
face  to  face  in  the  antipodes,  the  position  of  the  line 
became  a  fruitful  source  of  dispute  and  negotiation. 
Today,  neither  of  these  nations  has  any  territory  in  the 
western  hemisphere,  although  Portuguese  is  the  com- 
mon language  of  Brazil,  and  nearly  all  the  rest  of  South 
and  Central  America  and  Mexico  speak  Spanish  —  a 
forcible  reminder  of  the  papal  distribution. 


H       A 


T       E 


R 


X 


COLUMBUS      S  SECOND  VOYAGE 


From  the 
Canaries  to 
Guadeloupe 


ON  the  twenty-fifth  of  September,  1493,  Colum- 
bus hoisted  his  flag  on  the  "  Marigalante,"  a 
slow-sailing  ship  of  four  hundred  tons.  Then 
the  fleet,  with  its  escort  of  Venetian  galleys,  was  wafted 
from  the  Bay  of  Cadiz  out  upon  the  ocean.  In  striking 
contrast  to  the  melancholy  plight  of  the  year  before,  the 
decks  were  crowded  with  representatives  of  almost  every 
rank  and  calling.  Commanding  all  was  the  Genoese 
viceroy,  as  much  of  an  adventurer  as  any  of  the  others. 
On  the  first  of  October,  the  fleet  reached  the  Canaries, 
where  a  leaky  ship  was  repaired,  and  fresh  stores  were 
taken  on  board.  On  the  seventh,  the  fleet  left  Gomera  ; 
a  few  days  later,  the  glorified  admiral  was  once  more 
beyond  the  furthest  outpost  of  the  Old  World.  With 
La  Navidad  as  his  prospective  port,  Columbus  took  a 
more  southerly  course  than  before,  leaving  the  weeds  of 
the  Sargasso  Sea  to  the  north.  On  the  second  of 
November,  signs  of  land  were  seen.  In  the  early  morn- 
ing of  the  third,  a  lofty  mountain  on  an  island  was 
sighted.  This  day  was  Sunday,  in  remembrance  of 
which  the  admiral  named  the  island  Dominica.  Another 
island  he  named,  for  his  ship,  Marigalante.  Here  a 
landing  was  made  and  formal  possession  was  taken  of  the 
six  islands  that  had  been  seen.  The  next  day,  they 
found  an  island  with  a  volcanic  peak  on  the  sides  of 
which  were  cascades;  in  accordance  with  a  promise  made 
to    Spanish    monks,    Columbus    named    it    Guadeloupe. 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


163 


Here  another  landing  was  made  and  a  week  of  explora-    1493 
tion  begun. 

Welcome  evidence  was  found  to  show  that  the  Span-  From 
iards  were    in    the    country  of  the    cannibals  of  whom  Guadeloupe 
Columbus  had  heard  on  the  first  voyage.      The  story  of 
cannibalism  would  impress  Europe  with  wonder  and  go 


w — 

JiATJTICAL 


--^.S,  ,1 


o  Sea  y 

JLTLAITTIp      ^,»V 


Liabontii         1 


£?'*0  C 


EJ-H 


fi'' 


','-"^4 


Cape  Verde?i,J 


Lopgitgje  Wegt  from  Qre^nwieh       hO" 


Map  of  Columbus's  Courses,   First  and  Second  Voyages 

far  toward  justifying  the  now  historic  facts  of  merciless 
cruelty.  Certainly,  these  fierce  Caribs  were  very  different 
from  the  timid  natives  of  San  Salvador,  Juana,  and 
Espanola.  Sailing  northwest  from  Guadeloupe,  anchor 
was  cast  four  days  later  at  an  island  that  Columbus  named  November  14 
Santa  Cruz.  Passing  a  group  of  islands  that  were 
named  for  Saint  Ursula  and  her  virgins,  the  explorers 
came  to  the  island  now  known  as  Porto  Rico,  but  to 
which  the  admiral  gave  the  name  of  Saint  John  the 
Baptist.  On  the  twenty-second  of  November,  the 
eastern  end  of  Haiti  was  reached.  On  the  northern 
coast  of  this  island,  at  the  place  of  his  fight  with  the 
natives  in  the  previous  year,  Columbus  set  ashore  one  of 
the  Indians  who  had  been  baptized  at  Barcelona.  The 
convert  and  the  presents  that  he  bore  promptly  disap- 
peared from  history.  Only  one  of  the  Indian  converts 
remained;  of  those  who  left  Spain,  the  others  had  died 
on  the  voyage. 

On    the  twenty-seventh   of  November,  the  fleet  was  Darkness  and 
off   La  Navidad.      It  was  after  dark  when  anchor  was  ^'^^^^^'^ 
cast  about  a  league  from  land.     When  the  cannons  that 
were    fired    brought    no    response,   and    no    lights    were 


164  Columbus's  Second  Voyage 

1493  clisplayed  on  shore,  the  situation  became  painful.  Mid- 
night brought  a  messenger  from  Guacanagari,  the  cacique 
who  had  rendered  friendly  aid  when  the  "Santa  Maria" 
was  wrecked.  The  Spanish  fort  and  the  neighboring 
Indian  village  had  been  attacked  by  Caonabo,  the  Carib 
chief  of  the  mountain  tribes.  The  garrison  had  been 
killed.  Fort  and  village  had  been  burned.  The  friendly 
cacique  had  been  wounded  but  would  come  to  Columbus 
in  the  morning. 

The  Fort  in  At  dawn,  3.  boat  was  sent  ashore.      The  blackened  ruins 

Ruins  q£   j.j^g  £qj.j.  ^gj-g    found,  but  there  were  no    welcoming 

natives,  and  the  cacique  did  not  make  his  promised  call. 
The  next  morning  Columbus  landed,  and  found  the 
village  of  the  cacique  in  ruins.  A  few  of  the  natives 
were  lured  near  enough  to  talk,  and  Columbus  soon 
obtained  a  pretty  clear  idea  of  what  had  happened.  The 
Spaniards  that  he  had  lett  in  the  garrison  had  repaid  the 
Indians  for  many  a  deed  of  kindness  with  many  an  act  of 
sensuality  and  cruelty,  and  then  had  quarreled  among 
themselves.  When  in  revolt  some  of  them  left  the  fort 
and  went  in  search  of  the  gold-mines  of  Cibao,  they 
were  seized  and  killed  by  Caonabo.  Then  came  a  sudden 
night  attack  and  terrible  disaster.  The  ruins  of  the 
fort  and  village  left  little  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  story. 
Even  the  friendly  cacique,  Guacanagari,  soon  learned  to 
distrust  Caucasian  goodness  and  fled  to  the  interior  of 
the  island. 

The  Town  of        On  the  Seventh  of  December,  the  fleet  sailed  eastward. 

Isabella  ^  hatbor  favorable  for  a  town  was  found  and  the  disem- 

barkation was  begun.  From  the  first,  the  settlement 
bore  the  name  of  Isabella.  A  town  was  laid  out,  houses 
and  piers  were  hastily  built,  fields  were  cleared,  and 
orchards  planted.  The  unaccustomed  labor,  the  malaria, 
and  other  causes  wore  out  many.  Even  Columbus  fell 
sick.  By  the  time  that  the  condition  of  the  colony 
became  a  little  better,  the  ships  were  ready  for  their 
return.  For  the  cargo  of  gold  that  the  colony  at  La 
Navidad  was  to  have  accumulated  and  that  Spain  was 
now  expecting,  the  tale  of  disaster  was  a  sorry  substitute. 


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mmarianollra  oifcuirit-.fita  eft:  poitit  fdcb?i:milrti 
b'  Dclcctis.  vij.Uflle'dag  cttobiie:  mo  a  vsrsis  parru.  lO^cffcUxxxnj. 
naues  corcmdir; aura  vfurns  fccudioie:  qnc  brniftnircr  flare  I'am  cc^ 
permit.  Jbi  nanUT  maioju  mirioniqB  asmen  expfditij.iFl.iuisia  leuifTi 
rna  mu(ta:  barcbiasJppdlaticcaiabzicas.Ouibusncfem  niolcsp> 
nidrarc  pz^pediret:  ligno  ^  fudib*'  magna  ex  parte  iucta  Iater9»£ba 
rauellf  itc  plunmv^  mmozeseni^  b^  uaue^:  ad  magna  tame  t  vio/ 
Iema5naui5atione  robnftc.  Cu  bisiuna^  que  ad  perluflradas  in/ 
do2u  mfulas  paratg  erant.  ^am  facra  naurani  folcni'a:  DiTcedentiu 
cxcepta  ofcula:  nauestapedibusamtcr^:  vexi(Ii3caudans  noitoQ  fu 
nes  infinuanrlbus.  61'^na  regia  puppim  v?iTdiq5  Ci>l02ab3nt#  ^ibiV 
cincs7dtbarcdr.ncrcid9s  galatbeasifirenaaipaa  mcKifliio  modu/ 
famine ftupidao  fcnuere:  clangoi^tubaru  ftrtdoze  lituo^  refonany 
fibu6lifo?ibus:b6bardarum  fdopisimis  vndis  reboanti^ua.  £}ao 
errp(o  venetojti  naues  long^.  que  mercaturc  gratja:  biirarncu  ma/ 
re  veliTi'cantes in  pozrum  fo:re  ftiuerteratinudio  won  ftiTparKcerra/ 
minenon  ^lfllmiU:blTpano^  naucs  emulate  naurica  celebjanrad  1/ 
dosabeuntibus/'pjo  mo^ejbcnepzeeatesranbus.  tlbipofiera&i/ 
<silluxit:pamic3rifibaspbalerisauro:3e6moduremicare:(auoni)6 
ferenifer inrpirannbus:qui'nq5  nauibus  maiozibus:  ebarauellis.xif. 
jidbibifis: que  anno  fuperro^e  indicu5  lenferant  occanum:  canarias 
verf«snauig3nf:Jf^?aGinruIa6ruperio2(bus  annisrepertasfufiTeeo 
rtatn'n  mare  atlantfcum  ttun'a.Ouare  nom's  ocfobnbusioepulfa  ma 
ri5caIi'gine:Ia5arota  fimul  c§o?reuenrura:qua  lafini23onamfo:/ 
tunam  nonmruirencmmatrmedio  (cfc  oflentat  oceano-  23em'sna 
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Tula?  infeHat: jnercatojes  emmus  repeirerenrur.:«ranta  ell  ea  j'actu/ 
ra:vraduerru5  illom  popiilaticneslexexrer  min'olnbili6;qua  cetc^ 
naeomo*2um  capita  annuatim  colom'  fingult  ort'erre  maginratiu'  pu 
blicims  aftrmpptur.-Qm'  oictonoiLparucrinr;  pccuni.i  nuilctan^ 

Third  Page  of  the  Printed  Scillacio 


i66 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


1493   ^^'  ^^^  gold-mines  of    Cibao !      Two  expeditions  were 

Gold!  Gold!!  sent  inland,   one   led   by  Ojeda,  the    other   by  a  young 

cavalier,  Gorvalan.      Ojeda    found    gold;    the    sands    of 


The 

Beginning  of 
American 
Slavery 


Map  of  Haiti  in  Columbus's  Time 

every  mountain  stream  glittered  with  it.  He  picked  up 
a  nugget  that  weighed  nine  ounces,  and  smaller  nuggets 
were  found  by  his  subordinates.  Ojeda  hastened  back 
with  his  nugget  and  his  story,  and  Gorvalan  made  a 
similar  report.  One  of  the  chroniclers  tells  us  that  "the 
most  splendid  thing  of  all  (which  I  should  be  ashamed 
to  put  in  writing  had  I  not  received  it  from  a  trustworthy 
source)  is  that,  a  rock  adjacent  to  a  mountain  being  struck 
with  a  club,  a  large  quantity  of  gold  burst  out,  and  par- 
ticles of  gold  of  indescribable  brightness  glittered  all 
around  the  spot.  Ojeda  was  loaded  down  by  this 
outburst." 

Columbus  was  now  ready  to  wTite  his  despatch  to  the 
sovereigns.  Fortunately,  his  letter  has  been  preserved 
with  the  marginal  comments  of  its  royal  readers.      Oppo- 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage  167 

site  a  request  that  the  cannibals  sent  by  him  should  be  i  4  9  4 
taught  the  true  religion  and  the  Spanish  tongue,  is  the 
royal  declaration  that  "his  suggestions  are  good."  Then 
comes  a  distinct  proposition  for  the  setting  up  of  a 
regular  trade  in  Carib  slaves.  "  Let  yearly  caravels  con- 
duct this  trade ;  it  will  be  easy  to  capture  plenty  of  these 
savages."  On  this,  the  monarchs  prudently  suspend 
judgment.  Columbus  signed  the  letter  on  the  thirtieth 
of  January,  1494.  Early  in  February,  the  fleet  of  twelve 
vessels,  under  command  of  Antonio  Torres,  sailed  for 
Spain,  where  each  returning  sailor  was  greeted  as  a  hero. 
Following  the  departure  of  the  fleet,  came  factional 
divisions  and  attempted  mutiny.  Bernal  Diaz,  the  con- 
troller of  the  colony,  was  imprisoned  as  the  chief 
offender  and  sent  to  Spain  for  trial.  Other  leaders  were 
punished  in  other  ways,  and  all  implements  and  muni- 
tions of  war  were  stored  on  a  ship  under  control  that 
Columbus  thought  trustworthy.  Life  in  Isabella  had 
proved  direfully  disappointing  to  most  of  the  adven- 
turers, and  the  sometimes  injudicious  exercise  of  author- 
ity by  an  alien  was  looked  upon  as  oppression. 

Having  thus  fortified  his  authority,  Columbus  led  an  Exploration 
expedition     of  about    four    hundred    armed    men   with  °{ ^f"' 

•  •  1  •  •  •  r      1         March  I2 

mmers  and  laborers  mto  the  mterior  m  quest  of  the 
gold-mines.  The  Indians  that  they  met  were  terrified 
by  the  small  cavalry  detachment,  "At  first,  they 
supposed  the  horse  and  his  rider  to  be  a  kind  of  centaur, 
and  when  the  rider  dismounted  this  separation  of  one 
creature  into  two  overwhelmed  them  with  supernatural 
terror.  Even  when  they  had  begun  to  get  over  this 
notion,  they  were  in  dread  of  being  eaten  by  the 
horses."  After  crossing  the  range  of  mountains  now 
known  as  the  Sierra  de  Monte  Christi,  and  the  luxuriant 
valley  that  Columbus  named  the  Vega  Real,  the  party  in  the 
came  to  the  rugged  slopes  of  the  Cibao  Mountains.  At  '^"^e*  ^^^^ 
the  foot  of  one  of  the  declivities,  on  a  plain  through 
which  a  river  ran  gurgling  over  its  marble  and  jasper 
beds,  Columbus  built  Fort  Saint  Thomas.  It  was  com- 
puted that  the  fort  was   eighteen   leagues   from  Isabella. 


i68 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


Labor  and 
Privilege 


1494  Here  Columbus  got  from  the  Indians  a  few  nuggets 
and  a  fresh  supply  of  golden  stories.  The  fort  was 
soon  finished,  Pedro  Margarite  and  fifty-six  men  were 
left,  and  the  return  march  was  begun.  The  expedition 
arrived  at  Isabella  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  March. 

The  January  plantings  were  already  yielding  harvests, 
but  fever  was  at  work.  To  avert  a  famine,  all  who  were 
able  to  labor  were  put  to  work  on  a  mill;  they  who 
would  not  work  should  have  half-rations  only.  The 
obvious  need  was  not  sufficient  salve  for  wounded  pride. 
The  cavaliers  complained  of  the  indignitv  of  drudgery, 
and  the  priests  were  equally  outraged.  Fortune  seemed 
to  turn  her  face  away  and  intrigue  followed  disappoint- 
ment. To  make  matters  worse,  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Saint  Thomas  had  ill  learned  the  lesson  of  La  Navidad. 
The  license  and  exactions  of  the  Spaniards  had  exas- 
perated the  neighboring  natives,  and  Margarite  feared 
that  Caonabo  would  be  able  to  mass  them  in  an  attack 
upon  him.  Columbus  sent  a  small  reinforcement  which 
was  soon  followed  by  Ojeda  with  a  force  of  about  three 
hundred  and  fifty  men  armed  with  crossbows  and  match- 
locks and  sixteen  mounted  lancers.  Ojeda  was  to 
govern  at  Fort  Saint  Thomas,  while  Margarite  scoured 
the  country  with  the  force  at  his  command.  He  was 
instructed  to  maintain  strict  discipline,  to  treat  the  natives 
with  consideration,  and  to  capture  Caonabo. 

Columbus  was  aware  of  the  dissatisfaction  that  the 
papal  line  of  demarcation  had  caused  at  Lisbon.  With 
a  view  to  explorations  that  should  forestall  any  Portu- 
guese attempt  in  that  direction,  Columbus  formed  a 
junta  with  Don  Diego  in  chief  command  and  Father 
Buil  as  one  of  four  counselors.  Leaving  his  two  larger 
vessels,  and  taking  the  "Nina"  and  two  other  caravels, 
he  sailed  from  Isabella  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  April. 
With  him  were  the  cartographer  and  the  notary.  On 
the  twenty-ninth,  he  reached  the  eastern  end  of  Cuba. 
Early  in  May,  he  cast  anchor  in  a  harbor  on  the  south- 
ern coast,  probably  that  of  Guantanamo  or  of  Santiago. 

May  3  Heating  of  a  great  island  with  gold-mines  southward,  he 


April    9 


West  Indian 
Exploration 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


169 


stood  off  shore.  After  sailing  southward  two  days  and  1494 
nights,  the  Spanish  squadron  was  met  by  an  angry 
armada  of  seventy  canoes  filled  with  painted  savages. 
They  were  more  warlike  than  the  islanders  found  in 
Haiti  (Espanola)  and  Cuba,  and  defiantly  hurled  their 
javelins  at  the  ships.  Columbus  discharged  his  bom- 
bards and  landed  a  force  that  put  the  islanders  to  flight, 
and  let  loose  upon  them  a  dog  who  pursued  them  with 
fury.  This  is  the  first  instance  of  the  use  of  dogs 
against  the  natives.  The  Indian  name  of  the  island 
was  Jamaica  but,  when  Columbus  took  formal  posses- 
sion, he  called  it  Santiago.  The  natives  soon  came  in 
crowds,  bringing  supplies  of  various  kinds  and  helping 
the  sailors  in  the  work  on  the  ships.  The  part  of  the 
country  first  seen  by  the  Spaniards  now  constitutes  the 
parish  of  Saint  Ann. 

Columbus  coasted  to  the  western  end  of  the  island 
and,  on  the  eighteenth  of  May,  was  again  on  the  Cuban 
coast.  When  he  entered  the  archipelago  that  he  called  The  Error  of 
the  Queen's  Gardens,  he  thought  that  he  was  among  the 
islands  that  fringed  Cathay.      When  the  coast-line  began 


the  Dreamer 


Map  of  Columbus's  Voyage  in  the  West  Indies 


to  trend  to  the  southwest,  just  as  Marco  Polo  had 
described,  he  realized  that  the  Golden  Chersonesus  (the 
Malay  Peninsula  of  today)  was  not  far  ahead.  After 
passing  that,  he  might  sail  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good 


I  70 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


1494 


June    12 


The  Return 
to  Isabella 


Bartholomew 
Columbus 


Hope,  or  traverse  the  Red  Sea  to  its  northern  end, 
desert  his  ships,  join  a  caravan,  reembark  upon  the 
Mediterranean,  and  thus  return  to  Spain,  a  greater 
explorer  than  before.  From  such  a  dream  he  was 
recalled  by  the  leaky  condition  of  his  ships  and  the 
mutinous  spirit  of  his  crew.  Making  up  his  mind  to  go 
no  further,  he  again  failed  to  discover  his  great  geograph- 
ical errors.  The  officers  and  men  and  boys  of  the 
squadron  were  induced  to  swear  before  the  notary  that 
it  was  possible  to  go  from  Cuba  by  land  to  Spain,  As 
Mr.  Winsor  says,  Columbus  found  it  easy  to  make  Cuba 
a  continent  by  affidavit,  and  he  hoped  to  make  it  appear 
the  identical  kingdom  of  the  great  khan.  This  foolish 
proceeding  has  been  attributed  to  the  fact  that  the 
admiral  was  suffering  with  sleeplessness  and  fever,  the 
premonitory  symptoms  of  a  long  and  dangerous  illness. 

On  the  next  day,  sailing  southeast,  Columbus  came 
to  a  large  island  that  he  named  Evangelista,  now  known 
as  the  Isle  of  Pines  (Isla  de  Pinos).  Repassing  the 
Queen's  Gardens,  he  turned  southward  from  the  Bay  of 
Santa  Cruz  to  complete  the  circuit  of  Jamaica.  Here 
for  a  month  he  anchored  every  night  and  was  supplied 
by  the  natives  with  provisions.  Jamaica  was  left  behind 
on  the  nineteenth  of  August.  On  the  next  day,  the 
caravels  were  off  the  long  peninsula  at  the  southwest 
corner  of  Haiti.  Here  Columbus  put  nine  men  ashore 
to  work  their  way  overland  to  Isabella  while  he  pushed 
along  the  southern  coast.  An  eclipse  of  the  moon 
enabled  him  to  take  his  longitude,  which  he  did  with  an 
error  of  eighteen  degrees.  On  the  twenty-tourth  of 
September,  the  fleet  was  at  Mona,  a  small  island  off  the 
eastern  end  of  Haiti.  With  this  near  approach  to  his 
colony,  and  under  the  reaction  from  his  five  months' 
anxiety  and  hope,  Columbus  fell  into  a  stupor  and,  on 
the  twenty-ninth  of  September,  1494,  was  thus  borne 
into  the  harbor  of  Isabella. 

In  the  absence  of  the  admiral,  there  had  been  impor- 
tant happenings  at  Isabella.  Bartholomew  Columbus, 
who   had   been  sent    to    England   in    the  interest  of  his 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage  171 

brother,  returned  to  Spain  too  late  to  join  the  second  1494 
expedition.  He  was  soon  given  command  of  a  section 
of  a  supply  fleet  for  Haiti,  and  sailed  from  Cadiz,  April  30 
about  a  week  after  the  departure  of  the  admiral  from 
Isabella  on  his  western  cruise.  His  three  well-laden 
caravels  arrived  at  Haiti  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  June. 
The  presence  of  the  strong  and  stern  Bartholomew  had 
a  good  effect  upon  the  sick  Columbus,  who  was  further 
cheered  by  information  that  his  children  were  well,  that 
the  sovereigns  still  looked  with  favor  upon  their  viceroy, 
and  that  the  pope  had  issued  the  bull  of  extension.  But 
Diego  and  Bartholomew  had  less  welcome  news  for 
their  brother.  The  natives  of  the  Vega  Real  had  been  Mutiny  and 
irritated  by  the  sensual  diversions  of  Margarite  and  his  D"""°" 
men,  and  Diego  had  remonstrated  and  reminded  him  of 
the  admiral's  orders  to  explore  the  mountains.  Marga- 
rite resented  this  interference  and  joined  the  rebellious 
faction  headed  by  Father  Bull.  Seizing  the  ships  that 
Bartholomew  had  brought,  the  mutineers  sailed  for 
Spain.  The  mild  and  studious  Diego  was  glad  to  be 
rid  of  the  leaders  of  the  faction,  but  the  admiral  was 
anxious  as  to  the  effect  of  their  representations  at  the 
Spanish  court. 

The  report  of  the  abandonment  of  the  colony  by  The  League 
Father  Buil  was  not  the  only  sad  story  to  which  Colum-  °^  ^^^  cac.ques 
bus  had  to  listen.  After  Margarite's  departure,  the 
unchecked  license  of  his  armed  force  became  unendur- 
able. Caonabo  attempted  to  surprise  the  little  garrison 
at  Fort  Saint  Thomas  where  Ojeda  had  maintained  strict 
military  discipline,  but  the  naked  natives  quickly  learned 
to  dread  the  Spanish  crossbows  and  harquebuses,  and 
Caonabo  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege.  Then  this 
warlike  prince  formed  a  league  with  the  other  caciques  of 
the  island  for  an  attack  upon  the  weakened  settlement  at 
Isabella;  only  Guacanagari  refused  to  be  persuaded.  A 
barbarian  host  began  to  gather  in  the  Vega  Real.  Ac- 
cording to  Las  Casas,  they  counted  up  a  hundred  thousand 
men  —  an  obvious  overestimate. 

The  still  faithful  cacique  informed  Columbus  of  the 


172 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


Royal  Favor 


1494  plans  for  an  attack,  and  the  admiral  did  what  he  could  by 

1495  show  of  force  and    by  diplomacy  to   break  the  confed- 
Marks  of        cracy.      It  was  not  long  before  Antonio  "Forres,  who,  in 

February,  1494,  had  gone  to  Spain  in  command  of  the 
fleet  of  twelve  vessels  sent  back  by  Columbus,  came 
back  to  Isabella  with  four  ships,  recruits,  and  supplies. 
He  also  brought  a  letter  from  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
announcing  the  agreement  made  at  Tordesilhas  and  asking 
the  admiral  to  send  to  them  some  one  who  was  competent 
to  deal  with  the  geographical  problems  thus  opened  up. 
This  letter  of  the  sixteenth  of  August  contained  a  royal 
recognition  of  his  genius  and  perseverance,  and  was 
accompanied  by  another  commanding  all  the  colonists 
to  bow  in  all  things  to  the  authority  of  the  admiral. 
The  request  for  a  geographer,  and  the  necessity  of 
meeting  the  representations  of  Father  Buil  and  Margarite 
before  the  sovereigns,  made  it  important  that  Torres's 
fleet  should  return  to  Spain  without  delay.  The  fleet 
set  sail  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  February,  1495,  carrying 
Don  Diego,  what  little  gold  had  been  accumulated,  and 
five  hundred  Indians  to  be  sold  as  slaves. 

With  characteristic  lack  of  sympathy,  Mr.  Winsor 
says:  "It  may  be  indeed  asking  too  much  of  weak 
humanity  to  be  good  in  all  things,  and  therein  rests  the 
pitiful  plea  for  Columbus,  the  originator  of  American 
slavery."  Such  a  judgment  ignores  the  then  common 
mingling  of  religion  and  worldly  interest.  In  near-by 
islands  dwelt  voracious  Caribs  who  occasionally  would 
swoop  down  upon  the  coasts  of  Haiti,  and  carry  off^  men 
and  women  by  the  score  to  be  cooked  and  eaten.  It 
has  been  explained  that  as  Columbus  wished  to  win  the 
friendship  of  the  Indians  about  him,  he  made  raids 
against  these  Caribs  and  took  some  of  them  captive.  In 
his  excess  of  religious  zeal,  he  sent  these  captives  as 
slaves  to  Spain,  to  be  taught  Spanish  and  converted  to 
Christianity,  so  that  they  might  go  back  to  the  islands 
as  interpreters  and  thus  be  useful  aids  in  missionary 
work!  While,  with  Mr.  Helps,  we  must  regret  that 
"the    very   ship    which    brought    that    admirable    reply 


Caribs, 
Christianity, 
and  Slavery 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage  173 

from  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  Columbus  —  begging  him  1495 
to  seek  some  other  way  to  Christianity  than  through 
slavery,  even  for  wild,  man-devouring  Caribs  —  should 
go  back  full  of  slaves  taken  from  among  the  mild 
islanders  of  Hispaniola,"  it  is  hardly  fair  to  judge  the 
great  discoverer  by  standards  other  than  those  of  his 
own  time. 

With  the  slow  advance  of  civilization  and  under  the  The  New 
influence  of  the  Christian  church,  European  slavery  had  ^^°^^^  °^ 
been  greatly  modified  and  was  in  fair  course  of  extinc- 
tion when,  all  at  once,  the  progress  of  discovery  in  Africa 
opened  up  a  wholesale  traffic  in  black  men,  and  the 
discovery  of  the  West  Indies  made  Amerind  slaves  the 
material  for  a  profitable  commerce.  Economic  condi- 
tions in  Europe  in  the  fifteenth  century  were  unfavorable 
to  the  thrift  of  slavery  just  as  they  were  in  New 
England  in  the  nineteenth  century.  "  But  in  the  sub- 
tropical regions  of  the  New  World  slavery  grew  up 
quickly  and  sturdily,  as  foul  weeds  sprout  in  a  congenial 
soil."  Experience  soon  proved  that  the  endurance  of  the 
black  African  was  greater  than  that  of  the  cinnamon- 
tinted  American.  By  a  strange  combination  of  time 
and  circumstance,  it  soon  came  to  pass  that  America 
developed  into  a  great  and  growing  market  for  the  cheap 
labor  that  Africa  chiefly  supplied  for  centuries.  From 
these  elements  was  evolved  a  new  system  of  slavery  that 
added  race  antipathy  to  the  worst  features  of  the  ancient 
Greek  and  Roman  system. 

Columbus  created  his  brother  Bartholomew  his  The 
representative  with  the  title  of  adelantado,  little  thinking  Adeiantado 
that  the  appointment  would  kindle  the  resentment  of 
the  king.  The  adelantado  brought  to  the  government 
an  administrative  ability  that  the  admiral  lacked.  On 
the  twenty-seventh  of  March,  1495,  Columbus,  with  his 
little  army  of  two  hundred  foot  and  twenty  horsemen, 
and  supported  by  a  force  from  the  vassals  of  the 
friendly  cacique,  marched  from  Isabella  to  attack  the 
hostile  natives  at  the  V'ega  Real.  The  attack  was  made 
from   every   quarter,   with   the   accompaniment   of  drum 


174 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


Defeat  of  the 
Caciques, 
April  25 


Barbarian 
Submission 


4  9  5  ^'^^  trumpet.  The  Spaniards  were  tew  but  clad  in 
steel;  the  natives  were  many  and  naked.  The  dusky 
horde  was  staggered  by  the  precipitancy  of  the  onset. 
Then  Ojeda  charged  their  center  with  his  mounted  men; 
the  harquebuses  flashed  fire  and  death,  and  twenty  blood- 
hounds were  unleashed.  Unaccustomed  alike  to  dogs 
and  horses,  and  firearms,  and  Spanish  impetuosity,  the 
natives  quickly  gave  way  and  filled  the  woods  with 
savage  shrieks  and  flying  forms.  The  rout  was  com- 
plete; the  league  of  the  caciques  was  broken.  The 
faithful  Guacanagari  and  his  followers  had  had  no  chance 
to  fight. 

By  a  combination  of  intrepidity  and  cunning,  Ojeda 
lured  Caonabo  from  his  village  and  took  him  into  Isabella 
in  irons.  After  his  return  to  Fort  Saint  Thomas,  he 
charged  and  routed  his  assailants  and  took  prisoner 
their  commander,  the  brother  of  the  captive  chief. 
The  Indians  could  not  stand  before  flashing  sabers  and 
the  equine  wonders.  A  march  by  Columbus  through 
the  island  secured  the  submission  of  all  the  caciques 
except  Behechio,  the  husband  of  the  sister  of  Caonabo 
and  the  ruler  of  the  southwest  quarter  of  the  island. 
The  enslaving  of  the  natives  was  now  begun  in  earnest. 
Some  of  the  prisoners  were  compelled  to  unaccustomed 
labor  on  the  farms  of  their  conquerors,  and  the  trade  in 
Indian  slaves  was  forced  upon  the  Spanish  crown. 
Then  came  an  extortionate  scheme  for  gathering  gold. 
Sifting  the  sands  of  the  island  streams  in  the  search  for 
glittering  particles  changed  from  a  pastime  into  a  mur- 
derous task,  and  the  unwonted  toil  of  tropical  agriculture 
led  with  rapid  steps  to  despair  and  death.  Even  the 
fidelity  of  Guacanagari  was  an  insufficient  plea  for 
exemption  for  himself  and  his  people.  Like  many 
others,  they  fled  to  the  mountain  fastnesses  where  they 
were  hunted  like  game.  With  capture,  lashes,  and 
slavery,  the  warlike  spirit  of  the  natives  was  subdued. 
Las  Casas  tells  us  that  a  Spaniard  could  march  through 
the  most  solitary  parts  of  the  island  and  receive  tribute 
at  every  demand. 


Spanish 
Oppression 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage  175 

The  representations  made  by  Margarite  and  Father  1495 
Buil,  probably  reinforced  by  the  ill  will  of  Fonseca  and  a  Royal 
the  disposition  of  Ferdinand,  were  beginning  to  make  ^^i^'^'^'o" 
trouble  for  Columbus,  The  king  resolved  to  send  an 
inquisitorial  agent  to  Haiti.  The  commissioner,  Juan 
Aguado,  had  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  first  voy- 
age and  had  been  commended  by  the  admiral  to  the 
king  and  queen.  With  four  caravels  and  accompanied 
by  Diego  Colon,  Aguado  sailed  in  August  and  arrived 
at  Isabella  in  October.  His  plenitude  of  power  appears 
from  the  royal  missive :  "  Cavaliers,  esquires,  and  other 
persons  who,  by  our  orders,  are  in  the  Indies.  We  send 
to  you  Juan  Aguado,  our  groom  of  the  chambers,  who 
will  speak  to  you  on  our  part.  We  command  you  to 
give  him  faith  and  credit."  It  is  not  easy  to  determine 
whether  or  not  Aguado,  by  virtue  of  his  unlimited 
authority,  went  beyond  the  intentions  of  the  monarchs. 
Columbus  was  in  another  part  of  the  island  when 
Aguado  arrived  at  Isabella,  and  the  governing  adelantado 
did  not  deem  it  safe  to  interfere  when  the  new  governor 
promptly  began  to  exercise  his  functions. 

When  Columbus  heard  of  Aguado's  coming,  he  Coiumbus 
hastened  to  Isabella  and  accepted  his  subordination  with  ^"pe"'^^'*^'^ 
courtesy  and  dignity.  He  also  learned  that,  in  violation 
of  their  contract  with  him,  the  monarchs  had  ordered  April  10 
that  any  native-born  Spaniard  might  explore  the  western 
seas,  discover  what  he  could,  and  even  settle  in  Haiti. 
Two  years  later,  this  order  was  revoked.  There  were 
other  unwelcome  orders,  and  the  admiral  could  not  fail  to 
see  that  the  favor  of  the  crown  had  been  seriously  weak- 
ened. Even  the  viceroyal  expedient  for  quieting  the 
clamor  of  the  court  by  the  sale  of  Indian  slaves  was 
made  inoperative  by  the  queen  pending  a  theological 
inquiry  as  to  the  righteousness  of  such  sale.  The  dis- 
contented colonists  rejoiced  to  find  that  there  was  a  power 
higher  than  that  of  Columbus,  and  the  caciques,  reinspired 
with  hope,  began  to  complain  of  the  exactions  to  which 
their  people  had  been  mercilessly  subjected. 

Aguado  soon   ordered  the  vessels  to  make  ready  for 


\j6  Columbus's  Second  Voyage 

1496  sea.      Columbus  realized  that  his  interests  were  seriously 

1497  threatened  and  resolved  to  return  to  Spain.  As  the 
Columbus  ships  rode  at  anchor  ready  to  depart,  the  fleet  was 
Returns  to       struck  bv  a  three  hours'  hurricane  that  shattered  one  of 

the  caravels  and  sank  or  wrecked  all  the  other  vessels  in 
the  harbor.  The  faithful  "Nina"  was  repaired,  and 
from  the  wrecks  the  "Santa  Cruz"  was  built.  While 
this  work  was  going  on,  a  Spanish  fugitive  returned  to 
Isabella  with  stories  of  mines  on  the  south  coast  of 
the  island  and  supplies  of  gold  far  more  abundant  than 
any  previously  found.  The  adelantado  was  sent  to 
verify  the  story  and,  on  their  return,  he  and  his  force 
reported  that  the  riches  of  Cibao  were  poor  in  comparison 
witli  those  of  Hayna.  This  story  of  this  finding  of  the 
Ophir  of  Solomon  was  worth  rehearsing  to  the  king  and 
queen.  Two  hundred  "discontents  and  vagabonds," 
the  manacled  Caonabo,  and  thirty  confined  Indians 
were  crowded  into  the  two  ships.  Columbus  went  in 
one  and  Aguado  in  the  other.  Leaving  the  adelantado 
in  command,  with  Diego  to  succeed  in  case  of  the  death 
of  Bartholomew,  the  admiral  and  the  commissioner  sailed 
for  Spain  on  the  tenth  of  March,  1496.  The  voyage  was 
long  and  tedious  and  Caonabo  died  on  shipboard.  On 
the  eleventh  of  June,  the  vessels  entered  the  harbor  of 
Cadiz. 
His  Reception  Wearing  the  robe  and  girdled  with  the  cord  of  the 
at  Cadiz  Franciscans,  a   fitting   expression   of  his   humbled   pride, 

Columbus  landed.  Irving  tells  us  that  the  wretched 
men  crawled  forth  emaciated  by  the  diseases  of  the 
colony  and  the  hardships  of  the  voyage.  They  carried 
in  their  yellow  countenances  a  mockery  of  the  gold  that 
had  been  the  object  of  their  search,  and  had  nothing  to 
relate  of  the  New  World  but  sickness,  poverty,  and 
disappointment.  Naturally,  the  reception  at  Cadiz  was 
in  strong  contrast  with  that  which  had  greeted  him  on 
his  return  to  Palos.  He  had  failed  to  satisfy  the 
expectations  that  his  promises  had  raised.  He  had 
pictured  India  with  its  commerce  and  palaces  and  cities; 
he    had    found  a  few  island  wildernesses  of   conjectural 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage  177 

worth   and   some    naked   savages,  but   no    splendor  and    1497 
very   little   gold.      His   fame   as    an    explorer   had    been    1498 
eclipsed  by  his  misfortunes  as  a  ruler,  and  he  had   been 
already  robbed  of  his  expected  riches  and  honors. 

At  Cadiz,  Columbus  found  three  caravels  ready  to  His  Message 
sail  with  supplies  for  Haiti.  The  despatches  for  him  ^^^^^l^^^ 
that  had  been  intrusted  to  the  commander  of  the  little 
fleet  gave  to  the  admiral  a  suggestion  of  what  he  might 
expect,  and  led  to  the  immediate  sending  of  a  letter  to 
Bartholomew.  There  must  be  a  flow  of  treasure  toward 
Spain.  The  adelantado  was  therefore  informed  that  the 
new  mines  of  Hayna  must  be  explored  and  developed. 
A  port  of  shipment  must  be  found  and  a  fort  built  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  mines.  A  new  town  must  be 
begun  on  the  south  coast  of  the  island  and  on  a  site 
more  healthful  than  that  of  Isabella.  The  caravels 
sailed  on  the  seventeenth  of  June,  1496.  On  the  twelfth 
of  July,  the  admiral  was  summoned,  in  reassuring 
terms,  to  visit  the  court,  then  at  Almazan. 

Columbus  was    kindly  received;    he   exaggerated    the  Royai  Favor 
richness  of   the"Ophir"  mines;    he  asked    for  another 
fleet.       The    monarchs     promised     easily    and    delayed 
seriously.       Preparations    for   possible   war  with    France 
and    for   the    marriages  of   the    princess   Juana   and    the 
prince    Juan     occupied    their    minds    and    taxed    their 
resources.      In   the  spring  of    1497,  through   the  influ-  April  23 
ence  of  Isabella,  the  admiral's  rights  were  reaffirmed  and 
provision  was    made    for  his    pressing   pecuniary  needs. 
Even  the  lately  issued  licenses  that  encroached  upon  his  June  z 
monopoly  were  revoked,  a  royal  recognition  of  contract 
rights  that  was  too  good  to  be  enduring.      Early  in  the 
following  year,  his  younger  son  was  made  a  page  to  the  February  18 
queen,  and  his  estate  was  entailed.      In  this  testamentary 
document,   Columbus    prescribed   the   succession  of   his  February  22 
heirs,  and  directed  that   investments  be  made  with  the 
Bank  of  Saint  George  at  Genoa,  there  to  accumulate  for 
the   recovery   of    the    Holy    Sepulcher.       Keeping    step 
with  the  manifestations  of  the  continued  interest  and  favor 
of  the  queen,  were  the  growing  apathv  of  the  king  and 


lyS 


Columbus's  Second  Voyage 


Popular 
Hostility 


Preparations 
for  the  Third 
Voyage 


1498  the  taunting  hostility  of  the  people  who  would  not  be 
blind  to  the  contrast  between  promise  and  performance. 
The  physical  wrecks  who  had  been  lured  by  stories  of 
an  Indian  paradise  denounced  the  admiral  as  an  impostor 
and  alien  adventurer.  The  learned  laughter  that  had 
rung  in  Salamanca's  halls  had  been  changed  to  less  merry 
envy.  Powerful  ecclesiastics  had  denounced  his  theories 
as  heresy;  he  had  proved  the  fallibility  of  their  denun- 
ciations and  the  orthodoxy  of  his  heresy.  Hence  their 
greater  hatred  —  and  hatred  is  a  great  motive  power. 
Then  theYe  was  Fonseca.  Despite  the  favor  of  the 
queen,  the  opposing  combination  was  formidable. 

Early  in  1498,  the  royal  treasury  was  nearly  empty 
but  the  queen  provided  means  with  which  to  send  two 
caravels  with  supplies  to  Haiti.  So  great  w^as  the 
unpopularity  of  the  admiral  and  his  projects,  that  ships 
for  the  next  expedition  had  to  be  seized  by  royal  order, 
and  prison-doors  set  ajar,  and  pardons  granted  to  uncaged 
criminals.  No  measure  could  possibly  have  been  devised 
more  effectual  for  the  ruin  of  the  infant  settlement  than 
this  commutation  of  the  punishment  of  criminals  to 
transportation  to  the  Indies.  Even  then,  the  ill-chosen 
company  gathered  slowly  and  was  never  filled,  and  the 
preparations  dragged  wearily  along.  In  a  moment  of 
passion,  Columbus  knocked  down  the  insolent  account- 
ant of  Fonseca  —  a  manifestation  of  personal  prowess 
that  cost  the  Genoese  adventurer  dearly  in  the  matter  of 
royal  favor.  His  fleet  of  six  vessels  was  not  ready  to 
put  to  sea  until  the  end  of  May,  1498.  According  to 
Humboldt,  Americus  Vespucius  w-as  at  this  time  in 
Spain,  helping  to  fit  out  the  expedition. 


C       H      A 


T      E      R 


X      I 


D      A 


A      M      A 


AND 


A      B      O      T 


SPAIN  was  anticipated  both  as  to  the  finding  of  an  Da  Gama 
ocean  route  to  India  and  the  discovery  of  conti- 
nental America.  Ten  days  prior  to  the  departure 
of  Columbus  on  his  third  voyage,  Da  Gama  reached  May  20,  i. 
Cahcut  in  India  by  way  of  the  African  coast.  When 
the  surviving  half  of  his  fleet  returned  in  1499,  Lisbon 
was  radiant  with  joy.  Columbus  had  crossed  the  west- 
ern ocean  and  brought  back  to 
Spain  the  shadow;  Da  Gama 
had  turned  the  cape  and  brought 
back  to  Portugal  the  substance. 
In  passing,  notice  must  be 
made  of  a  much  mooted  claim 
that,  in  1497,  the  Florentine, 
Americus  Vespucius,  whom  we 
have  met  in  Spain  as  one  of 
the  helpers  in  the  equipment  of 
one  of  the  fleets  of  Columbus, 
had  discovered  the  American 
mainland  and  coasted  its  shores 
from    Honduras   to    Cape  Hatteras. 

says:    "We   departed    from    the    port   of   Cadiz  on    the  Americus 
tenth  of  May,  1497,  taking  our  course  on  the  great  gulf  "^"P""^'"^ 
of  ocean  in  which  we  employed  eighteen  months,  discov- 
ering   many     lands     and     innumerable     islands,    chiefly 
inhabited,  of  which    our  ancestors    made    no    mention." 
It   is   a   suspicious   feature   of  the   case   that  there  is  no 


Vasco  da   Gama 

Vespucius   himself 


i8o 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot 


1497  mention  of  this  voyage  in  printed  book  or  treasured 
manuscript  of  contemporary  history,  Sebastian  Cabot 
and  Las  Casas  had  no  behef  in  the  story  and,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  Herrera  declared 
that  Vespucius  had  falsified  the  record.  As  Herrera 
was  long^CV-    accepted  as  the  highest  authority,  the  glorv 

of  the   Florentine  was  dimmed. 
The  clouded  reputation  was 
made  worse  by  the  Spanish 
historian    Navarrete,  the 
Portuguese      Santarem, 
and  the  German  Hum- 
boldt.     In  1839,  the 
Brazilian  Varnhagen 
began    his    long- 
continued  attempt  to 
clear  away  the  cloud. 
The    question   has 
sorely   vexed    histori- 
ans;  the  vexation  will 
be     continued      in 
another  chapter. 
The   way  having    been 
opened,  navigators  of  all  mari- 
time   nations  were    anxious  to 


John  Cabot 


The  Hunt-Lenox 
(  Western 


Cabot  in 

England 


Copper  Globe 

Hemisphere)  foUow  therein,  and  sovereigns 
in  colder  climes  were  anxious  to  share  with  Spain  her  new- 
found glory  and  hoped-for  gold.  Humboldt  speaks  of 
"the  suddenness  with  which  a  new  sense,  as  it  were,  was 
opened  for  the  appreciation  of  the  grand  and  bound- 
less;" and  Hume  assures  us  that  Henry  VII,  of  Eng- 
land missed  the  glory  and  profit  of  the  discoveries  of 
Columbus  only  by  accident.  Giovanni  (or  Zuan) 
Caboto  was  probably  a  native  of  Genoa,  a  city  in  which 
were  born  "the  men  who  did  more  than  the  sons  of  any 
other  city  to  open  up  the  unknown  world."  In  1476, 
he  became  a  citizen  of  Venice,  Prior  to  149 1,  he  re- 
moved to  Bristol,  England,  and  was  thenceforth  known  as 
John  Cabot.      In  1498,  one  of  the  Spanish  ambassadors 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot  i  8  i 

to  the   English    court  wrote  to   Ferdinand   and   Isabella    1497 

that,  "for  the  last  seven  years,  Bristol   people  have  sent 

out  every  year  two,  three,  or  four  caravels  in  search  of 

the  island  of  Brazil  and  the  Seven  Cities  according  to 

the    fancy   of  this    Genoese."       Possibly    Cabot    was    a 

member  of  the   Fellowship,  Society,  or  Company  (as  it 

is  variously  called)   of    Merchant  Venturers  of   Bristol. 

This  still  existing   gild  was  fully  organized  as  early  as 

1467,  and  traces  of  it  are  found  as  early  as  13  14. 

In  the  case  of  Columbus,  we  have  much  documentary  The  Cabotian 
evidence  of  varying  value;  in  that  of  the  Cabots,  Wangle 
accounts  are  meager  and  often  contradictory.  As  to 
Columbus,  we  may  often  speak  with  certainty;  as  to 
the  Cabots,  the  careful  historian  must  hesitate  to  set 
forth  in  positive  terms  the  leading  details  of  their  most 
important  discoveries.  The  Cabots  made  two  voyages, 
but  for  two  hundred  years  no  one  even  dreamed  that 
there  was  more  than  one.  Today  it  is  not  always  possible 
to  discriminate  between  the  two.  Fortunately,  modern 
critical  scholarship  is  doing  much  to  straighten  out  the 
tangled  thread.  We  know  that  John  Cabot  had  three 
sons,  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sanctus.  Lewis  and  Sanctus  Cabot's  Sons 
became  eminent ;  Sebastian  more  eminent.  Lewis 
settled  at  Genoa  and  Sanctus  at  Venice  ;  Sebastian 
secured  high  office  in  Spain  and  sought  service  in  other 
countries.  Nearly  all  that  we  know  of  the  Cabot  voy- 
ages comes  to  us  through  the  stories  told  by  the  second 
son;  and,  by  very  high  authority,  we  are  informed  that 
Sebastian  Cabot,  "beyond  cavil  and  sophistry,"  was 
"an  unmitigated  charlatan,  a  mendacious  and  unfilial 
boaster."  Doctor  Dawson  dryly  says  that  this  son 
had  a  gift  of  reticence  concerning  others,  including  his 
father  and  brothers.  Mr.  Winship  gives  a  far  more 
charitable  interpretation  of  the  character  of  the  son, 
more  charitable  than  is  his  reference  to  "the  professed 
detractor  of  Sebastian  Cabot." 

We  have  the  testimony  of  this  Sebastian  that,  with  the 
fame  of  Columbus,  "there  increased  in  my  heart  a  great 
flame    of  desire    to    attempt   some  notable   thing;   and. 


l82 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot 


1497  understanding  by  the  sphere  [globe]  that,  if  I  should 
sail  by  way  of  the  northwest,  I  should  by  a  shorter  track 
come  into  India,  I  imparted  my  ideas  to  the  king." 
This  declaration  ignores  the  father,  and  hints  at  a  knowl- 
edge of  what  we  call  great-circle  sailing.     As  a  matter  of 

The  Petition  fact,  at  an  unknown  date,  the  following  petition  was 
filed: 

To  the  Kyng  our  sovereigne  lord.  Please  it  your  highnes  of  your  moste  noble  and 
haboundant  grace  to  graunt  unto  John  Cabotto  citizen  of  Venes,  Lewes,  Sebestyan  and 
Sancto  his  sonneys  your  gracious  letters  patentes  under  your  grete  seale  in  due  forme  to  be 
made  according  to  the  tenour  hereafter  ensuying.  And  they  shall  during  their  lyves  pray 
to  god  for  the  prosperous  continuance  ot  your  most  noble  and  royale  astate  long  to  enduer. 

The  expression,  "according  to  the  tenour  hereafter 
ensuying,"  suggests  that  the  petition  was  accompanied 
by  a  draft  of  the  letters  prayed  for,  just  as  in  certain 
pleadings  lawyers  submit  a  copy  of  the  order  or  decree 
that  they  ask  the  judge  to  grant. 
The  Patent  On  the  fifth  of  March,  1496,  the  king  issued  the  most 

ancient  American  state  paper  of  England,  a  patent 
authorizing  the  Cabots  to  sail  "  to  all  parts,  countries, 
.C^  and  seas  of  the  East  and  of  the  West  and  of 
the  North,  under  our  banners  and  ensigns, 
upon  their  own  proper  costs  and 
charges,  to  seek  out,  discover,  and  find 
whatsoever  isles,  countries,  regions,  or 
provinces  of  the  heathen  and  infidels." 
By  implication,  this  document  excluded 
a  southerly  course ;  probably  for  the 
avoidance  of  anv  possible  conflict  with 
Spain  or  Portugal.  The  patent  ignored 
the  papal  bulls  of  1493,  ^^^  exhibited  a 
pecuniary  prudence.  The  Cabots  were 
to  pay  the  king  a  fifth  of  all  the  profits. 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  through  their  representative  at 
the  English  court,  promptly  protested  against  any 
infringement  of  their  rights  in  the  West.  Perhaps  this 
protest  was  the  occasion  of  delay. 
The  Departure  It  is  generally  said  that  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot 
sailed  from  Bristol  in  May,  1497.   From  the  contradictory 


Statue  of  John  Cabot  and  his 
Son  Sebastian 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot  183 

and  confusing  evidence,  it  seems  probable  that  they  1497 
sailed  at  that  time  in  the  ship  "  Matthew,"  a  "small 
vessel  manned  by  eighteen  men,"  although  Sebastian's 
narrative  says  that  "  with  two  caravels,  ...  in 
1496,  in  the  beginning  of  July,  I  sailed  toward  the 
northwest."  Elsewhere  we  hear  of  "  four  accompany- 
ing ships,  all  furnished  at  their  own  cost  and  seeking  a 
northwest  passage  to  India."  We  know  nothing  certain 
about  Cabot's  course,  except  that  he  sailed  west  from 
some  undetermined  point  on  the  western  coast  of  Ireland 
and  "wandered  a  good  deal."  In  spite  of  this,  there 
has  been  no  little  learned  discussion  about  "  a  magnetic 
course  west,"  the  variation  of  the  needle,  and  the 
uniformity  of  the  laws  of  nature  —  arguments  intended 
to  clarify  the  next  muddled  question,  the  locality  of 
the  landfall. 

After  sailing  seven  hundred   leagues  (so  says  Pasqua-  The  Landfall, 
ligo,   August    23,   1497)  or    four   hundred  leagues   (so,  J"""^  ^''■ 
only  a  day  later,  reported   Soncino),  they  reached   land, 
somewhere    between    Halifax    and    southern    Labrador. 
According  to  the  evidence  furnished  by  witnesses  "  who 
obtained  or  may  have  obtained  their  information  from 
John  Cabot  himself,"  the  place  where  he  landed  was  the 
mainland,  along  the  coast  of  which  he  sailed  three  hun- 
dred   leagues.      No    inhabitants  were  seen,  but    the  sea 
was  "covered  with"  codfish,  "which  are  taken   not  only 
with   the   net,  but   also  with  a   basket   in  which   a   stone 
is  put  so  that  the  basket  may  plunge  into  water. 
They  say  that  they  will  bring  thence  such  a  quantity  of 
fish  that  England  will  have  no  further  need  of  Iceland." 

The  true  date  of  the  landfall  is  uncertain,  and  possibly  w^hen  ? 
later  than  that  given  above.  It  has  been  often  placed 
as  early  as  1494.  This  belief  in  the  earlier  date  arises 
from  the  fact  that  the  only  Cabotian  map  extant  indicates 
that  Sebastian  Cabot  found  the  western  continent  in 
1494.  This  now  celebrated  mappemonde  or  plani- 
sphere is  said  to  have  been  made  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in 
1544.  Assuming  that  the  map  —  which  was  found  in 
1843,  ^^^    is   ^"^o^^  i'"^  ^^^   national   library  at  Paris  —  is 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot 


185 


60°  LongUuJe  West  55''ftom  On 


authentic  and  that  its  maker  would  not  distort  the  truth,    1497 
it  has  been    suggested    that  Cabot,  writing  the    date  in 
Roman  numerals,  made  the  arms  of  the  "V"  so  carelessly 
that  "VII"  was  easily  read 
"1111."      Certainly,   the 
date  1494  is  wrong. 

For     more     than     three     l»-^\>  "    °"  '"° '-^ '-^°    where? 

hundred  years,  it  was  sup- 
posed that  the  landfall  was 
on  the  coast  of  Labrador. 
The  Cabotian  map  just 
mentioned  put  it  at  Cape 
Breton.  When  the  map 
was  found  in  1843,  there 
was  for  a  time  a  sense  of 
security  as  to  that  one  fact, 
but  the  confidence  seems  to 
have  vanished  with  the 
novelty.  John  Cabot 
noticed  that  the  tides  were 
slack,  "and  do  not  flow  as 
they  do  in  England,"  but 
such  is  the  character  of  the 
tides  along  the  coast  from 
Nova  Scotia  to  Labrador. 
The  land  was  good  and  the 
climate  moderate,  but  Cabot  saw  them  in  June  and  July, 
and  in  Labrador  "summer  is  brief  but  lovely."  Codfish 
are  plenty  on  the  Newfoundland  "banks"  but  even  more 
abundant  near  the  entrance  to  Hudson  Strait.  In  brief,  Probably 
Cabot's  description  might  be  applied  to  the  entire  northern  i"<i"erminate 
coast  of  America.  Mr.  Winship  is  disposed  to  leave  the 
landfall  at  Cape  Breton  Island  where  it  was  put  by  the 
Cabot  map;  others  have  thought  that  the  Cabots  sailed 
up  the  Saint  Lawrence  as  far  as  the  site  of  Quebec  and 
then  explored  the  coast  as  far  southward  as  the  Chesa- 
peake; while  Mr.  Winsor  says  that  there  is  some  ground 
for  thinking  that  he  could  not  have  entered  the  Gulf  of 
Saint    Lawrence   at  all,  and    that   there    is   nothing  like 


Cape  Rac, 


Harrisse's  Map  of  John  Cabot's 

First  Voyage 


i86 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot 


The  Return 


1497 


The  Second 
Patent 


1497a  commonly  received  opinion  on  his  track.  The 
1498  discussion  has  been  pursued  with  a  passionate  bitterness 
^_.^^^^^^    that   is   not  easy  to  appreciate.      In   spite 


of  much  positive  assertion,  the  best  opin- 
ion seems  to  be  that  "we  do   not  know 
and    apparently   never    shall    know  where 
John  Cabot  first  sighted  the  New  World." 
The    certainty  of   the   discovery  and   the 
uncertainty  as  to   the   locality  parallel  the 
Cabot  Centennial      Corresponding  features  of  the  discovery  of 
Postage-stamp        Lgjf  f^g  Lucky.      But  above  the  wreck  of 
contest  rises  one  unchallenged  fact — that,  in  the  summer 
of  1497,  Cabot  and  English  sailors  found  the  continent 
of  North  America. 

After  an  absence  of  about  three  months,  Cabot 
returned  to  Bristol,  in  early  August.  On  the  tenth  of  that 
month,  from  the  privy  purse  of  the  thritty  king,  there 
was  granted  "To  hym  that  founde  the  new^  Isle, 
j^io."  On  the  twenty-third,  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo 
wrote  from  London  to  his  brothers  at  Venice:  "This 
Venetian  of  ours,  who  went  with  a  ship  from  Bristol  in 
quest  of  new  islands,  is  returned,  .  .  .  His  name 
is  Zuan  Cabot,  and  they  call  him  the  great  admiral. 
Vast  honor  is  paid  him,  and  he  dresses  in  silk;  and 
these  English  run  after  him  like  mad  people."  On  the 
August  24,  following  day,  Raimondo  di  Soncino  sent  a  despatch  to 
the  duke  of  Milan,  announcing  Cabot's  safe  return. 
The  Spanish  envoy  at  London  promptly  reported  the 
English  discovery  and  gave  notice  to  Henry  VII.  that 
the  land  found  by  Cabot  belonged  to  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella.  In  these  letters  we  find  the  clearest  view  that 
history  gives  of  John  Cabot.  Of  his  personality  we 
know  next  to  nothing. 

At  this  time,  Cabot  was  in  high  favor  with  the  king, 
who  supplied  him  with  money  and  granted  him  "  an 
annuitie  or  anuel  rent  of  twenty  pounds  sterling " — 
equivalent  to  a  thousand  dollars  of  today.  On  the 
third  of  February,  1498,  w^hile  Columbus  was  preparing 
for  his  third  voyage,  he  received  a  second  patent  granting 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot 


187 


him  the  right  to  prepare  another  expedition.  The  king's  1498 
privy  purse  account  shows  that  bounties  were  given  to 
some  who  went.  Moreover,  the  recent  suppression  of 
an  insurrection  had  filled  the 
jails  and  the  king  gave  Cabot 
the  sweepings  of  the  prisons. 
In  the  second  patent,  the 
younger  Cabots  are  not 
mentioned,  but  it  is  generally 
assumed  that  Sebastian 
accompanied  his  father. 
Harrisse  and  Winship  agree 
that  there  is  no  proof  that 
Sebastian  went  on  either' 
voyage.  Our  chief  source 
of  information  of  this  expe- 
dition are  vague  and  tardy 
sayings  of  Sebastian  confusedly  reported  by  Peter  Martyr 
and  Ramusio;  events  pertaining  to  it  are  evidently 
mingled  with  those  of  the  first  voyage. 

Not  earlier  than  Easter  and  probably  somewhat  later.  The  Second 
the  fleet  of  four  or   five  vessels  sailed  with  provisions  ^°y^s'^ 

for  a  year,  merchandise  for  the 
heathen  market,  and  possibly 
three  hundred  men,  "jailbirds 
and  others."  Off  the  coast  of 
Ireland,  a  storm  disabled  one  of 
the  vessels,  which  put  back.  On 
toward  the  northwest  and  into 
water  packed  with  ice  went  the 
other  three  or  four,  carrying  John 
Cabot  "somewhere  and  to  obliv- 
ion, for  we  never  hear  of  him 
again."  He  quietly  disappears, 
a  historic  meteor.  So  it  was 
thought  and  said  until  1897;  we 
are  not  certain  of  it  now.  Whether  father  or  son  com- 
manded the  expedition  has  been  much  discussed.  One 
of  the    most  plausible    hypotheses    is    that   John   Cabot 


Sebastian  Cabot 


i88 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot 


What  Became 

of 

John  Cabot  ? 


Baccalaos 


1498  died  on  the  voyage  and  that  Sebastian  thus  came  into 
command;  as  survivor  and  chief  narrator,  it  would 
be  easy  for  him  to  obscure  the  record  of  his  father's 
share  in  the  enterprise.  On  the  other  hand,  Harrisse 
refers  to  custom  rolls  showing  that  John  Cabot  received 
money  between  September,  1497,  and  September,  1498, 
and  a  similar  payment  in  1499,  and  infers  thence,  with 
natural  confidence,  that  John  Cabot  returned  safely. 
The  Cabot  pension  was  paid  from  the  roval  treasury  in 
1499,  but  Mr.  Winship  says  that  the  assumption  that  it 
was  drawn  in  person  by  John  Cabot  "  is  the  merest 
conjecture." 

Whatever  the  fate  of  the  father  or  the  character  of  the 
son,  the  fleet  kept  on  its  western  way  toward  La  Tierra 
de  los  Baccalaos,  or  the  Land  of  Codfish.  Twenty 
years  later,  Sebastian  Cabot  said  that  the  fish  were  so 
abundant  that  they  impeded  the  sailing  ot  his  ships.  All 
Europe  was  Catholic  then,  and  Fridays  and  holidays 
were  numerous.  At  those  times,  fish  but  no  flesh  might 
be  eaten.  Thus  the  fishing  "banks"  came  to  be  a 
source  of  individual  wealth  and  national  wrath.  As  early 
as  1504,  the  Bretons  and  Normans  were  there,  and,  at  a 
later  day,  their  industry  promised  an  empire  to  France. 
As  the  cod  ran  along  the  shore  of  the  New  World,  the 
fisherman  followed  the  shifting  vein  of  wealth;  thus  did 
the  baccalaos  become  History's  mute  pilot.  Almost 
from  Cabot's  day  to  ours,  the  codfish  has  risen,  at  short 
intervals,  to  the  surface  of  diplomatic  correspondence. 

Probably  landing  at  Newfoundland,  and  possibly 
leaving  some  of  his  three  hundred  somewhere,  Cabot 
worked  northward  through  seas  of  July  ice  and  increas- 
ing cold,  anxiously  searching  the  shore  for  some  open 
way  to  India.  In  this  way  he  reached  the  northern 
latitude  of  sixty-seven  and  a  half  degrees  where  there 
was  little  night;  at  least  so  it  is  affirmed  and  denied. 
At  some  point  on  the  coast,  he  turned  his  prows  south- 
ward, took  his  colonists  on  board,  and  continued  "the 
first  coast  survey  ot  the  continent."  Seeking  ever  for 
a  passage  to  India,  the  fleet  worked  its  way  to  a  certain 


The  First 
American 
Coast  Survey 


Da  Gama  and  Cabot 


189 


point    on    the   Atlantic    seaboard,  which    "point"   ghdes    1498 

tantahzingly  along  the  coast  from  the  Virginia  capes  to 

Florida.      "  But   not   a  man  would    go  ashore  to  found 

another  colony,"  although  landings  were  made  here  and 

there  and  a  few  natives  captured.      The   exact   date   of 

the  arrival  at  England  is   not  known;   Winsor  says  that 

it  was  after  October,  and  Harrisse  that  it  was  before  the 

end    of   September,    1498.      The    reports    of   the    lands 

that  had  been   found  seem  to  have  discouraged  further 

enterprise    in    that    direction    for    a    long    time.      Peter 

Martyr  wrote:  "They  that  seek  riches  must  not  go  to 

the  frozen   North."       It  is    said   that,  in    1499,   Pinzon 

found   Englishmen   on   the  coast  of  Venezuela.     A  few  March  19, 

years  later,   Henry  VII.  granted   a    patent    to    Richard   '5°' 

Warde  and  other   Bristol    merchants    for  discovery  and 

colonization,   but    our    knowledge   of   what    they  did   is 

very  unsatisfactory. 

It  is  possible  that  Sebastian  Cabot  made  an  expedition  Sebastian 
to  the  American  coast  in  1501  or  1502.  It  is  also  said  Cabot's  Career 
and  denied  that,  between  1 508  and 
1 51 2,  he  commanded  one  or  two 
English  expeditions  in  search  of 
a  northwest  passage,  that  he  visited 
Hudson  Strait  and  penetrated  as 
far  north  as  latitude  sixty-seven 
and  a  half  degrees.  Still  later,  it  is 
said  that  he  was  on  the  northeast 
coast  of  South  America  and  in  the 
West  Indies  with  an  English  ship. 
In  1 51 8,  he  was  made   pilot-major 

of  Spain.      In  the  next  decade,  he     '  "_       II^ESIh  1526-30 

made  a  disastrous  expedition  to 
South  America.  He  remained  *in 
the  service  of  Spain  until  1 548 
when  he  returned  to  England, 
where  he  was  received  by  Edward 
VI.  with  favor  and  a  pension. 
With  characteristic  elusiveness,  he  died  we  know  not  just  1557  or  1558 
when,  and  was  buried  we  know  not  where. 


Cabot  Memorial  Tower, 
Bristol,  England 


190  Da  Gama  and  Cabot 

1498  John  Cabot  won  for  England  the  glory  of  a  great 
John  Cabot's  discovery,  but  for  a  time  it  was  little  understood.  As 
Fame  ^^j.  ^g   existing  records   show,  it  was  eighty  years  before 

the  English  people  made  any  effort  to  utilize  the  knowl- 
edge that  John  Cabot  had  given  them.  In  a  later 
generation,  Edmund  Burke  declared  that  Cabot's  dis- 
covery "is  sufficiently  certain  to  establish  a  right  to  our 
settlements  in  North  America."  Bancroft  says  that  "the 
fame  of  Columbus  was  embalmed  in  the  poetry  of 
Tasso;  Da  Gama  is  the  hero  of  the  national  epic  of 
Portugal;  but  the  elder  Cabot  was  so  little  celebrated 
that  even  the  reality  of  his  voyage  has  been  denied." 
While  on  our  maps  we  read  the  names  of  Columbus, 
Americus,  Magellan,  Hudson,  Ralegh,  and  a  host  of 
others,  we  have  yet  to  wait  for  the  coming  of  the  verbal 
artificer  of  skill  to  mold  the  name  of  Cabot  into  geo- 
graphical nomenclature.  The  four-hundredth  anniver- 
sary of  the  discovery  of  the  West  Indies  by  Columbus 
was  celebrated  with  enthusiasm  in  two  continents;  the 
quater-centennial  of  the  discovery  of  North  America 
by  Cabot  was  the  occasion  of  marked  indifference  in 
England  and  America.  ^ 

This  is  the  state  of  man  ;  today  he  puts  forth 
•  The  tender  leaves  of  hope,  tomorrow  blossoms, 

And  bears  his  blushing  honors  thick  upon  him. 
The  third  day  comes  a  frost,  a  killing  frost. 


CHAPTER 


X     I     I 


COLUMBUS       S  THIRD  VOYAGE 


FERDINAND  and  Isabella  had  granted  six  mil- 
lion maravedis  for  the  expedition,  and  had  sent 
Hernando  Coronel  in  advance  with  two  caravels, 
reinforcements,  and  supplies  for  the  adelantado.  After 
many  delays,  some  of  which  doubtless  were  not  neces- 
sary,  Columbus  and   his  six  vessels  dropped  down   the 


February, 
1498 


Map  of  Columbus's  Courses,  Third  and  Fourth  Voyages 

river    from    Seville    and    sailed    from    the    port   of    San   May  30 
Lucar.      The     experiences    of    the    last    six    years     had 
impaired  the  physical  constitution  of  the  admiral,  who 
was    now  troubled  with   a   complication   of   ophthalmia, 
gout,  and  other  diseases. 

Columbus    had    received    intimations    of    continental  The 
lands  south  of  the  islands  that  he  had  discovered,  and  ^'i^^toriai 
had  been  informed  that  gold  and  jewels  came  in  greatest 
abundance    from    near    the    equator    where    the    natives 
were    black    or   tawny.       His    present   plan    was    to    sail 


192  Columbus's  Third  Voyage 

1498  southward  to  the  equatorial  region  and  thence  westward, 
hoping  to  find  that  for  which  he  and  Spain  were  hunger- 
ing and  thirsting.  He  touched  at  Porto  Santo  and 
Madeira  and,  from  Gomera,  sent  three  of  his  ships 
direct  to  the   new  port  on  the  southern  side  of  Haiti. 

June  21  With   the  other  three,  he  set  sail    for  the  Cape  Verde 

Islands.  On  the  fifth  of  July,  he  steered  thence  toward 
the  southwest.  By  the  fifteenth,  the  vessels  were  in  a 
region  of  calms  and  intense  heat. 

All  in  a  hot  and  copper  sky, 
The  bloody  sun,  at  noon. 
Right  up  above  the  mast  did  stand, 
No  bigger  than  the  moon. 

Tropical  While  the  equatorial  current  was  bearing  them  on  their 
Troubles  ^^^  jj^  spitc  of  the  kck  of  wind,  provisions  became  unfit 
to  eat,  the  tar  melted  and  ran  from  the  rigging,  the 
superheated  timbers  shrank,  the  seams  of  the  decks  began 
to  open,  and  the  gout  tested  the  fortitude  of  the  admiral. 
The  course  was  changed  and  the  ships  glided  into  a  more 
refreshing  atmosphere.  But  headway  was  made  slowly 
and  the  supply  of  water  was  nearly  exhausted.  On  the 
thirty-first  of  July,  the  cry  of  land  floated  down  from 
the  masthead  and  was  quickly  followed  by  rising  hymns 
of  prayer  and  praise. 
Trinidad  At    the    beginning   of    the    voyage,  the    admiral    had 

determined  to  name  the  first-found  land  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  Holy  Trinitv;  it  was  a  pleasing  coincidence 
that  the  first  view  showed  three  separate  peaks  which, 
when  approached,  blended  into  a  triple  mountain.  The 
island  still  retains  the  name  that  Columbus  gave  it — 
Trinidad.  On  the  first  of  August,  the  ships  were 
anchored  on  the  south  side  of  the  island  and  in  view  of 
the  low  country  through  which  are  threaded  the  streams 
of  the  lower  Orinoco.  These  lands,  the  first  of  the 
continent  that  he  had  seen,  Columbus  called  Isla  Santa. 
The  name  suggests  that,  at  that  moment  and  for  him, 
Cuba  was  a  continent  and  South  America  an  island. 

On  the  following  day,  the  ships  sailed  westward  and 
anchored  near  the  southwest  corner  of  Trinidad.      Here 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


193 


the    great    rush    of   the    Guiana    current,  which    sweeps    1498 
through  the  narrow  channel  into  the  Caribbean   Sea  and 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  emerges  as  the  Gulf   Stream, 
arrested  the  careful  attention  of  the  admiral  and  filled  the 


Map  of  the  Gulf  of  Paria  Region,  Columbus's  Third  Voyage 

crews  with  alarm.    All  were  ignorant  of  the  great  discharge  The  Orinoco 
of    the    Orinoco,  at   that   season    swollen    with    tropical 
rains;  and  when  at  night  a  great  billow  came  across  the 
channel    with    an    "awful    roaring"    and    the    flag-ship 
lifted  her  anchor  and  one  of  the  caravels  snapped   her 
cable,    even     Columbus    was    alarmed     by    the    strange 
phenomenon  and  the  attending  danger.      To  try  to  take 
his    ships   through    the    narrow  pass    in    front,  with    its 
fearful  struggling  of  the  fresh  water  with  the  sea,  would 
be  unsafe,  and  to  stem  the  current  and  retrace  his  course 
seemed    impossible.      Columbus     named    the    pass    the 
Serpent's  Mouth.      Fortunately,  a  favoring  wind  enabled  La  Boca  de 
him  to  pilot  his  little  squadron  safely  through  it  and  into  ^^  ^'"p^ 
the  quiet  gulf  beyond.     The  freshness  of  the  waters  of 
this  land-locked  gulf  was  a  new  surprise. 

At  the  northwest  corner  of  Trinidad,  a  second  channel, 
more   dangerous   than   the    first,  was    found    and    named 
the    Dragon's    Mouth.     Thinking    that     the     headland  Boca  dd 
opposite  was  part  of  another  island,  Columbus  coasted  ^"s°" 
its  southern    shore    seeking  a  safer  passage    northward.   August  5 


194  Columbus's  Third  Voyage 

1498   Anchor  was    dropped   in   the    mouth   of  a  river  and   a 
On  the  landing  made.      On  this  incident  is  based  the  claim  that 

Mainland  Columbus  was  the  first  European  to  set  foot  on  the 
great  southern  continent.  Cabot  had  already  landed  on 
the  shores  of  North  America.  Parley  with  the  natives 
was  followed  by  a  profitable  barter  for  the  pearls  that  the 
women  wore.  The  country  seemed  an  earthly  paradise, 
but  Columbus  knew  that  he  must  hasten  to  Haiti. 
Provisions  and  stores  were  beginning  to  spoil,  and  the 
admiral's  gout  and  partial  blindness  could  not  be  ignored. 
A  harbor  was  found  near  the  Dragon's  Mouth  and 
careful  preparation  made  for  the  dangerous  passage. 
On  the  fifteenth  of  August,  the  currents  bore  the  three 
ships  safely  through.  Columbus  coasted  westward  and, 
near  the  island  of  Margarita,  found  natives  fishing  for 
pearls.  Bartering  bits  of  broken  Valencia  ware,  he 
secured  three  pounds  of  the  coveted  pearls  —  a  new 
source  of  wealth  and  a  possible  restoration  of  lost  credit. 
Rare  Vagaries  As  the  admiral  lay  almost  helpless,  his  thoughts  were 
busy.  From  his  extensive  reading,  he  knew  that  the 
garden  of  Eden  was  lifted  so  high  above  other  parts  ot 
the  earth  that  it  had  escaped  the  deluge.  To  this  distant 
East  he  had  been  sailing  by  the  western  way.  He  had 
proved  that  the  earth  was  round;  he  now  concluded  that 
it  was  round  not  like  an  orange  but  like  a  pear.  The 
protruding  part,  where  the  pear  should  join  the  stem, 
would  be  nearest  the  skv.  Here  at  "the  nipple  of  the 
globe"  was  the  earthly  Paradise.  He  had  sailed  up  a 
great  eminence  and  into  purer  air;  when  he  found  the 
oceanic  current  helping  him  on  to  Haiti,  he  attributed 
his  progress  to  the  facility  with  which  one  passes  from  a 
higher  to  a  lower  level.  The  waters  from  the  great 
fountain  in  the  garden  of  Eden  flowed  down  from  the 
apex  of  the  pear  and  sweetened  all  the  gulf  from  the 
Serpent  to  the  Dragon.  If  the  outskirts  of  the  blessed 
realm  were  so  rich  in  delights,  what  might  not  one  expect 
as  one  journeyed  up  the  celestial  streams?  The  tribute 
from  Haiti  had  been  met  with  scoffs  in  Spain;  the 
pleasures  of  Eden  might  satisfy  expectation  and  perhaps 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


195 


kindle  enthusiasm.      These  children  of  a  teeming  fancy    1498 
were  destined  to  be  placed  side  by  side  with  the  soberer 
statements  of  Americus  Vespucius,  and  thus  to  make  it 


Columbus  at  the  Island  of  Margarita 

more  easy  to  rob  the  great  discoverer  of  his  right  to  fix 
his  name  upon  a  world  that  he  had  found. 

After    sailing    northwest    for    four    days,    Columbus  Espanoia 
sighted  Haiti  about  fifty  leagues  west  of  the  new  capital  August  19 
that,  in   honor   of  their   father,  Bartholomew  had  named 
Santo  Domingo.     The   admiral   sent  a  messenger   over- 


196  Columbus's  Third  Vovage 

1498  land,  and  the  adelantado  promptly  set  out  in  a  caravel 
to  meet  the  fleet.  On  the  last  day  of  August,  the 
two  brothers  entered  Santo  Domingo  and  were  welcomed 
by  the  third  brother,  Diego.  In  the  absence  of  Colum- 
bus, the  adelantado  had  occupied  the  Hayna  country, 
built  a  fort  and  a  new  town,  and  sent  Indian  slaves  to 
Spain.  The  theologians  had  reported  to  the  queen  that 
it  was  right  to  sell  Indians  who  had  been  taken  in  war 
and,  by  means  of  that  easy  test,  Bartholomew  had  been 
able  to  keep  up  the  supply.  Isabella  was  soon  aban- 
doned ;  time  has  made  picturesque  its  ruins.  The 
province  of  Xaragua  and  its  cacique,  Behechio,  had 
been  brought  into  subjection,  tribute  agreed  upon,  and 
the  friendship  of  the  susceptible  and  influential  Ana- 
caona,  the  sister  of  Behechio  and  the  widow  of  the 
fallen  Caonabo,  had  been  secured.  These  were  the 
only  cheerful  incidents  of  the  story  to  which  Columbus 
listened. 
Spanish  Expatriated  convicts  turned  loose  among  the  natives 

NaTv^^  ^""^     ^^^   made    free  with    property  and  wives  and  turned  the 
Revolt  colony  into  a  hell.      The  Spaniards  captured  the  Indians 

who  had  desecrated  a  Christian  chapel  and  "gave  them 
the  fire  and  fagots  as  thev  would  have  done  to  Moor  or 
Jew."  Roused  to  fury  by  the  outrage  of  his  wite, 
Guarionex,  the  ruler  of  the  region  of  the  Vega  Real, 
entered  into  league  with  neighboring  caciques  and 
threatened  Fort  Conception.  But  the  vigorous  adelan- 
tado arrived  with  reinforcements  and  adroitly  captured 
all  the  leaders  of  the  native  conspiracy.  Two  of  these 
leaders  were  executed;  the  others  were  pardoned — a 
politic  determination  that  secured  for  at  least  one  Spaniard 
some  credit  for  clemency.  But  in  spite  of  his  vigor,  the 
adelantado  could  not  force  decent  living  upon  settlers 
who  had  been  swept  from  prison  into  Haiti,  and 
Guarionex  was  again  driven  into  insurrection.  The 
cacique  was  driven  to  the  northeast  coast.  The  outcome 
of  the  mountain  campaign  that  Bartholomew  conducted 
was  the  capture  of  the  insurgent  chiets  and  the  dispersion 
of  their  followers. 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage  197 

More  serious  than  the  Indian  rising  was  the  first  1498 
American  rebellion.  This  was  a  revolt  led  by  Roldan,  An  insurgent 
a  man  whom  Columbus  had  lifted  out  of  a  servile  con-  chief  justice 
dition  and  made  chief  justice  of  the  colony.  Aided  by 
reports  of  the  unpopularity  of  Columbus  in  Spain  and  a 
growing  antipathy  to  the  rule  of  an  Italian  in  Haiti, 
Roldan  fostered  discontent  and  mutiny  and  soon 
had  in  hand  a  band  of  worthless  ruffians.  Checked 
more  than  once  by  the  skill  and  vigor  of  the  adelan- 
tado,  the  outlawed  mutineers  refused  all  intercourse  with 
Coronel,  the  ambassador  of  the  adelantado.  Adding 
his  influence  to  that  of  the  outrages  in  the  Vega  Real, 
Roldan  encouraged  the  final  Indian  insurrection  that 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  Guarionex  and  the  mountain 
cacique  as  just  narrated.  Both  of  these  caciques  were 
in  bonds  as  hostages  for  peace  when  Columbus  arrived 
at  Santo  Domingo. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  admiral  at  the  new  capi-  The  Rebels 
tal,  the   three   caravels   that   he    had   sent    from    Gomera  5!°''"   . 

, .  .  Concessions 

direct  to  the  colony  also  arrived.  They  had  been 
carried  by  the  currents  too  far  westward  and  had  landed 
on  the  coast  of  Xaragua.  When  Roldan  represented 
that  he  had  been  stationed  in  that  region  to  collect 
tribute  from  the  natives  and  was  in  need,  he  was  sup- 
plied with  stores,  arms,  and  munitions  from  the  caravels. 
Some  of  the  newcomers  were  won  over  and  joined  the 
mutineers  before  the  captains  understood  the  situation. 
After  the  arrival  of  the  caravels  at  Santo  Domingo, 
Columbus  opened  negotiations  with  the  rebels.  On  the 
eighteenth  of  October,  the  waiting  ships  sailed  for  Spain, 
and  on  the  twentieth,  Columbus  sent  a  letter  by  Car- 
vajal  to  Roldan.  Roldan  insisted  upon  terms  that  were 
hard  to  grant,  but  the  mutineers  were  gaining  strength, 
the  garrisons  were  disaffected,  desertions  to  the  enemy 
were  frequent,  and  the  colonists  could  not  be  trusted  if 
an  appeal  was  made  to  arms.  As  Roldan  grew  stronger 
he  became  more  defiant.  Recognizing  the  hopelessness 
of  his  situation,  Columbus  accepted  terms  dictated  by 
the  rebel,  and   part  of  the  victorious  faction  returned  to 


198 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


1499  Santo  Domingo  where  the  agreement  was  completed  on 

1500  the  fifth  of  November,  1499. 

The  Past  offenses  were  condoned,  Roldan  was  restored  to  his 

Repartimiento  hjgh  office,  and  he  and  his  followers  were  given  grants  of 
lands.  Columbus  also  made  a  new  agreement  with  the 
caciques,  relieving  them  of  the  tribute  previously  paid, 
in  lieu  of  which  they  were  to  furnish  the  reinstated 
mutineers  with  laborers  for  their  farms.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  the  svstem  of  repartimientos,  by  which 
every  colonist,  even  the  vilest,  was  given  absolute  power 
over  as  many  Indians  as  his  means  and  rank  demanded. 
The  svstem  brought  unutterable  misery  upon  the  natives, 
and  blacked  the  memory  of  its  author.  In  his  letters 
to  the  monarchs,  Columbus  explained  the  compulsion 
upon  which  he  had  made  terms  with  the  rebels  and 
asked  that  they  be  brought  to  trial.  There  were  minor 
difficulties  to  be  overcome  but,  by  August,  1500,  the 
viceroy  felt  that  peace  had  been  restored.  The  cloud 
that  had  long  been  gathering  was  now  about  to  break. 
Da  Gama's  opening  of  the  African  route  to  India 
naturally  prompted  another  Portuguese  expedition  and, 
in  March,  1 500,  Cabral  sailed  with  three  ships  for  Cali- 
cut. He  took  a  course  further  westward  than  that  of 
Da  Gama  and,  on  or  about  the  twentv-second  of  April, 
"stumbled  upon  Brazil  and  preempted  the  share  of 
Portugal  in  the  New  World."  Cabral  sent  back  a 
caravel  with  the  news,  and  continued  his  journey  to 
India.  Wholly  independent  of  the  efforts  and  ideas  of 
Columbus,  he  had  found  America.  Before  the  end  of 
July,  King  Emanuel  notified  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
of  Cabral's  discovery.  Probably,  the  prospect  of  com- 
plications on  the  western  side  of  the  line  of  demarcation 
made  more  evident  the  importance  of  promptly  putting 
the  affairs  of  Haiti  in  better  condition,  and  reinforced 
The  Shadow  the  dcsire  of  Ferdinand  to  curtail  and,  if  possible,  to 
withdraw  the  concessions  granted  to  Columbus.  There 
had  been  mismanagement,  nepotism,  arrogance,  and 
cupidity,  and  it  is  not  much  cause  for  wonder  that 
Isabella  yielded  to  the  persuasion  of  Ferdinand  and  the 


Cabral  and 
Brazil 


of  Coming 
Trouble 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage  199 

plausible  representations  of  Fonseca.  Columbus  himself  1500 
wrote  to  Isabella  that  he  knew  that  "water  dropping 
on  a  stone  will  at  last  make  a  hole."  Then  the  contin- 
ued shipments  of  slaves  from  Haiti  argued  an  obstinate 
disregard  of  her  wishes.  His  recent  request  for  a  con- 
tinuance of  the  traffic  added  damage  to  his  injured  cause. 
Finally  he  asked  that  some  one  be  sent  to  investigate  the 
differences  between  himself  and  Roldan  and  the  Spanish 
monarchs  appointed  a  commissioner  with  plenary  powers 
that  outran  the  desires  of  the  viceroy. 

The  commissioner    that    the    monarchs    thus  clothed  a  Royal 
with    dangerous    authority  was    Francisco  de   Bobadilla.   Commissioner 
Oviedo  speaks  of   him  as  honest  and  religious,   and  it 
is  certain  that  he  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  monarchs. 
It    is    difficult,  however,  to    avoid    the    conclusion    that 
Bobadilla  was  as  unscrupulous  as  he  had  seemed  to  be 
honorable,  one  of  those    in  whom  character    gives    the 
lie  to    reputation.      The   arrangements  were    made  with 
unusual  deliberation.      The  original  instructions  directed  March  21, 
the  commissioner  to  investigate  the  Roldan  insurrection,   '''■99 
to  arrest  the  culpable  persons,  and   to  sequestrate  their 
property.      Subsequently,  a  circular  letter  was    prepared  May  21,  1499 
notifying  interested  parties  of  the  full  jurisdiction  given 
to  Bobadilla  in  civil  and  criminal  matters.      With  it  went 
an  order  for    the    admiral    to  surrender  all  forts,  arms, 
and    other   royal    property  into  his    hands.      Five    days 
later,  the  following  remarkable  letter  from  the  sovereigns 
was  addressed  to  Columbus : 

We  have  directed   Francisco  de   Bobadilla,   the  bearer  of    this,   to  tell    you  for   us  of 
certain  things  to  be  mentioned    by  him.      We  ask    you  to  give  faith    and    credence  to    May  26,  1499 
what  he  says,   and  to  obey  him. 

Bobadilla  was  also  given  papers  signed  in  blank,  so  that 
he  might  issue  over  the  royal  signatures  any  order  that 
he  thought  desirable.  As  implied  in  the  order  above 
quoted,  confidential  instructions  were  doubtless  given 
to  him  verbally.  With  him  went  twenty-five  picked 
soldiers  as  a  guard  of  honor,  several  Franciscan  friars, 
and  nineteen  of  the  natives  who  had  been  sold  as  slaves 
in  Spain.     They  set  sail  in  June  or  July,  1500. 


200 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


I  5 

Bobadilla 
in  Haiti 


O    O 


August  24 


Takes 

Forcible 
Possession 


Columbus  in 
Prison 


When  Bobadilla's  caravels  appeared  off  the  harbor  of 
Santo  Domingo,  Columbus  was  in  the  Vega  Real  and 
Bartholomew  was  in  Xaragua.  Seven  of  the  malefactors 
had  been  hanged  and  five  more  were  in  prison.  Don 
Diego  sent  a  canoe  to  the  ships  as  they  lay  at  anchor 
waiting  for  the  tide  to  take  them  up  the  river.  His 
messenger  intormed  Bobadilla  of  the  recent  and  the 
coming  executions.  When  the  ships  entered  the  river, 
"the  gibbets  on  either  bank,  with  their  dangling  Span- 
iards, showed  the  commissioner  that  there  were  other 
troublous  times  to  inquire  into  than  those  named  in 
his  warrant."  Upon  landing,  Bobadilla,  accompanied 
by  his  body-guard,  went  to  the  church  where,  after 
mass,  a  herald  read  the  commission  of  the  twenty-first 
of  March,    1499. 

Diego,  as  acting  governor,  declined  to  surrender  the 
prisoners  without  an  order  from  the  admiral.  On  the 
following  day,  Bobadilla's  other  commissions  were  pub- 
licly read.  In  spite  of  the  conclusive  evidence  of  a 
superior  power,  Diego  still  refused  to  recognize  it  in  the 
absence  of  his  brother.  With  a  peremptoriness  that 
seems  to  have  been  unnecessarv,  Bobadilla  marched  to 
the  citadel  with  his  armed  men,  his  crew,  and  the  rabble. 
The  feeble  fortress  was  carried  bv  assault  and  the  pris- 
oners were  passed  over  to  their  new  keepers.  Bobadilla 
at  once  occupied  the  house  of  Columbus,  seized  the 
public  and  private  papers  and  all  other  things  therein, 
and  increased  his  popularity  by  using  the  money  that  he 
found  to  pay  the  admiral's  debts,  and  by  reducing  the 
royal  dues  from  the  produce  of  the  mines.  Diego  was 
put  in  irons  and  confined  on  one  of  the  caravels. 

When  Columbus  received  the  letter  ot  the  monarchs, 
he  started  for  Santo  Domingo.  He  was  promptly 
seized  and  imprisoned  in  the  fort.  Bartholomew  was 
also  put  in  irons  and  confined  on  one  of  the  caravels  as 
Diego  had  been.  By  Bobadilla's  orders,  the  three 
imprisoned  brothers  were  kept  apart  and  denied  inter- 
course with  any  one.  Columbus  later  said  that  he  was 
refused     any    statement     of    the    charges    against    him, 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


20I 


adequate  clothing,  and  decent  treatment.  The  inquest  1500 
was  at  once  begun,  a  remarkable  ex-parte  process. 
There  was  no  organized  opposition  ;  Bobadilla's  precipi- 
tancy and  secrecy  were  not  necessary  and  cannot  be 
justified  except  upon  the  assumption  that  he  was  acting 
upon  secret  orders.  For  such  an  assumption,  we  have 
no  adequate  foundation.  The  whole  proceeding  was  as 
dull  as  it  was  brutal. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  public  sentiment  in  the  colony  Coiumbusin 
was  strongly  adverse  to  Columbus,  who  heard,  even  in   ^^^^'"^ 


Columbus  in   Chains 

his  dungeon,  the  taunts  and  imprecations  of  Spanish 
malefactors  that  he  had  uncaged.  Criminals  are  not 
always  grateful  for  favors  done  them.  When  Villejo, 
the  commander  of  the  caravels,  went  to  the  prison  with 
some  men-at-arms  to  take  the  admiral  in  custody, 
Columbus  thought  that  he  was  about  to  be  murdered, 
and  found  it  difficult  to  believe  that  he  and  his  brothers 
were  to  be  sent  back  to   Spain,      Early  in  October,  the 


202 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


Indignation 
in  Spain 


1500  viceroy  sailed  out  of  hearing  of  the  hootings  that 
followed  him.  When  V^illejo  offered  to  remove  the 
manacles  during  the  vovage,  Columbus  answered : 
"  Their  majesties  commanded  me  to  submit  to  whatever 
Bobadilla  should  order  in  their  name.  He  has  put  these 
chains  upon  me  by  their  authority ;  until  they  order 
them  taken  off,  I  will  wear  them."  The  haughtiness 
of  the  reply  may  have  been  born  in  part  of  a  desire  to 
magnify  martyrdom,  and  of  a  worldly  wisdom  that  fore- 
saw the  heightening  of  popular  indignation  by  the 
intensity  of  the  essentially  dramatic  picture  of  chains 
clanking  on  a  form  that  had  worn  the  robes  of  royalty. 

Before  the  end  of  the  month,  Villejo  landed  his  pris- 
oners at  Cadiz.  While  at  sea,  Columbus  had  written  a 
touching  letter  to  a  lady  of  the  court  usually  designated 
as  the  nurse  of  Prince  Juan.  This  lady  was  a  favorite 
of  the  queen  ;  it  is  probable  that  Columbus  intended 
that  the  letter  should  be  shown  to  Isabella.  Columbus 
sent  his  letter  to  the  court,  then  in  the  Alhambra,  in 
advance  of  the  report  sent  by  Bobadilla.  When  Spain 
heard  that  Columbus  had  come  back  in  chains,  a  chival- 
rous people  seemed  to  feel  that  the  outrage  of  an  individ- 
ual was  the  dishonor  of  a  nation.  It  was  fortunate  for 
Bobadilla  that  an  ocean  intervened.  "None  partook  of 
the  general  indignation  more  strongly  than  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,"  says.  Mr.  Prescott.  "As  the  observer  goes 
on  in  the  story  and  notes  the  sequel,  he  is  more  inclined 
to  believe  that  the  sovereigns,  borne  on  the  rising  tide 
of  indignant  sympathy,  defended  themselves  at  the 
expense  of  their  commissioner,"  remarks  Mr.  Winsor. 
At  all  events,  they  ordered  the  immediate  release  of 
Columbus  and  sent  a  cordial  summons  to  the  court,  two 
thousand  ducats  for  expenses,  and  a  handsome  retinue 
for  the  journey. 

After  a  short  stay  at  Seville,  Columbus  appeared 
before  the  monarchs  at  Granada  and  cast  himself  at  the 
feet  of  the  queen.  She  "could  not  repress  her  tears  at 
the  sight  of  the  man  whose  illustrious  services  had  met 
with    such    ungenerous   requital,  as   it  were,  at  her  own 


Royal 

Interference 


Columbus 
at  Court, 
December  17 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage  203 

hands."  There  were  royal  promises  as  well  as  tears,  1502 
and  the  hollow  hope  of  a  coming  triumph  as  the  rein- 
stated viceroy  of  the  Indies.  For  eighteen  months,  the 
spirit  of  the  admiral  was  the  shuttlecock  of  high-born 
insincerity.  Ferdinand  was  fertile  in  excuses  and  Colum- 
bus had  to  acquiesce. 

In  the  interval,  affairs  at  Haiti  went  from  bad  to  worse,  Ovando 
and  the  removal  of  Bobadilla  was  seen  to  be  a  necessity.   o"u"xn^ 

1  Bobadilla 

His  successor,  chosen  m  i  501,  was  Nicholas  de  Ovando, 
another  man  of  high  reputation  for  justice  and  modera- 
tion. His  authority,  as  governor  of  the  Spanish  domain 
in  the  New  World,  was  much  like  that  previously  given  to 
Bobadilla.  The  death-rate  among  the  native  workers 
of  the  gold-mines  foreshadowed  the  extermination  of  a 
race.  Ovando  was  to  make  new  efforts  to  convert  the 
Indians,  and  negro  slaves  were  to  be  introduced.  "  It 
was  going  to  take  the  degradation  of  two  races  instead 
of  one.  That  was  all !  "  The  admiral  was  to  send  an 
agent  to  look  after  his  interests,  and  Ovando  was  to 
make  restitution  of  the  property  of  which  Bobadilla  had 
despoiled  him.  Columbus  appointed  as  his  factor 
Alonso  Sanchez  de  Carvajal. 

Ovando's  fleet  sailed  from  San  Lucar  on  the  thirteenth  Ovando's 
of  February,  1 502,  the  largest  that  had  yet  left  Spain  ^'"' 
for  the  New  World.  It  consisted  of  thirty-two  vessels 
under  command  of  Antonio  de  Torres,  the  admiral's 
true  and  loyal  friend.  On  board  the  ships  were  twenty- 
five  hundred  persons,  including  many  cavaliers  and  men 
of  rank.  Among  these  was  Las  Casas,  then  a  friar;  he 
became  a  bishop  and  left,  in  his  Historia  de  las  IndiaSy 
such  an  exposure  of  Spanish  cruelty  that  a  license  to 
print  it  could  not  be  obtained  until  1875.  "Instead  of 
vile  convicts,  there  were  respectable  married  men  with 
their  families  —  the  guaranty  of  honorable  living."  One 
of  the  ships  foundered  in  a  gale  and  much  cargo  was 
thrown  overboard  from  the  others.  Without  other  loss, 
the  fleet  arrived  at  Santo  Domingo  on  the  fifteenth  of 
the  following  April.  Bobadilla  and  Roldan  were  to  be 
sent  to  Spain  by  the  returning  ships. 


204 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


I 


O    2 


Columbus's 
Libros  de  las 
Proficias 


Columbus's 
Care  for  his 
Titles  and  his 
Native  City 


For  a  while,  Columbus  devoted  himself  to  pious 
visions  and  the  composition  of  an  erratic  epistle  to  the 
monarchs  relating  to  a  crusade  for  the  conquest  of  the 
Holy  Land.  Of  course,  Columbus  was  to  be  the  leader 
in  the  enterprise  as  God's  chosen  instrument.  But  his 
thoughts  drifted  back  to  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  its 
currents.  In  his  ignorance  of  the  Gulf  Stream  and  his 
belief  that  Cuba  was  a  continental  limit  to  the  waters 
south  of  it,  it  seemed  clear  that  the  observed  flow  must 
find  an  open  w'estern  way  that  would  shorten  the  route 
that  led  from  Europe  to  the  opulent  East.  When  he 
proposed  a  search  for  the  gateway,  Ferdinand  could  not 
deny  the  merit  of  the  project.  Moreover,  to  send  him 
again  to  sea  would  remove  from  court  an  annoying  claim- 
ant. The  king,  therefore,  authorized  the  admiral  to 
prepare  a  fleet  ot  four  vessels  and  to  provision  it  for  two 
years,  but  forbade  him  to  touch  at  Haiti  on  his  outward 
voyage. 

In  the  fall  of  i  501,  Columbus  was  mingling  preparation 
for  a  fourth  voyage  with  labors  on  his  treatise  on  the 
prophecies  and  his  project  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy 
Land.  Having  been  warned  that  all  concessions  made 
by  the  Spanish  crown  to  foreigners  were  void,  and  for 
the  sake  ot  securing  to  his  descendants  certain  evidence 
of  the  grants  and  hereditary  privileges  that  had  been 
accorded  to  him  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  Columbus, 
on  the  fifth  of  January,  1502,  prepared  and  attested 
before  a  notary  a  series  of  documents  now  known  as  the 
Columbus  codex.  Three  copies  of  this  codex  were 
written  on  parchment  and  one  on  paper.  The  paper 
copy  was  carried  that  year  to  Haiti  by  Alonso  Sanchez 
de  Carvajal.  Of  the  parchment  copies,  one  is  in  the 
palace  of  the  municipality  of  Genoa.  Another  is  in  the 
government  archives  at  Paris,  carried  thither  from  Italy 
by  the  great  Napoleon  in  181 1.  The  other  copy  was 
deposited  with  the  archives  of  the  Columbus  family  in 
the  monastery  of  Las  Cuevas,  near  Seville,  whence  it 
mysteriously  disappeared.  In  April,  1502,  Columbus 
notified  the  managers  of  the  Bank  of  Saint  George  at 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage  205 

Genoa,   his   native    city,   that    he   had    directed    his   son    1502 
Diego  to  deposit  in  that  bank,  "every  year,  forever,  one- 
tenth   of  the   entire   revenue,  such  as  it  may  be,  for  the 
purpose  of  reducing  the  tax  upon  corn,  wine,  and  other 
provisions." 

As  above  suggested.  King  Ferdinand  had  become  Royal 
anxious  to  annul  some  of  the  concessions  granted  to  his  i"f'''"ge'"e"ts 
viceroy,  and  Fonseca  seems  to  have  been  glad  to 
strengthen  and  support  the  royal  purpose.  Prior  to  the 
return  of  Columbus,  Ojeda,  whom  Mr.  Winsor  calls 
"the  real  hero  of  Columbus's  second  voyage,"  easily 
secured  a  license  for  a  private  voyage.  He  was  to  share 
his  profits  with  the  crown,  and  to  avoid  the  possessions 
of  the  Portuguese  and  the  lands  that  Columbus  had 
found  before  1495.  This  date  left  him  free  to  visit  the 
Paria  region  whence  Columbus  had  sent  pearls  to  Spain. 

Ojeda's  expedition  of  four  vessels  sailed  from  Cadiz  on  ojeda's 
the  twentieth  of  May,  1499.  With  him  went  Juan  de  la  ^'°y^6« 
Cosa,  the  cartographer  of  the  long  Cuban  cruise,  Ameri- 
cus  Vespucius,  and  several  who  had  been  with  Columbus 
through  the  wonderful  gulf  The  fleet  made'  land  east 
of  the  Orinoco,  probably  on  the  coast  of  Dutch  Guiana. 
Guided  by  Columbus's  charts,  Ojeda  followed  the 
admiral's  course  through  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  coasted 
westward,  and  entered  a  gulf  which,  on  account  of 
dwellings  built  by  the  natives  upon  piles  and  that 
reminded  him  of  Venice,  he  named  Venezuela.  On  the 
fifth  of  September,  he  appeared  on  the  coast  of  Haiti  in 
spite  of  the  prohibition  of  his  license.  His  presence 
was  reported  at  Santo  Domingo,  and  Columbus,  who 
then  was  in  authority,  sent  the  pardoned  chief  justice 
with  two  caravels  in  pursuit.  Roldan  justified  the  confi- 
dence of  the  admiral.  The  strategic  game  that  followed 
was  well  played  on  both  sides.  Ojeda  went  to  another 
island,  filled  his  caravels  with  Indian  slaves,  and,  in  June, 
1 500,  entered  the  port  of  Cadiz. 

Among  the  many  who  were  eager  for  a  share  of  the  Nino's 
rich  store  of  pearls  was  Pedro  Alonso  Nino,  who  had  ^'°>'^ee 
been    pilot    of    the    "Nina"    on    the    memorable    first 


2o6  Columbus's  Third  Voyage 

1502  voyage,  and  had  sailed  through  the  Gulf  of  Paria  with 
Columbus  on  his  third  voyage.  It  was  as  easy  for  him 
to  get  a  license  from  Fonseca  as  it  had  been  for  Ojeda, 
and  with  a  small  caravel  he  sailed  from  Palos  early  in 
June,  1499.  This  second  interloper  followed  close  on 
the  heels  of  the  first.  He  was  a  better  seaman  than 
Ojeda  and  arrived  at  the  Gulf  of  Paria  about  a  fortnight 
later.  The  barter  for  pearls  and  gold  proved  successful 
and,  in  April,  i  500,  Nino  returned  to  Spain  with  a  cargo 
that  aroused  envy  and  kindled  emulation.  Their  little 
vessel  of  fifty  tons  was  "so  laden  with  pearls  that  they 
were  in  maner  with  every  mariner  as  common  as  chafFe." 
Pinzon's  Similarly,  Vicente  Yanez   Pinzon,  the  skipper  of  the 

Voyage  "Nina"    on     Columbus's    first    voyage,    equipped    four 

caravels  and  sailed  in  December,  1499.  He  crossed  the 
equator  west  of  the  line  of  demarcation,  and  earlier  than 
Cabral  sighted  land  about  the  twentieth  of  the  following 
January,  probably  at  the  most  easterly  cape  of  the  South 
American  continent.  Sailing  north,  he  crossed  the 
mouth  of  the  Amazon  and  filled  his  casks  with  fresh 
water  out  of  sight  of  land.  He  followed  the  turbulent 
and  now  familiar  passage  into  the  Caribbean  Sea,  touched 
June,  1500  at  Haiti,  lost  two  of  his  caravels  in  a  gale,  and  with  the 
other  two  returned  to  Palos  in  September,  i  500,  with  a 
cargo  of  dyewood  and  many  botanical  and  zoological 
novelties. 

About  a  month  after  Pinzon  sailed  from  Palos,  Diego 
de    Lepe    followed    with  two    vessels.      He  skirted    the 
coast  of  Brazil  southwesterly  and  made  a  chart  of  his 
Other  Private  discovcHes.      I n  October,  1 500,  Roderigo  Bastidas  sailed 
Voyages  from   Cadiz    with  two  vessels,    taking  with    him  as    his 

pilot  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  and  as  one  of  his  crew  Vasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa,  one  of  the  immortals  of  history, 
Bastidas  reached  the  South  American  mainland  some- 
where near  the  Gulf  of  Venezuela.  Sailing  westward, 
he  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Magdalena  and  the  Gulf 
of  Darien,  and  explored  the  coast  as  far  as  the  port  of 
Nombre  de  Dios  (Puerto  Bello).  His  ships  were  injured 
by  the  borings   of  the  teredo,  and   with  difficulty  were 


Columbus's  Third  Voyage 


207 


gotten  to  Jamaica  where  they  were  repaired.  He 
reached  the  coast  of  Haiti,  where  in  a  series  of  storms 
his  ships  were  lost.  A  good  deal  of  gold  and  many 
pearls  were  saved,  with  which  treasure  the  men  made 
their  way  to  Santo  Domingo.  Bastidas  was  persecuted 
by  Bobadilla,  but  after  his  return  to  Spain  in  Septem- 
ber, 1502,  he  was  fully  acquitted.  Stories  of  gold  and 
pearls  continued  to  incite  a  commensurate  enterprise, 
and  furtive  explorations  became  common.  The  men 
whom  Columbus  had  trained  had  already  traced  the 
continental  coast  from  south  of  the  equator  to  beyond 
the  Gulf  of  Darien. 


o  1 


CHAPTER        XIII 


VOYAGE    S 


OF        THE        CORTEREALS 


Portuguese 
Discovery 


Gaspar 
Cortereal's 
First  Voyage 


I 


T  was  a  general  belief  of  the  time  that  the  northern 
parts  of  Asia  extended  far  toward  the  east.  From 
the  reports  of  the  Cabot  voyages,  it  seemed  certain 
that  lands  were  to  be  found  on  the  Portuguese  side  of 
the  line  of  demarcation;  that  there  was,  at  least,  a 
chance  to  equal  the  success  of  Da  Gama.  It  was 
natural,  therefore,  that  the  prows  of  the  Portuguese 
caravels  should  be  turned  toward  the  northwest.  On  the 
twelfth  of  May,  1500,  King  Emanuel  granted  letters 
patent  to  Gaspar  Cortereal,  then  a  man  about  fifty 
years  old.  This  document  indicates  that  Cortereal 
had  previously  made  efforts,  "with  vessels  and  men, 
spending  his  fortune  and  at  the  peril  of  his.  life,  to 
discover  islands  and  a  continent,"  but  we  know  nothing 
more  of  such  undertakings.  The  expedition  now  author- 
ized, consisting  of  two  vessels,  sailed  from  Lisbon  or 
from  Terceira,  one  of  the  Azores,  early  in  the  summer 
of  1500.  We  have  only  lean  accounts  of  the  voy- 
age. At  some  point,  the  ice  prevented  Cortereal  from 
going  further  northward.  It  is  probable  that  he  struck 
the  eastern  shore  of  Newfoundland  at  about  the  fiftieth 
parallel,  and  thence  coasted  to  the  southeastern  corner 
of  the  island.  The  climate  was  very  cold  and  the  land 
was  covered  with  large  trees.  It  is  probable  that  the 
ships  returned  to  Portugal  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
same  year.  Cortereal  named  the  land  that  he  had 
found   Labrador,    or    Slaveland.      Gold    (and,   in    default 


II 


Voyages  of  the  Cortereals  209 

of   that,  slaves)   was   the   main  object  of   the  explorer  of  i    501 
the  fifteenth  century. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  May,  1501,  Cortereal  again  sailed  His  Second 
from  Lisbon  with  three  ships.  The  only  valuable  '^"y^g^ 
sources  of  information  concerning  this  voyage  are  three 
letters  written  by  Pasqualigo  and  Cantino  —  two  witnesses 
of  the  return  of  the  caravels  —  and  a  map  made  in  1502, 
at  Lisbon,  for  Cantino.  Cantino  sent  the  map  and  his 
description  of  the  second  voyage  to  the  duke  of  Ferrara. 
The  map  is  still  preserved.  Critics  think  that  it  was 
intended  to  illustrate  the  discoveries  made  by  Cortereal 
in  1 50 1.  We  cannot  determine  with  certainty  either 
the  landfall  or  the  country  visited,  but  it  is  probable 
that  Cortereal  took  a  more  northerly  course  than  before, 
sighted  Cape  Farewell,  turned  from  Greenland  toward 
the  southwest,  and  landed  on  the  east  coast  of  New- 
foundland. From  that  point  he  ranged  the  coast  north- 
wardly we  know  not  how  far.  From  some  unknown 
point  he  sent  two  of  his  caravels  back  to  Portugal,  while 
with  the  third  he  continued  his  northwest  exploration. 
According  to  Pasqualigo,  one  of  the  caravels  returned 
to  Lisbon  on  the  eighth  or  ninth  of  October,  with  seven 
of  the  New  World  natives.  According  to  Cantino,  the 
second  caravel  returned  on  the  eleventh  of  October, 
with  fifty  slaves.  The  third  caravel  and  Caspar  Corte- 
real were  never  again  heard  of.  It  is  probable  that  he 
explored  the  coast  of  Labrador,  rounded  Cape  Chud- 
leigh,  and  met  his  fate  in  Hudson  Strait  or  in  Hudson 
Bay. 

The  Cantino  map  projected  Newfoundland  eastward  The  cantino 
into  mid-ocean  and  beyond  the  line  of  demarcation —  ^^^^ 
an  error  evidently  in  the  Portuguese  interest.  The 
island  is  marked  "Terra  del  Rey  de  portuguall." 
Whether  its  location  on  the  wrong  side  of  the  treaty 
line  was  due  to  falsification  prompted  by  interest  and 
patriotism  or  to  crude  methods  of  taking  longitude  is 
not  certain.  Here  the  West  Indies  first  appear  as  the 
Antilles.  The  map  has  further  interest  because  it 
clearly  shows  the  insularity  of  Cuba  and  lays  down  part 


2  lO 


Voyages  of  the  Cortereals 


O    I 


Unofficial 
Discovery 


of  the  Atlantic  coast  of  the  United  States.  In  brief, 
the  map  is  our  best  record  of  the  growth  of  geograph- 
ical knowledge  in  the  ten  years  that  followed  the  first 
voyage  of  Columbus  —  unless  much  of  the  map  was 
mere  conjecture.  It  has  been  generally  held  that  Cuba 
was    not   known    to    be   an    island   until    it  was    circum- 


Part  of  the  Cantino  Map  of  1502 

navigated  by  Ocampo  in  1508,  and  that  the  continental 
region  northwest  of  Cuba  was  not  known  until  Ponce 
de  Leon  went  to  Florida  several  years  later.  Whence 
came  the  information  gained  concerning  Cuba  and  the 
near-by  continental  coast? 

In  addition  to  the  official  expeditions  that  sailed 
under  the  flag  of  Spain,  England,  or  Portugal,  there 
were  other  voyages  to  the  New  World,  some  of  which 
were  authorized  and  some  of  which  were  clandestine. 
Thus  we  know  that  a  number  of  sea-captains  took  advan- 
tage of  the  Spanish  decree  of  the  tenth  of  April,  1495; 
but  who  they  were,  whither  they  went,  and  what  they 
found,  no  one  can  tell.  As  they  were  forbidden  to  go 
to  parts  already  discovered,  it  is  probable  that  some  ot 


Voyages  of  the  Cortereals  211 

them  came  home  with  geographical  data  that  they  failed  i  5  o  i 
to  report  to  the  pilots  and  cosmographers  of  the  Spanish  1502 
crown.  Other  captains  were  even  less  scrupulous,  and 
in  numerous  unlicensed  expeditions  sailed  to  the  New 
World  for  gold,  pearls,  Indian  slaves,  dyewood,  and 
maritime  discovery.  Spain  protested  to  Portugal 
against  such  illegal  ventures,  and  Humboldt  says  that 
there  were  current  at  Seville  and  Lisbon  notions  spread 
by  clandestine  navigators.  There  is  little  danger  in 
assuming  that  the  insularity  of  Cuba  and  the  existence 
of  adjacent  continental  lands  were  known  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  that  the  representa- 
tions of  the  Cantino  map  were  not  founded  merely  on 
conjecture.  There  is  as  little  reason  for  assuming  that 
this  coast-line,  at  such  a  distance  from  Newfoundland, 
was  intended  to  show  a  discovery  of  Cortereal. 

In  hope  of  rescuing  his  brother  and  with  a  desire  of  Miguel 
discovery,  Miguel  Cortereal  fitted  out  two,  some  say  three,  c°""^^* 
ships  and  sailed  from  Lisbon  on  the  tenth  of  May,  1502. 
One  of  the  two  chroniclers  from  whom  we  learn  what  little 
we  know  concerning  this  voyage  says  that,  when  they 
came  unto  that  coast  (Newfoundland),  they  found  so 
many  entrances  that  "every  ship  went  into  her  several 
river,  with  this  rule  and  order  that  they  all  three  should 
meet  again  on  the  twentieth  day  of  August.  The  other 
two  ships  did  so;  and  they,  seeing  that  Michael  Corte- 
real was  not  come  at  the  day  appointed,  nor  yet  after- 
wards in  a  certain  time,  returned  back  into  the  realm  of 
Portugal,  and  never  heard  any  more  news  of  him."  It 
is  said  that,  in  a  moment  of  royal  pity,  the  Portuguese 
king  sent  two  vessels  from  Lisbon  in  1 503  to  ascertain 
the  fate  of  the  Cortereal  brothers,  but  that  the  quest 
was  in  vain.  Then  the  eldest  of  the  three  brothers 
asked  permission  of  the  king  to  renew  the  search,  but 
Emanuel  refused  to  risk  the  lives  of  any  more  of  his 
subjects.  Thus  the  fate  of  Caspar  and  Miguel  Corte- 
real remains  a  mystery.  In  consequence  of  the  debts  September  17, 
incurred  in  their  voyages,  the  king  issued  letters  patent  '^06 
to  the  surviving  brother,  continuing  in   him,  as  governor 


2  12  Voyages  of  the  Cortereals 

I  5  o  2  of  Terra  Nova  des  Cortereals,  the  privileges  previously 
March  6,  granted  to  Caspar  and  Miguel.  After  the  death  of  this 
1538  Vasqueanes  Cortereal,  a  like  commission  was  granted  to 

his  son.  The  governorship  must  have  been  a  position 
of  mere  nominal  authority  and  shadowy  emoluments, 
but  the  Cortereal  family  long  clung  to  it  with  a  hope  of 
making  it  serve  both  their  honor  and  their  profit.  The 
Cortereal  voyages  gave  a  great  impulse  to  the  fishing 
industry.  In  1506,  King  Emanuel  ordered  that  the 
fishermen  returning  from  Newfoundland  should  pav  a 
tenth  part  of  their  profits  at  his  custom-houses.  It  is 
even  claimed  that  the  first  attempts  of  European 
colonization  in  the  northern  parts  of  the  American 
continent  were  made  in  Cape  Breton  Island.  But  the 
influence  of  Portugal  in  that  quarter  "passed  away  as 
an  exhalation  of  the  night,"  and  her  people  disappeared, 
leaving  behind  a  few  geographical  names  as  the  only 
memorial  of  their  occupancy. 


^^^^^^ 


CHAPTER   XIV 


COLUMBUS   S     FOURTH    VOYAGE 


COLUMBUS  sailed  from  Cadiz  on  the  ninth  or  The  Fleet 
the  eleventh  of  May,  1502,  with  the  avowed 
purpose  of  circumnavigating  the  globe.  He 
had  four  small  caravels,  each  of  from  fifty  to  seventy  tons. 
With  him  went  not  more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
among  whom  were  his  brother  Bartholomew,  his  son  Fer- 
dinand, and  Diego  de  Porras,  to  whom,  as  the  representa- 
tive of  the  sovereigns,  the  admiral  was  at  once  to  deliver 
all  gold  and  other  precious  commodities  that  might  be 
found.  Apparently  the  king  was  not  satisfied  with  the 
explanations  that  Columbus  had  made  concerning  certain 
pearls  that  the  admiral  had  secured  on  his  third  voyage. 
The  instructions  forbade  Columbus  to  take  any  slaves. 
The  Canaries  were  left  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  May.  By 
the  fifteenth  of  June,  the  ships  were  at  an  island  called 
Martinino  —  a  quick  and  pleasant  voyage.  Thence  the 
little  squadron  and  the  great  commander  sailed  for  Santo 
Domingo,  although  the  royal  order  was  to  avoid  Haiti 
on  the  outward  voyage.  The  order  seems  to  have  been 
given  for  the  purpose  of  allowing  Ovando  time  to  bring 
order  out  of  the  confusion  into  which  Bobadilla's  mis- 
government  had  thrown  that  island.  Under  pretense 
of  a  disabled  caravel  and  an  impending  storm,  Columbus 
disregarded  the  royal  injunction  and  with  his  fleet  arrived 
off  the  port  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  June. 

Ovando    had    assumed    the    government  at   Haiti    in 
April.     When    Columbus    arrived    off  the    harbor,  the 


2  14  Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 

1502  great  fleet  was  ready  for  the  return  voyage.  On  the 
ships  were  Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  the  unfortunate 
cacique,  Guarionex.  As  for  the  rest  of  the  lading,  it 
was  the  richest  that  had  ever  been  sent  from  the  island  — 
the  gold  wrung  from  the  Indians,  the  largest  nugget  of 
the  precious  metal  that  had  ever  been  found,  and  four 
thousand  pieces  sent  to  Columbus  by  his  factor  Carvajal, 

In  Haiti  the  admiral's  share  of  the  profits  of  the  crown.  When 
Columbus  sent  a  messenger  to  ask  permission  to  shelter 
his  ships  and  to  negotiate  for  another  caravel  as  one  of 
his  could  no  longer  carry  sail,  Ovando  denied  the 
requests,  and  sent  what  Irving  calls  an  "ungracious 
refusal,"  and  what  Markham  labels  a  "brutal  answer." 
Columbus  gave  notice  of  an  approaching  hurricane  and 
a  friendly  warning  not  to  venture  out  to  sea.  With  his 
four  caravels  he  then  sought  and  found  safe  anchorage 
in  a  sheltered  cove.      Undismayed,  the  great  fleet  spread 

July  I  sail  for  the  homeward  voyage  and  was  soon  overtaken  by 

the  storm.  Twenty  ships  went  down;  Bobadilla,  Rol- 
dan, Guarionex,  and  the  ill-gotten  treasure  including  the 
famous  nugget,  went  with  them.  A  few  shattered  caravels 
worked  back  to  Santo  Domingo.  The  only  one  that 
went  safely  on  its  way  was  the  one  that  had  on  board  the 
treasure  of  the  admiral.  "Poetical  justice,"  says  one 
writer;  "the  finger  of  God,"  says  another.  The  admi- 
ral's four  caravels  rode  the  storm  without  loss  of  a  man 
and  with  but  little  damage  to  sails  and  rigging.  "The 
faithful  servant  of  his  Lord  was  preserved  in  safety  with 
all  his  people,  and  even  his  treasure." 

July  14  After  repairing  his  ships,  Columbus  lifted  his  anchors. 

There  was  little  wind,  but  the  currents  swept  him  west- 

juiy  24  ward  into  the  archipelago  that  he  had  named  the  Qvieen's 

Gardens.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  July,  he  caught  a 
favoring  breeze  and  stood  away  to  the  southwest  hoping 
to  strike  the  coast  of  Cochin  China.  On  the  thirtieth, 
he  was  off  the  coast  of  Honduras,  at  Guanaja,  a  small 
island  that  he  named  Isla  de  Pinos.  This  course  was  in 
clear  disregard  of  the  theory  that  had  prompted  the 
voyage.      Upon  the  Honduras  coast  the  Spaniards  found 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 


215 


evidences    of     a    culture    higher     than     any    previously    1502 
discovered,  with  stories  of  gold  and  evidences  of  semi- 
civilization     in     the    country    westward,    the     wondrous 
world    of    Yucatan    and    Mexico.       But  Columbus  was  The  Quest 
now  under  the   direct  guidance  of  heaven,  led  by  what  ^^J^^^^ 
Mr.   Winsor  calls  beatific  visions  of    a   delusive  strait. 
He    therefore    coasted     eastward     for     full     forty    days, 


Alap  of  the  Central  American  Coast,  Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 

Struggling  against  wind  and  tide,  tearing  his  sails,  and 
wearing  out  his  men.  The  admiral  was  suffering  with 
the  gout  and  the  men  were  in  despair  when,  about 
the  twelfth  of  September,  they  rounded  a  cape  beyond 
which  the  coast  stretched  away  to  the  south,  washed 
by  a  part  of  the  divided  current  that  had  so  long 
opposed  them.      In   his  joy  at   the  relief  thus  brought, 


2i6  Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 

1502   Columbus   named  the  p:»rominence  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios, 

or  Thanks  to  God. 
Disaster,  Sailing  southward  for  more  than  sixty  leagues  along 

Sorcery,  and  ^vhat  we  Call  thc  Mosquito  Coast,  they  came  to  a  river 
on  the  bar  off  the  mouth  of  which  one  of  the  boats  and 
its  crew  were  lost;  hence  the  name  given,  Rio  del 
Desastre.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  September,  they  came 
to  a  roadstead  where  they  lay  at  anchor  for  a  few  days 
making  repairs  and  overhauling  damaged  stores.  On 
shore  there  was  a  manifested  coyness;  when  a  notary 
appeared  with  paper  and  inkhorn,  the  wondering  natives 
fled  only  to  return  scattering  smoke  as  if  to  disperse 
baleful  spirits.  Columbus,  whose  reason  had  lost  its  old- 
time  equipoise,  was  certain  that  he  had  drifted  into  a  realm 
of  mystical  enchantment.  In  spite  of  this,  he  seized 
several  and  carried  off  two  of  the  tribe  to  serve  as  guides. 
On  the  fifth  of  October,  he  proceeded  from  this  resting- 
place —  where  a  memorial  still  remains  in  the  name  of 
Bahia  del  Almirante  —  southward  along  the  coast  of  what 
is  known  as  Costa  Rica  and  soon  entered  Caribaro  Bay, 
where  he  met  with  people  wearing  ornaments  of  gold. 
They  said  that  the  gold  came  from  a  country  called 
Veragua  —  whence  the  ducal  title  borne  to  this  day  by 
the  descendants  of  Columbus. 
The  Search  Before  leaving  Spain,  Columbus  had,  in  a  vision,  seen 

for  the  Strait  <t  ^  strait  bctwcen  the  regions  north  and  south  of  the 
Antillian  sea."  As  in  delirious  ailment  he  dallied  along 
the  shores  of  Costa  Rica,  he  heard  that  he  would  soon 
come  to  a  "narrow  place"  between  two  seas.  Doubt- 
less the  vision  and  the  Indians  were  both  honest;  the 
error  lay  in  the  interpretations.  De  Lorgues  and  the 
other  canonizers  of  Columbus  say  that  the  only  mistake 
was  in  making  the  strait  of  water  when  it  should  have 
been  of  land.  In  his  mind's  eye  the  great  discoverer 
saw  the  Strait  of  Malakka  where  we  see  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama.  In  his  excitement  he  was  unwilling  to  wait 
for  confirmation  of  the  stories  of  the  gold-mines  of 
Veragua.  He  could  come  back  for  that,  and  so  he 
satisfied    himself  with    a    profitable    barter   and    a   little 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage  217 

hostile  bout  with  the  natives,  and  went  on  his  way.  1502 
On  the  second  of  November,  the  ships  anchored  in  the 
harbor  to  which  he  gave  the  still  adhering  name  of  Puerto 
Bello.  Here  Columbus  lay  during  seven  rainy  days, 
after  which  he,  with  difficulty,  passed  the  cape  since 
known  as  Nombre  de  Dios.  But  the  explorers  soon 
found  a  harbor  where  the  natives  were  friendly  and 
provisions  plenty.  Columbus  had  joined  his  exploration 
to  that  of  Bastidas.  The  coast  of  the  continent  had  been 
traced  from  Brazil  below  the  equator  to  the  Bay  of 
Honduras.  There  was  no  waterway  from  the  middle 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  none  to  be  for  four  centuries 
or  more. 

On  the  fifth  of  December,  the  little  squadron  sailed  storms, 
westward    from    the  snug  harbor  of   El    Retrete.      The  ?^^™"^»  ^""^ 

~  .  r  allure 

ships  had  been  badly  damaged  by  the  borings  of  the 
teredo,  the  men  were  dissatisfied  with  leaving  the  gold  of 
Veragua,  and  the  admiral  had  not  found  the  strait.  The 
east  wind  that  he  had  faced  so  long  now  shifted  to  the 
west.  It  seemed  as  if  the  elements  were  making  sport 
of  the  dreamer  as  again  he  skirted  what  he  called  the 
Coast  of  Contrasts.  The  appalling  thunder  and  the 
danger-laden  lightning  were  continuous.  The  weakened 
ships  leaked  at  many  points  and  writhed  as  if  in  despera- 
tion in  their  nine  days'  wrestling  for  life.  A  waterspout 
was  turned  aside  by  the  devotions  of  the  crew  and  a  famine 
was  averted  by  catching  sharks  for  food.  On  the  ninth 
of  January,  1503,  two  of  the  caravels  entered  a  harbor  on 
the  coast  of  Veragua.  Because  it  was  Epiphany  Sunday, 
Columbus  named  his  refuge  Belen,  i.e.,  Bethlehem. 
The  other  caravels  came  in  on  the  following  day.  It 
had  taken  a  month  to  coast  thirty  leagues. 

The  explorations  led  by  the  adelantado  gave  evidence  The  Gold  of 
of  abundant  gold,  and  it  was  resolved  to  make  a  settle-  ^"^s"^ 
ment.  Columbus  was  sure  that  here  was  found  the  gold 
for  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  He  had  been  robbed  of 
honors  and  rewards  that  in  honesty  were  his,  he  was  an 
exile  from  Espanola,  the  strait  had  eluded  painful  search, 
but   the    great    reward    was    now   at    hand  —  gold,  gold. 


2i8  Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 

1503  After  three  months  of  war  and  massacre  and  misery,  and 
after  another  vision,  it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  enter- 
prise and  to  return  to  Haiti.  Late  in  April,  Columbus 
and  his  companions  sailed  away  from  the  disastrous 
coast.  At  Puerto  Bello,  one  of  the  worm-weakened 
caravels  had  to  be  abandoned  and  the  men  were  crowded 
into  the  remaining  two.  On  the  first  of  May,  Columbus 
changed  his  course  and  steered  northward  for  Santo 
Domingo.  He  soon  lost  sight  of  the  great  continent 
that  he  was  destined  never  again  to  see.  The  currents 
bore  him  far  to  leeward  and,  on  the  thirtieth  of  May,  he 
found  himself  again  in  the  Queen's  Gardens.  A  gale 
further  weakened  the  leaky  little  vessels  which  now  were 
all  the  while  in  danger  of  foundering.  "With  three 
pumps  and  the  use  of  pots  and  kettles,"  says  Columbus, 
"we  could  scarcely  clear  the  water  that  came  into  the  ship, 
there  being  no  remedy  but  this  for  the  mischief  done  by 
the  ship-worm." 

At  Jamaica  On     the     twenty-third     of    June,     they    made     the 

Jamaica  coast  and  put  into  Puerto  Buono,  now  called 
Dry  Harbor.  On  the  following  day,  they  were  at 
Puerto  San  Gloria,  known  in  later  days  as  Don  Chris- 
topher's Cove.  Here  the  sinking  ships  were  beached 
side  by  side,  and  their  wrecks  utilized  for  shelter  and 
defense,  Diego  Mendez,  a  Spaniard,  and  Bartholomew 
Fiesco,  a  Genoese,  with  Indians  to  ply  the  paddles,  were 
sent  in  canoes  to  Santo  Domingo.  Mendez  bore  a  let- 
ter from  Columbus  which  he  was  to  deliver  to  Ovando. 
After  that,  he  was  to  go  to  Spain  with  a  letter  to  his 
sovereigns.  The  vagaries  of  this  letter,  known  as  the 
Lettera  Ra?'issima,  are  so  marked  that  even  Prescott, 
ecstatic  biographer  as  he  is,  recognizes  in  it  "sober  narra- 
tive and  sound  reasoning  strangely  blended  with  crazy 
dreams  and  doleful  lamentations."  Fiesco  was  to  return 
at  once.  After  many  perils  and  great  suffering,  Mendez 
found  Ovando  at  Xaragua  where  he  was  waging  war  upon 
the  natives.  But,  as  Mr.  Fiske  reminds  us,  Ovando  was 
a  slippery  knave  who  knew  how  to  deal  out  promises 
without  taking  the  first  step  toward  fulfilment. 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage  219 

It  is  easy  to  believe  that  it  would  have  been  a  i  503 
relief  to  Ovando  and  his  royal  master  if  the  admiral  1504 
had  perished  at  Jamaica  and  left  no  trace  behind.  Tardy  Relief 
Mendez  was  detained  in  Ovando's  camp  for  seven 
months.  After  his  departure  for  the  capital,  seventy 
leagues  away,  Ovando  sent  a  caravel  of  espionage  to 
Jamaica.  It  was  commanded  by  Diego  de  Escobar,  a 
man  whom  Columbus  had  once  condemned  to  death. 
Eight  months  after  Columbus  had  sent  his  letter  to  Apdi,  1504 
Ovando,  Escobar  handed  Ovando's  letter  to  the 
admiral  and  then  sailed  back  to  Santo  Domingo,  leav- 
ing with  the  castaways  no  help  or  comfort  other  than 
the  certainty  that  Mendez  had  not  been  lost  and  that 
relief  must  be  sent.  At  Santo  Domingo,  Mendez 
bought  a  caravel  on  the  admiral's  account  and  pro- 
visioned it  for  the  occasion ;  after  the  departure  of  the 
vessel  for  Jamaica,  he  took  passage  for  Spain.  Prodded 
by  an  indignant  public  sentiment  and  open  condemna- 
tion from  the  pulpit,  Ovando  sent  to  Columbus  a 
second  caravel  in  command  of  Salcedo,  the  admiral's 
factor. 

After  many  days  had  passed  and  Fiesco's  canoe  had  The  Fruitful 
not  come  back,  sickness,  discontent,  and  open  revolt  E'^^'p^^ 
wrought  a  year  of  horror  on  the  wild  coast  of  Jamaica. 
The  outrages  of  the  wandering  mutineers,  under  the 
lead  of  Porras,  cut  off  supplies.  To  avert  the  threat- 
ened famine,  Columbus  sent  for  the  caciques  and  told 
them  that  God  was  angry  with  them  for  failing  to 
furnish  food  for  His  white  children.  As  a  certain  sign 
of  this  divine  wrath.  He  would  that  very  night  make 
the  moon  dark.  When  the  eclipse  began  as  predicted 
by  the  experienced  navigator,  the  Indians  came  with 
provisions  and  entreaties  for  intercession  in  their  behalf 
When  it  began  to  wane,  Columbus  assured  them  that,  in 
token  of  their  forgiveness,  the  sign  that  God  had  given 
would  be  removed.  The  caciques  went  away  in  wonder 
and  sent  supplies  with  satisfying  regularity.  After  the 
appearance  of  Escobar,  there  was  a  pitched  battle  with  May  18 
the  mutineers  in  which  the  adelantado  was  victorious,  as 


220 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 


The 
Encomienda 


1504  usual.  All  but  Porras  were  pardoned.  I'oward  the  end 
of  June,  the  relief  caravels  hove  in  sight.  The  long- 
suffering  explorers  embarked  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
June.  The  voyage  was  long  and  vexatious,  and  Colum- 
bus had  ample  opportunity  to  learn  of  Ovando's  doings 
at  Haiti. 

Las  Casas  had  come  out  with  Ovando,  and  upon  him 
we  must  depend  for  the  woeful  history  of  the  colony. 
At  the  landing  of  Ovando's  fleet,  the  crowds  hastened 
to  the  mountains  only  to  come  trooping  back  from 
the  mines,  hungry,  sick,  and  empty-handed.  Ovando 
reduced  the  share  of  the  crown,  but  the  adventurers 
would  not  labor  with  so  little  prospect  of  reward.  In 
a  desperate  attempt  to  make  the  mines  productive,  the 
labor  system  inaugurated  by  Columbus  was  revived 
and  made  more  inhuman.  By  a  royal  order,  Ovando 
was  allowed  to  sell  into  slavery  Caribs  taken  in  actual 
warfare  ;  any  native  that  was  caught  might  be  called  a 
cannibal  and  sold.  In  a  little  while,  Ovando  was  issuing 
documents  worded  thus:  "To  you,  A.  B,,  is  given  an 
encomienda  of  fifty  [or  a  hundred,  or  five  hundred] 
Indians,  and  you  are  to  teach  them  the  things  of  our 
holy  Catholic  faith."  The  last  clause  of  the  deed  was 
a  mere  formality.  "If  the  system  of  repartimientos 
was  in  effect  serfdom  or  villeinage,  the  system  of  enco- 
miendas  was  unmitigated  slavery."  The  natives  were 
torn  from  their  families,  carried  to  distant  parts  of  the 
island,  and  kept  to  their  work  by  the  lash.  Men  were 
worked  till  they  spat  blood,  and  nursing  women  till  the 
milk  dried  in  their  breasts.  Spanish  hounds  were  fed 
with  Indian  infants  and  a  princess  was  bartered  for 
a  cheese.  Faith  is  staggered  by  the  full  recital  and 
the  heart  sickens  at  the  details.  When  the  Christians 
promised  the  pangs  of  eternal  punishment  for  their 
heathen  victims,  hell  "was  shorn  of  its  worst  terror  by 
the  assurance  that  these  tormentors  would  not  be  there." 

When  the  licentious  conduct  and  exorbitant  demands 
of  the  Spaniards  became  intolerable  to  the  Indians  of 
Xaragua,  Ovando  marched  into  their  country  with  three 


A  Good 
Governor 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage  221 

hundred  foot  and  seventy  horse.  Anacaona,  widow  of  i  504 
Caonabo  and  sister  of  Behechio,  had  succeeded  her 
brother  as  the  ruler  of  the  province.  She  received 
her  Christian  guest  with  much  parade  and  barbarian 
ceremonial.  Not  to  be  outdone  in  courtesy,  Ovando 
announced  a  tournament  for  the  entertainment  of  his 
hostess  and  her  dark-skinned  retinue.  At  the  governor's 
signal,  the  assembled  sub-caciques  were  seized,  bound  to 
the  wooden  pillars  of  the  house,  and  burned  alive.  The 
common  herd  were  charged  by  mounted  spearmen;  few 
of  them  escaped  from  the  onslaught.  Anacaona  was 
carried  in  chains  to  Santo  Domingo  and  hanged.  Like 
cruelties  marked  the  pacification  of  Higuey,  the  most 
eastern  of  the  provinces.  In  addition  to  this  rapid 
extermination  of  the  natives,  Ovando  was  deliberately 
leaving  scores  of  Spaniards  to  starvation  in  Jamaica,  lest 
their  rescue  might  do  injury  to  his  private  interests.  Still 
the  honest  Las  Casas  says  that  Ovando  was  a  good 
governor  —  but  not  for  Indians. 

When    Columbus  entered    the  harbor  of   Santo   Do-  Popular 
mingo,  the  colonists  crowded  to  the  beach  to  greet  him.   '^'^'^on^e, 

/^JJ  J-  J  1  Lr  August  15 

Uvando  deemed  it  prudent  to  make  a  snow  or  courtesy 
and  hospitality.  After  many  petty  annoyances  at  the 
hands  of  the  governor,  and  inquiries  by  the  admiral  as 
to  his  pecuniary  interests  and  the  maladministration  of 
Ovando,  the  Columbi  made  hurried  preparation  for 
departure.  The  ship  that  brought  the  admiral  from 
Jamaica  was  refitted  and  put  in  command  of  the  adelan- 
tado.  Another  caravel  was  bought  for  the  conveyance  Coiumbus  Saiis 
of  the  admiral  and  his  son.  On  the  twelfth  of  Septem-  ^^'■Spain 
ber,  both  ships  sailed  for  Spain.  A  few  days  later,  in  a 
storm,  the  ship  that  bore  the  admiral  lost  her  mainmast. 
Columbus  with  his  son  and  his  immediate  dependents 
were  transferred  to  the  other  ship  and  the  disabled  cara- 
vel was  sent  back  to  Santo  Domingo,  The  other  vessel 
went  on  its  solitarv  and  still  storm-beaten  way  until, 
on  the  seventh  of  November,  1 504,  and  in  a  disabled 
condition,  the  little  bark  entered  the  port  of  San  Lucar. 
The  career  of  the  great  navigator  was  at  its  end.      Broken 


2  2  2 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 


I    5   o  4  in  health  and  depressed  in  spirit,  he  had  come  back  to  claim 
I    5   o  6   his  rights  and  privileges  for  his  heir  and  then  to  die. 
The  Death  of        In   the  thirty  months'  absence  of  the  admiral,  author- 
isabeiia  ^j.y  Qygj-  {[^q  affairs  of  the  Indies  had  been  vested  in  the 

famous  casa  de  contratacion,  which  was  estab- 
lished   on     the    twentieth    of     January,    1503. 
Many    of    the    prerogatives   that    belonged    to 
Columbus  by  contract  were  transferred  to   this 
council   by   royal  ordinance.      In   that  absence, 
also,  the  queen  had  manifested  some  cheap 
appreciation  of  distinguished  services  by 
making  the  son  Diego  one  of  her  body- 
guard, and  by   naturalizing    the    brother 
Diego    to    make    him    eligible    for   eccle- 
siastical preferment.     Nineteen  days  after 
the  return  of  the  admiral  to  Spain,  Isa- 
bella   died    and  with   her   the   hopes    of 
Columbus,  who  knew  how  cold  and  cal- 
culating was  the  disposition  of  the  king. 
Even  she  seems  not  to  have  been  as  good  and  great  as 
she  has  been   represented.     Against  what  he  calls  "the 
rather  cloying  descriptions  of   Prescott,"   Winsor  places 
the   declaration    that  "she   was   an    unlovely   woman   at 
the  best,  an  obstructor  of  Christian  charity.      .      .      She 
was  too  largely  a  creature  of  her  own  age  to  be  solely 
judged  by  the  criteria  of  all  ages,  as  lofty  characters  can 


November  26 

♦HI* 


Statue  of  Columbus  at 
Santo  Domingo 


The  Regency 
of  Ferdinand 


be." 

After  the  death  of  Isabella,  the  crown  of  Castile 
passed  to  her  daughter  Juana  and  left  Ferdinand 
restricted  to  his  own  kingdom  of  Aragon.  But  Juana 
soon  became  insane  and  Ferdinand,  as  regent  of  Castile, 
became  lord  of  the  Indies.  Ferdinand  was  more  than 
cold  and  calculating;  he  recognized  the  lack  of  adminis- 
trative skill  that  Columbus  had  shown.  Neglected  by 
the  court,  Columbus  spent  his  few  remaining  days  in 
poverty  and  gloom.  "I  have,"  he  wrote,  "no  place  to 
repair  to  but  an  inn,  and  often  with  nothing  to  pay 
for  my  sustenance."  Las  Casas  tells  us  that  Ferdinand 
was  restrained  only  by  motives  of  outward  decency  from 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage  223 

a  public  rejection  of  the  contract  obligations  into  which    1504 
he  had  entered  jointly  with  the  queen,  and  that  he  hoped,    1506 
by  exhausting  the  patience  of  Columbus,  to  induce  him 
to  accept  estates  in  Castile  in  lieu  of  his  viceregal  rights 
in  the  Indies.      But  Columbus  stood  upon  the  bond  and 
indignantly  rejected  all  such  intimations.      Before  setting 
out  for  the  court,   Columbus  met  Americus  Vespucius,   February  5, 
of  whom  he  wrote  to  his  son  Diego:     "He  has  always   '^^s 
manifested  a  disposition  to  be  friendly  to  me. 
1  have  told   him  all  that  it  is  possible  to  tell   him  as  to 
my  own  affairs."     Columbus  did  not  know  of  the  fateful 
letter  that  Vespucius  had  dated  on  the  fourth  of  Septem- 
ber, 1 504.     On  the  nineteenth  of  May,  1 506,  he  executed  The  coming 
a  will  making  his  son  Diego  his  heir,  and  providing  that  °^  ^^^  ^""^ 
his  entailed    property  should  pass  to   his  younger  son, 
Ferdinand,  if  Diego  died  without  heirs.      In  the  night  of 
the  following  day,  in   the  city  of  Valladolid,  in  a  house  May  20,  1506 
that    is    still    shown  to  travelers,  and  with  these  words 
on  his  lips,    "Into  thy  hands,  O   Lord,  I   commit    my 
spirit,"   Christopher  Columbus  died.      It  was  Ascension 
Day. 

We  sail  the  sea  of  life.  A  calm  one  finds 
And  one  a  tempest  ;  and,  the  voyage  o'er, 
Death  is  the  quiet  haven  of  us  all. 

Strange  irony  of  Fate!  He  who  had  hoped  and  per-  a  Brief 
sisted  and  achieved  as  few  men  have  done,  he  who  had  o'^i'^'o" 
been  the  inspiration  and  the  envy  of  contemporaries  and 
had  won  and  worn  the  laurel  that  shall  endure  to  the  end 
of  time,  passed  from  the  earth  that  he  had  amplified  in 
an  obscurity  so  complete  that  the  letters  written  at  that 
very  time  from  that  very  town  by  Peter  Martyr,  whom 
Mr.  Winsor  describes  as  a  professed  chronicler  and  busy 
tattler,  took  no  notice  of  his  death !  Nearly  four  weeks 
passed  before  any  known  official  record  was  made  to  show 
that  "the  said  admiral  is  dead."      But 

Time  at  last  makes  all  things  even. 

The   body   was   probably    first  placed   in  the  Franciscan  The  Body  of 
convent  at  Valladolid.     A  few  years  later,  it  was  conveyed  Columbus 
to   Seville,  and  in    1541    to  Santo   Domingo,      In    1796, 


2  24  Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage 

1506  after  the  cession  of  that  halt  of  the  island  to  France,  the 
body  was  removed  with  great  pomp  to  Havana.  When, 
in  1898,  Spain  surrendered  the  sovereignty  of  Cuba,  the 
body  was  carried  back  to  Spain,  The  discussion  as  to 
the  identity  of  the  ashes  thus  borne  to  Madrid  is  alike 
indeterminate  and  historically  unimportant. 
The  Great  Columbus  Said:    " God    made    me    the    messenger  of 

Discovery        ^j^g  ^^^^  hcavcn  and  the  new  earth  of  which  He  spake  in 

was  Inevitable      ,.  io-ti  ri-  ^  ~   • 

the  Apocalypse  by  Samt  John  arter  having  spoken  ot  it 
by  the  mouth  of  Isaiah;  and  He  showed  me  the  spot 
where  to  find  it."  The  eager  imagination  that  had  led 
him  to  the  great  discovery  became  ungovernable,  and 
piloted  him  into  the  belief  that,  under  inspiration,  he  had 
been  independent  of  the  influences  of  his  age.  He 
would  have  been  the  last  man  in  Europe  to  recog- 
nize the  now  palpable  fact  that  "the  new  intuition  was 
the  result  of  intellectual  reciprocity."  That  intuition 
needed  a  daring  exponent  and  found  one.  Had  it  not 
found  Columbus,  it  would  have  found  some  one  else;  the 
accidental  discovery  of  Brazil  by  Cabral  shows  what  must 
soon  have  followed  when  the  explorations  prompted  by 
Prince  Henry  had  taught  European  sailors  to  make  long 
ocean  voyages.  The  discovery  of  America  was  only  the, 
greatest  in  a  series  of  great  discoveries;  the  chief  inci- 
dent of  a  maritime  revolution  that  was,  in  turn,  only  a 
feature  of  the  breaking  of  a  long  intellectual  slumber, 
only  an  arc  of  the  great  cycle  of  the  world's  re-forma- 
tion commonly  called  the  Renaissance. 
An  Clinging  to  his  belief  that  he  had  actually  discovered 

Imperishable  ^  westcm  Way  to  the  Indies,  and  wrapped  in  the  fabric 
spun  by  a  pious  imagination,  the  "world-seeking 
Genoese"  who  had  contributed  so  much  to  the  glory 
and  the  shame  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  laid  down  his 
viceregal  robes  and  prisoner's  chains  in  the  full  faith 
"that,  although  princes  might  neglect  him  and  wicked 
men  might  defraud  him,  God  and  eternal  justice  would 
vindicate  his  honor  and  his  fame."  What  he  sought 
he  never  found;  what  he  found  he  neither  knew  nor 
sought.        After    his    death    the    world    discovered    the 


Columbus's  Fourth  Voyage  225 

discoverer  of  a  world.      Whatever  may  happen   to  other   1506 
men,  the  memory  of  the  wool-comber's  son  will,  to  the 
last  syllable  of  recorded  time,  be  cherished 

With  earth's  and  sea's  rich  gems, 
With  April's  first-born  flowers, 
And  all  things  rare. 

In  1509,  Ovando  was  succeeded  by  Diego  Columbus.  Spanish  Rule 
In  the  same  year,  Ojeda  was  sent  to  colonize  Central  '"  ^""^"^ 
America,  and  began  his  work  with  an  infamous  proc- 
lamation that  justified  murder  and  robbery  under  the 
sanction  of  a  religion  the  chief  attributes  of  which  are 
justice,  benevolence,  and  mercy.  In  15 19,  Cortes  pushed 
into  the  interior  of  Mexico,  When  the  invaders  were 
met  by  the  deputies  of  Montezuma,  Cortes  asked  if 
their  king  had  any  gold,  and,  when  they  answered 
that  he  had,  truthfully  said :  "  Let  him  send  it  to  me, 
for  I  and  my  companions  have  a  disease  of  the  heart 
that  only  gold  can  cure."  The  dreadful  malady  was 
epidemic.  Within  a  few  years,  the  Spaniards  possessed 
themselves  of  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  two-thirds 
of  South  America, 

The  cross  their  standard,  but  their  faith  the  sword. 

Their  treatment  of  the  natives  was  unspeakable  outrage, 
unutterable  ruin,  without  discrimination  of  age  or  sex. 
Fortunately,  we  need  not  stain  these  pages  with  the  full 
story  of  that  ever  active  quest  under  the  flag  of  red  and 
yellow  that,  for  more  than  four  hundred  years,  typified 
love  of  blood  and  greed  for  gold,  the  historic  character- 
istics of  Spanish  rule  in  the  New  World. 


CHAPTER 


X      V 


VESPUCIUS         AND         "AMERICA 


Americus 
Vespucius  in 
Spain 


AMERICUS  Vespucius,  or,  as  he  generally  wrote 
the  name,  Amerigo  Vespucci,  was  born  in  March, 
.  1452,  the  son  of  a  notary  of  Florence.  Having 
become  a  clerk  to  the  great  commercial  house  of  the 
Medici,  he  was  sent,  at  a  date  not  definitely  known,  to 
establish  himself  as  agent  at  Cadiz.  Actively  engaged 
in   furnishing   supplies  for  ships,   he  became    personally 

/  acquainted  with 

/     /)  Christopher 

fjt/iyxMLYfxJij^     V>V^^j:^^#^     Columbus    and 

,■^0        —  7^  iM^r^r^     familiar      with 

tyst^r^  yy^^LT^  y^u  i^    ^^^   ^^^^il^    ^^ 

,    r ,.  ^  his    voyages 

Autograph  or    v  espucius  \       r    j  • 

^  or  discovery. 
1496 -1 504  Concerning  the  critical  period  of  his  history  we  know 
little  except  what  is  told  by  himself  in  two  letters,  the 
first  written  to  one  of  the  Medici  in  1503,  the  other 
written  from  Lisbon  to  Pietro  Soderini  in  1504.  The  first 
letter  told  of  the  voyage  that  he  made  from  Portugal  in 
1501—02;  the  other  alleged  that  he  had  made  four 
voyages  to  the  New  World.  The  manuscript  let- 
ters are  lost;  there  is  little  probability  that  they  will 
be  found.  The  Italian  text  of  the  Medici  letter  is 
not  known,  but  a  Latin  version,  the  Mundus  Novus, 
quickly  became  popular.  Successive  editions  from 
the  presses  of  Germany  and  France,  and  translations 
into    Italian,   German,  and    Dutch,  spread    the    fame    of 


His  Lost 
Letters 


Vespucius  and  "America 


227 


Vespucius  throughout  Europe.  The  Soderini  letter  i 
was  printed  at  Florence  in  1505  or  1506  and  hardly 
saw  the  light  until  Columbus  had  been  buried.  A 
Latin  translation  from  the  Italian  soon  followed. 
Advocates  of  the  essential  truth  of  this  ^atuor  Naviga- 
tiones  have  not  yet  ceased  to   lament  "the   few  strange 


4  9   7 


errors  of  edit 
reading  which 
to  embroil 
his  story  in 
future  genera- 
We  have  al- 
the  claim  of 
he  sailed  from 
tenth  of  May, 
claim  is  admit- 
ted by  Varn- 
and  Thacher, 
eral  consensus 
to  the  effect 
was  not  on  the 
ica    at     the     time 


Zcttcra  diamcrigovcrpucd 

tlcitc  ifolc  nuoaamcnce 

crouatcmquactfo 

fuoivtassi. 


ing  and  proof- 
were  destined 
and  perplex 
the  minds  of 
tions." 

ready  recorded  His  Disputed 
Vespucius  that  ^^^'"^ 
Cadiz  on  the 
1497.  The 
ted  by  a  few 
hagen,  Fiske, 
while  the  gen- 
of  historians  is 
that  Vespucius 
coast  of  Amer- 
Some 


Title-page  of  the  "  Four  Voyages 
of  Vespucius  (Reduced) 

of  the  alleged  discovery, 
writers  have  not  hesitated  to  push  the  voyage  made  by 
Pinzon  and  Solis  in  1508,  or  one  contemplated  by  them 
in  1 506,  ahead  of  the  third  voyage  of  Columbus,  and 
to  send  Vespucius  with  that  expedition  for  the  sake  of 
securing  to  him  the  priority  of  continental  discovery. 
According  to  the  story  of  Vespucius,  King  Ferdinand 
had,  early  in  1497,  determined  on  an  expedition  on  his 
own  account.  The  door  had  been  opened  by  the  decree 
of  the  tenth  of  April,  1495.  Vespucius  says:  "The 
king,  Don  Fernando  of  Castile,  being  about  to  despatch 
four  ships  to  discover  new  lands  toward  the  west,  I  was 
chosen  by  his  highness  to  go  in  that  fleet  to  aid  in 
making  discovery."  He  does  not  claim  that  it  was  his 
expedition,  and  his  exact  functions  do  not  appear. 
Mr.  Fiske  expresses  regret  that  Vespucius  "did  not 
happen  to  mention  the  name  of  the  chief  commander. 
If   he    had    realized  what   a  world  of  trouble  one  little 


228 


Vespucius  and  ^'America 


The  Alleged 
"  First 
Voyage 


1497   name,  such  as   Pinzon,  would  have  saved  us,  he  would 
doubtless  have  obliged  us  by  doing  so." 

According  to  the  primitive  text  of  the  Soderini  letter, 
Vespucius  sailed  westward  from  the  Canaries  for  thirty- 
seven  days.      As  if  in  recognition  of  the  fact  that  such  a 

c  hro  n  o  1- 
ogy  would 
give  John 
Cabot  a 
precedence 
the  Latin 
version 
reduces 
the  length 
of  the  run 


Coasting  the 
Continent 


Map  of  the  Alleged  First  Voyage  of  Vespucius 


to  twenty- 
seven  days. 
Some  of 
the  Vespu- 

cian  advocates  willingly  accept  the  latter  statement, 
because,  "with  the  trade-wind  nearly  dead  astern,  and 
with  the  powerful  westward  current  in  the  Caribbean 
Sea,  the  quicker  run  is  the  more  probable."  In  this 
way  they  make  out  that  Vespucius  saw  the  continent  two 
or  three  days  before  Cabot  did  and  more  than  a  year 
earlier  than  Columbus.  Varnhagen  and  his  followers 
locate  the  landfall  on  the  coast  of  Honduras,  not  far 
from  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios.  Traveling  along  the  coast 
the  alleged  explorers  came  to  a  village  built,  like  Venice, 
upon  the  water.  This  "Little  Venice"  is  located  by 
Varnhagen  in  Campeche  Bay,  north  of  Tabasco. 
Thence  the  coast  was  skirted  for  eighty  leagues,  bring- 
ing them  to  "Lariab."  Vespucius  says:  "This  land  is 
within  the  torrid  zone,  close  to  or  just  under  the  parallel 
described  by  the  tropic  of  Cancer."  Thus  "Lariab" 
was  near  the  site  of  Tampico  in  Mexico. 

After  a  long  delay  at  this  place,  the  fleet  navigated 
eight  hundred  and  seventy  leagues,  "still  following  a 
northwest  course."      One  of  the  most  recent  commenta- 


Vespucius  and  ^^ America"  229 

tors  says:  "Mapping  out  these  eight  hundred  and  1498 
seventy  leagues  on  a  marine  chart,  and  making  allow- 
ances for  the  windings  of  the  coast,  the  mouths  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  long  course  around  the  southerly 
point  of  Florida,  it  brings  our  fleet  to  about  Cape 
Hatteras."  The  vessels  being  much  damaged  by  the 
thirteen  months'  voyage,  it  was  determined  to  haul  them 
upon  land  to  calk  the  leaky  seams.  "And  when  we 
came  to  this  determination,  we  were  close  to  a  harbor 
the  best  in  the  world."  After  a  stay  of  thirty-seven  days, 
Vespucius  and  his  companions  sailed  for  the  Bermudas 
to  punish  the  cruel  island  enemies  of  the  mainland 
natives  who  had  befriended  them.  The  anticipated  battle 
was  fought,  many  of  the  islanders  were  killed  and  eleven 
score  taken  prisoners.  Thence  the  fleet  sailed  for  Spain, 
getting  to  Cadiz  on  the  fifteenth  of  October,  1498, 
where  the  navigators  were  well  received  and  the  cannibal 
captives  sold  as  slaves. 

Few  comments  on  the  credibility  of  this  story  seem  a  Dubious 
to  be  necessary.  If  the  voyage  really  took  place  as  ^'""^ 
described,  it  could  not  have  been  unknown,  for  the 
expedition  was  ordered  by  the  king,  Vespucius  went 
along  by  royal  command,  and  made  his  report  to  the 
monarch.  But  no  contemporary  notice  of  it  has  come 
down  to  us.  The  Vespucian  letters  are  the  only  author- 
ity, and,  like  the  story  of  the  younger  Zeno,  they  were 
not  given  to  the  world  until  Columbus  had  finished 
his  work.  Much  stress  is  laid  upon  the  showing  of  the  in 
insularity  of  Cuba  and  the  existence  of  the  mainland  Corroboration 
opposite  by  the  Cosa  ox-hide  map  of  1500  and  the  Can- 
tino  map  of  1502.  The  theory  is  that  Vespucius  told 
Cosa  something  of  his  1497  trip  while  they  were  on  the 
Pearl  Coast  with  Ojeda  in  1499.  With  a  gleam  of 
triumph  in  the  eye  and  a  gesture  of  demonstration,  the 
supporters  of  this  story  demand  to  be  told  how  these 
charts  could  have  been  drawn  if  Vespucius  did  not  make 
his  voyage  in  1497,  as  first  alleged  by  him  seven  years 
later.  They  ignore  the  fact  that  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese and   French  and  possibly  English  navigators  had 


230  Vespucius  and  "America" 

1498  been  in  those  parts  with  or  without  permits  from  Fonseca. 
In  fact,  they  wave  away  this  latter  possibiHty  with  a 
somewhat  contemptuous  alkision  to  the  "invention" 
of  a  voyage,  although  Mr.  Fiske  quotes  Gomara  to 
the  effect  that,  under  the  permission  of  the  tenth  of 
April,  1495,  "quite  a  number  of  navigators  sailed, 
some  at  their  own  expense,  others  at  the  expense  of  the 
king;  all  hoped  to  acquire  fame  and  wealth  but,  since 
for  the  most  part  they  had  only  succeeded  in  ruining 
themselves  with  their  discovering,  their  voyages  were 
forgotten."  The  failure  of  Columbus  to  sail  through 
the  Yucatan  Channel  instead  of  going  from  Cuba  to 
Honduras  as  he  did  on  his  fourth  voyage,  is  explained 
by  saying  that  his  pilot  of  i  502  had  been  with  Vespucius 
in  1497. 

In  Rebuttal  Humboldt  asscrts  that  there  is  documentary  evidence 

in  the  archives  of  the  casa  de  contratacion  showing  that 
Vespucius  was  engaged  in  equipping  the  third  expedition 
of  Columbus.  Mr.  Thacher  admits  that,  if  this  is  true, 
Vespucius's  "first  voyage  never  took  place  and  he  must 
be  written  down  a  monumental  deceiver."  The  famous 
decree  of  the  tenth  of  April,  1495,  authorizing  private 
voyages  to  the  newly  found  regions,  was  revoked  on 
the  second  of  June,  1497.  It  is  not  easy  to  believe  that 
King  Ferdinand  would  thus  yield  to  the  pressure  of  his 
admiral  in  twenty-three  days  after  the  sailing  of  his  own 
interloping  fleet.  Must  we  also  ignore  the  improbability 
of  the  alleged  fleet's  running  the  picket-line  of  the 
Lesser  Antilles,  and  passing  the  volcanic  signal-stations, 
and  crossing  the  Caribbean  Sea  to  the  Honduras  coast, 
without  once  sighting  land.^  The  location  of  the  "  Little 
Venice"  is  also  annoying  to  the  commentators  of  the 
Varnhagen  school,  Mr.  Thacher  frankly  says:  "Cer- 
tainly, so  far  as  we  know,  there  were  no  people  on  the 
coast  of  Mexico  or  Central  America  who  lived  habitually 
in  this  way;"  and  that  the  description  recorded  by 
Vespucius  "has  given  some  foundation  for  the  state- 
ment that  this  pile-built  village  was  not  on  the  coast  of 
North    America    at    all,  but    near    Lake    Maracaibo    in 


Vespucius  and  "America"  231 

Venezuela."      It  will  be  remembered  that  such  a  village    1498 
had  been  found  prior  to  the  publication  of  the  narrative 
under  consideration. 

When  Vespucius  was  on  the  border  of  the  empire  of  inherent 
the  ancient  Mexicans,  they  told  him  all  about  their  inconsistencies 
enemies  on  the  islands  out  at  sea,  but  not  a  word  of 
the  mysterious  semi-civilization  a  few  leagues  inland. 
Columbus  knew  of  the  Caribs  but  he  never  heard  of  the 
Aztecs;  he  might  have  told  his  friend  Vespucius  much 
about  the  fierceness  of  the  former  but  not  of  the  magnifi- 
cence of  the  Montezumas.  If  Vespucius  was  exact  in 
his  use  of  language  and  traveled  eight  hundred  and 
seventy  leagues  to  the  northwest  from  Tampico,  his 
ships  sailed  over  the  land  and  were  careened  nearer  to 
the  Golden  Gate  than  to  Pamlico  Sound  or  Chesapeake 
Bay.  Mr.  Fiske  admits  that,  "upon  any  possible 
supposition,  there  is  a  blunder  in  the  statement  as  it 
appears  in  the  printed  text."  Vespucius  makes  no 
allusion  to  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi,  although 
(according  to  the  ingenious  paraphrase  of  his  unfortunate 
language)  "we  followed  the  coast  always  in  sight  of 
land."  Strange  that  the  "Father  of  Waters"  did  not 
impress  the  Florentine  observer  as  being  worthy  of 
honorable  mention !  Vespucius  says  that,  when  he  left 
the  coast,  he  sailed  northeast  to  an  island  that  he  called 
"Ity."  If  the  commentators  who  interpret  the  state- 
ment that  Vespucius  sailed  eight  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues  northwest  from  Tampico  and  thus  arrived  at 
Cape  Hatteras  are  right,  it  certainly  is  possible  to  show 
that  Vespucius  sailed  northeast  from  Cape  Hatteras  and 
thus  arrived  at  the  Bermudas.  In  the  absence  of  some 
such  rescue,  "Ity"  is  forever  lost  in  the  vast  expanse 
of  the  North  Atlantic. 

The  history  of  the  suit  that,  about   1508,  Diego  Co-  The 
lumbus  brought  against  the  Spanish  crown  also  contains   P^f^pcmderance 
negative  testimony  against  this  claim  for  glory  won  by  Evidence 
Vespucius  in    1497.       In  short,  if  we  are  not  to  throw 
the  claim  out  of  court  on  the  purely  negative  testimony 
of  the  silence  of  contemporaries,  or  to  render  a  verdict 


232  Vespucius  and  "America" 

1499   that  the  voyage  remained  unknown  because  it  was  never 

1502   made;    even  if  we   discredit   the    documentary  evidence 

that  assumes  to  set  up  an  ahbi,  and  thus  to  show  that 

Vespucius  could  not  have  been  on  the  North  American 

coast  in   1497;  the  unsupported  testimony  on  the  other 

side  seems  to  break  down  from  inherent  weakness  and 

fatal  inconsistencies.      This  would  convict  the  Florentine 

of  fraud,  unless  the  Vespucian  story  was  a  forgery,  as  was 

ably  urged  by  General  Force.      But  Vespucius  lived  for 

years    after    its    pviblication    and    put   in    no   disclaimer. 

While  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  testimony  is  conclusive 

against  the  claims  of  the  Varnhagen  school,  it  is  difficult 

to  doubt  that  the  story  of   the  alleged  first  voyage  was 

the  product  of  a  covetous  imagination,  and  that  its  value 

can  best  be  magnified  by  "the  process  of  using   fancy 

to  give  fluidity  to  logic."     The   chief  consideration  to 

the     contrary    is     the     otherwise     good     reputation     of 

Vespucius. 

Vespucius  Six   or   seven    months   after  the   date    of   the  alleged 

and  ojeda       rctum  from   the  alleged  first  voyage,  Vespucius  did  go 

May,  1499      to   sea  with  the  fleet  commanded    by  Ojeda,  as  already 

recorded.      In     the     account    given    bv    Vespucius,    he 

speaks  of  the  visit  to  Haiti  "that  Christoval   Colombo 

discovered   several   years   ago.      .      .      .      We   departed 

from    the    same    island    on    the    twenty-second    day    of 

July;    and  we    navigated    during   a   month    and  a  half, 

and  entered  into  the  port  of  Cadiz,  which  was  on  the 

eighth  day  of  September  by  daylight,  ending  my  second 

voyage." 

Vespucius  in         Cabral's  accidental  discovery  of  Brazil  had  revived  the 

the  Service  of  Portugucse    ambition    for    discovery,  and  Vespucius  set 

out  for    Lisbon,      On    the   tenth    of   May,    1501,  three 

ships  sailed  from  Lisbon  for  the  western  world  and  with 

them  went  Vespucius,    still    in    a    subordinate    capacity. 

They  followed  the  African  coast  to   Cape  Verde,  where 

they   met    Cabral    on    his   return    from    India.      Thence 

August  17,      they   sailed    southwesterly   for    sixty-seven    days    to  the 

^5°'  coast  of  Brazil.      Coasting  slowly  southward,  they  came 

about    the    middle    of    February    to    the     River    Plata, 


Vespucius  and  "America" 


283 


where  the   command   of   the   expedition   seems   to   have    1502 
fallen  upon  Vespucius.      Thence  the  course  was  south-    1503 
easterly  for  five   hundred  leagues.      Why  the  course  was 
changed  we  do  not  know. 

On  the  seventh  of  April,  1502,  they  reached  an  in  the 
inhospitable  land  that  is  believed  to  be  the  island  of  South  Atlantic 
South  Georgia,  and  that  was 
probably  not  seen  again  by 
Europeans  until  Captain  Cook 
rediscovered  it  in  midsummer 
(January),  i775-  Vespucius 
was  thus  nearly  as  far  south 
as  Cape  Horn,  the  extremity 
of  South  America,  The  craggy 
island  did  not  tempt  to  a  pro- 
tracted stay  and  it  was  soon 
decided  to  make  straight  for 
home.  On  the  tenth  of  May, 
the  fleet  was  at  Sierra  Leone  on 
the  African  coast,  and  by  the 
seventh    of    September    it    was 

back       at       Lisbon.        Vespucius's  Americus  Vespucius 

account  of  this  remarkable  voyage  is  the  famous  Mundus 
Novus  already  mentioned.  \n  speaking  of  the  lands 
that  he  had  found,  he  said:  "It  is  proper  to  call  them  a  New 
a  New  World."  As  this  was  the  first  printed  descrip-  ^°'^'^ 
tion  of  the  American  mainland,  it  attracted  unusual 
attention.  The  repute  that  it  gave  to  Vespucius  paved 
the  way  to  his  greater  fame.  The  soberer  judgment 
and  the  more  graphic  descriptions  of  the  Florentine 
stood  in  sharp  contrast  with  the  mental  wanderings  of  the 
Genoese,  whose  caravels  had  glided  down  the  ethereal 
slopes  of  Paradise. 

In    May,    1503,  Vespucius    sailed    from     Lisbon    on  The  second 
another  voyage,  the  second  in  the  service  of  the  king  Z°l^-F  ^° 
of    Portugal     and     the     last    of    the    alleged     ^atuor. 
The  purpose  of  the  voyage  was  to  find   Malakka,  the 
rich  gateway  of  the  East.      Fate  was  stronger  than  pur- 
pose and  the  fleet  landed  at  a  small  uninhabited  island 


2  34  Vespucius  and  "America" 

1503  (Fernando  de  Noronha)  off  the  Brazilian  coast  and  about 
I  5  I  2  three  degrees  south  of  the  equator.  After  the  custom- 
ary wreck  had  taken  place,  Vespucius  lost  sight  of  the 
other  ships;  eight  days  later,  he  fell  in  with  one  of  them ; 
from  that  time  the  two  sailed  in  company.  After  patient 
but  vain  waiting  for  the  other  three,  the  tvyo  ships 
sailed  southward  and  landed  at  Cape  Frio,  near  Rio  de 
Janeiro.  Here  they  built  a  blockhouse  and,  after  a 
five  months'  stay,  returned  to  Portugal,  "  leaving 
twenty-four  men  in  the  fortress  with  twelve  pieces  of 
cannon,  a  good  outfit  of  small  arms,  and  provisions  for 
six  months."  It  is  said  that  the  fort  was  maintained  as 
late  as  151 1.  On  the  eighteenth  of  June,  1504,  Ves- 
pucius returned  to  Lisbon  with  two  of  the  six  ships,  and 
reported  that  the  other  four  were  lost  through  the  pride 
and  folly  of  the  commander  (probably  Gonzalo  Coelho), 
adding  the  suggestion  that  God  had  thus  punished 
arrogance.  But,  as  Mr.  Winsor  says,  Vespucius  either 
misunderstood  the  divine  will  or  misjudged  his  com- 
mander, for  the  other  ships  soon  after  returned  in  safety. 
Fame,  Soon    after    this,  Vespucius    married  a  Spanish  lady, 

Fortune,  and  |3e(;aj-t-jg  ^  naturalized  Castilian,  and  vyas  appointed  a 
captain  in  the  Spanish  navy.  It  is  claimed  that,  in 
1505,  he  and  La  Cosa  made  a  voyage  to  the  Pearl 
Coast  and  to  the  golden  sands  of  Veragua,  the  profits 
of  which  voyage  were  so  great  that  the  venture  was 
repeated  two  years  later.  On  the  twenty-second  of 
March,  i  508,  Vespucius  became  Spain's  pilot-major,  an 
office  specially  created  for  him.  With  fame  came  rest. 
He  died  on  the  twenty-second  of  February,  151 2, 
leaving  no  children  and  little  wealth,  but  a  name  that  is 
clothed  with  a  glory  the  greatest  that  accident  and 
caprice  ever  granted  to  man. 
Saint  Die  In    the    seventh    century.  Saint   Deodatus    founded  a 

chapel  among  the  Vosges  Mountains,  not  tar  from 
Strassburg.  In  the  eleventh  century,  the  chapel  became 
a  collegiate  institution  under  ecclesiastical  supervision. 
Houses  clustered  round  the  school  and  from  them  grew 
a  city,  the  Saint  Die  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  today. 


Vespucius  and  "America 


235 


The  site  was  in  a  border-land  and  the  times  were  times    1507 
of   trouble;    so    the   collegiate   chapter  fortified  itself  as 
the  feudal  lord  of  the  neighborhood.      It  was  here  that 


Saint  Die  in  the  Sixteenth  Century 

Pierre  d'Ailly  wrote  the  Imago  Mundi yth.3.t  powerfully  Seepage  nS 

influenced  the  mind  of  Christopher  Columbus.     As  the 

field    of    education     opened,  the     "Gymnase   Vosgien " 

was  founded  for  scientific  study.     Among  the  members 

of  this  learned  society  were  Mathias  Ringman,  professor 

of    Latin,    and    Martin    Waldseemueller,    professor    of 

geography.      Following  what  was  a  custom   of  the  day, 

Ringman     affected     "  a    dog-Latin     epithet,    Philesius," 

while  Waldseemueller  often  wrote  for  his  German  name 

its     Greek     equivalent,    Hylacomylus.      It     seems     that 

somewhere,  probably  at   Paris,  Ringman  had  picked  up 

a  Latinized  copy  of  Vespucius's  first  letter,  a  new  edition 

of  which  he  soon  brought  out  at  Strassburg, 

Early  in    1507,  under  the  patronage  of  Walter   Lud,  The 
secretary  of   Rene   II.,  the  reigning  duke  of  Lorraine,   (^o^^'Y^f'^"^ 
there  was  set  up  at  Saint  Die  a  printing-press,  the  first 
issue  of  which  was  a  timely  treatise  on   geography,  the 
Cosmographi^    Introductio.     Accompanying     the    Cosmo- 


236 


VesDucius  and  "America" 


The  Birth 
of  a  Name 


1507  graphite  Introductto  was  the  ir^atiior  Navigationes^  i.e., 
a  Latin  translation  of  the  ktter  that  Vespucius  wrote  to 
Soderini,  some  of  Ringman's  verses  eulogistic  of  the 
Florentine  navigator,  and  a  map  of  the  world.  Although 
a  thousand  copies  of  the  map  were  printed  and  quickly 
circulated,  it  was  long  thought  that  not  one  had  been 
preserved.  In  1901,  Father  Fischer  discovered  a  copy 
in  the  library  of  Wolfegg  castle  in  Wurttemberg,  and  on 
the  map  found  the  word  "America."  Even  more  inter- 
esting than  the  long-lost  map  is  the  following  passage 
from  Waldseemueller's  introduction  to  the  ^uatuor 
Navigationes :  "I  do  not  see  why  it  may  not  be 
permitted  to  call  this  fourth  part  after  Americus,  the 
discoverer,  a  man  of  sagacious  mind,  by  the  name  of 
Amerigen  —  that  is  to  say,  the  Land  of  Americus  —  or 
America,  since  both  Europe  and  Asia  have  a  feminine 
form  of  name  from  the  names  of  women."  This  is  the 
first  known  occurrence  of  the  name  "America."  In 
an  obscure  mountain-town,  an  unknown  geographer, 
after  reading  a  probably  fraudulent  narrative  and  magni- 
fying the  deeds  of  his  self-painted  hero,  innocently 
penned  that  "christening  sentence,  the  most  important 
in  the  ritual  of  nomenclature."  It  is  not  probable  that 
Vespucius  had  any  personal  knowledge  of  any  of  the 
scholars  at  Saint  Die;  in  fact,  there  is  no  evidence  impli- 
cating him  in  an  attempt  to  foist  his  name  on  a  continent, 
as  has  been  often  charged.  At  the  time  of  the  appear- 
ance of  the  Cosmographiie  Introduction  only  two  or  three 
descriptions  of  western  discoveries  had  appeared.  A 
curious  public  eagerly  bought  the  little  quarto  and,  by  its 
perusal,  was  led  unresistingly  to  the  belief  that  the  name 
"America"  was  a  proper  name  as  well  as  a  proper  noun. 
In  what  he  calls  his  third  voyage,  Vespucius  sailed 
over  a  terrestrial  arc  of  more  than  ninety  degrees;  in 
his  account  of  that  voyage  he  spoke  of  the  lands  he 
found  as  a  New  World.  He  had  not  then  written  his 
claim  of  wonderful  exploration  north  of  the  equator,  and 
it  is  easily  possible  that  the  "Mundus  Novus"  or  New 
World  that  he  had  in  mind  included  only  the  countries 


The  Name 
Intended  for 
Brazil 


Vespucius  and  '^America" 


237 


from    Cape  Sao   Roque  southward.      Thus  it  might  be    i    5   o   7 
said  that,  in  1503,  the  Old  World  and  the  New  World 
stood  on  the  opposite  sides,  not  of  the  Atlantic,  but  of 
the  equator.      It  is  equally  possible  that  Waldseemueller 


Schoener's 
Globe  of  I  520 
Western  Hemisphere) 


intended  to  apply  the  name  "America"  only  to  Brazil. 
Mr.  Fiske  insists  that  this  is  true.  Mr.  Gay,  in  speak- 
ing of  the  fort  established  by  Vespucius,  suggests  that 
as  the  settlement  was  planted  by  Vespucius,  and  as  it 
was  the  first  colony  of  Europeans  in  that  part  of  the 
New  World,  there  was  an  evident  and  just  propriety  in 
bestowing  the  derivative  of  his  name  upon  the  country, 
which  at  first  was  known  as  the  Land  of  the  True  Cross, 


238 


Vespucius  and  "America" 


A  Probable 
Theory 


1507  and  atterward  as  Brazil.  The  name  of  Brazil  was 
retained  when  the  wider  application,  "America,"  was 
given  to  the  whole  continent. 

This  theory  is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that,  on  the 
Apianus  map  of  1520,  generally  supposed  to  be  the 
earliest  to  bear  the  name,  "America  Provincia"  is 
placed  along  the  eastern  coast  of  Brazil.  On  Schoener's 
globe  of  the  same  year,  the  name  reads  "America  vel 
Brasilia."  It  seems  probable  that  the  reason  why 
Ferdinand  Columbus  recorded  no  protest  against  the 
name  "America"  is  that,  until  after  his  death  in  1539, 
that  name  was  used  as  a  synonym  for  our  Brazil  and 
not  with  its  twentieth-century  meaning.  The  conception 
of  a  distinct  western  hemisphere  disentangled  itselt  but 
slowly  from  the  mass  of  ancient  fact  and  fancy  and  the 
greater  mass  of  rapidly  increasing  and  slowly  assimilated 
geographical  data.  Even  after  the  sorry  remnant  of 
Magellan's  fleet  returned  to  Spain  with  the  story  of  the 
first  circumnavigation  of  the  globe,  even  after  1580 
when  Sir  Francis  Drake  came  back  from  the  second 
crossing  of  the  Pacific,  that  watery  immensity  and  the 
American  continental  mass  were  but  faintly  compre- 
hended. 

The  name  coined  by  Hylacomylus  gained  general 
acceptance  slowly.  The  Spanish  maps  of  1527  and 
1529  designate  South  America  by  the  name  proposed 
by  Vespucius  himself,  viz.,  "  Mundus  Novus."  Las 
Casas  knew  of  the  German  usage,  for  in  his  Historia  he 
says,  "  Foreign  writers  call  the  country  America,"  and 
speaks  of  it  as  "theft  and  usurpation."  By  1540, 
Europeans  were  navigating  the  Pacific  and  geographers 
were  becoming  familiar  with  the  fact  that  a  new  conti- 
nent had  been  found.  On  Mercator's  map  of  1541, 
the  name  was  applied,  probably  for  the  first  time,  to 
both  continents  of  the  western  hemisphere.  The  atlas 
of  Ortelius,  published  in  1570,  and  the  first  of  modern 
times  worthy  of  the  name,  contained  a  map  of  the  New 
World  that  bore  the  name  "America,"  and  brought  it 
into  general  use.     Mercator  and  Ortelius  were  the  greatest 


Condoned 
Robbery 


Vespucius  and  "America" 


239 


geographers  of  their  age,  and  their  influence,  combined    1507 
with  the  euphonious  sound  of  the  name  and  its  analogy 
to    the    names    of   the    other    continents,   exceeded    the 
power  of  Spain  to  root  it  out.     Thus,  partly  by  fraud 


Mercator's  Globe  of  I  541   (American    Portion) 


and  partly  by  accident,  Columbus  was  cheated  of  his 
due.  They  who  follow  are  only  disciples,  says  Newton. 
We  may  sorrowfully  echo  the  words  of  Dr.  Francis 
Lieber:     "Ethically    speaking,    there     has     never     been 


Theories 


240  Vespucius  and  "America" 

1507  erected  a  monument  so  magnificent,  enduring,  and  cruelly 
unjust;  as  if  the  Sistine  Madonna  were  called,  not  by 
Raphael's  name,  but  by  that  of  the  man  who  framed  it 
first."  There  is  little  probability  that  the  wrong  will 
ever  be  made  right.  The  world  seems  to  have  condoned 
the  offense. 

Other  In    1875,  Dr.  Jules    Marcou    advanced    the    plausible 

theory  that  "America"  was  not  derived  from  Americus 
as  above  set  forth,  but  that  the  New  World  was  named 
from  the  Amerrique  Indians  and  the  Amerrique  Moun- 
tains, the  name  being  indigenous  to  Central  America 
and  becoming  familiar  to  Columbus  and  his  crew  while 
they  were  at  Veragua.  It  is  urged  that,  when  Columbus 
and  his  companions  related  their  adventures,  they  would 
likely  boast  of  the  gold-mines  and  say  that  they  lay 
in  the  direction  of  Amerrique.  The  name  thus  intro- 
duced into  Spain  gradually  penetrated  Europe,  and  thus 
came  to  the  little  mountain-town  of  Saint  Die.  Just  as 
Scipio  became  "Scipio  Africanus"  by  reason  of  his 
victories  in  Africa,  just  as  we  speak  of  "Congo  Stanley" 
because  Stanley  explored  the  Congo,  so  Hylacomylus, 
having  heard  the  name  "Amerrique,"  easily  made  the 
mistake  of  transforming  the  forename  of  Vespucci  from 
Amerigo  to  Americus.  The  ingenious  theory  is  ably 
urged,  but  it  is  not  supported  by  any  contemporaneous 
evidence  that  these  possibilities  were  realities.  It  has 
not  been  generally  accepted.  Other  explanations,  more 
or  less  fantastic,  have  been  advanced  in  explanation  of 
the  naming  of  the  New  World.  Meanwhile  Waldsee- 
mueller  and  Saint  Die  remain  as  unchallenged  historical 
facts. 


CHAPTER        XVI 


BALBOA 


AND 


MAGELLAN 


SOON     after    Diego    Columbus    succeeded    to    his 
inheritance,   the    king   ordered   that   the   revenue  August  24, 
due  the  viceroy  should  be  paid  to  his  heir.      In   '^o? 
due  time,  Diego  was  in  receipt  of  four  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  ounces  of   gold  annually  from   Haiti,  but  he 
also  demanded  a  restitution  of  the  honors  and  powers 
that  had  pertained  to  his  father.      With  the  consent  of 
the  king,  he  brought  a  suit  against  the  crown  before  the 
council   of   the   Indies.     This  suit  was   begun   in    1508.  The  Successes 
Although  in  one  form  or  another  it  dragged  along   for  ?f,^'T' 

1  -1  •       11         1       •  1      1    •      •        r  r   Columbus 

years,  the  tribunal  soon  practically  decided  it  in  favor  of 
Diego.  The  successful  litigant  at  law  promptly  became 
a  successful  suitor  for  the  hand  of  the  niece  of  the  duke 
ot  Alva,  one  of  the  proudest  grandees  of  Spain.  This 
alliance  brought  a  powerful  support  to  the  demand  for 
royal  acquiescence  in  the  orders  of  the  council,  and  Ferdi- 
nand conceded  all  except  the  title  of  viceroy.  Ovando 
was  recalled  and  Diego  Columbus  was  commissioned  as 
governor  of  Haiti. 

On  the  ninth  of  June,  1509,  Diego  sailed  from  San  Diego's  Rule 
Lucar,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  his  brother,  his  uncles  '"  "^'" 
Bartholomew  and  Diego,  and  a  brilliant  retinue.  On 
the  tenth  of  July,  they  arrived  at  Santo  Domingo  where 
Diego  and  his  "vice-queen"  set  up  and  maintained  their 
court  with  pomp  and  splendor  unprecedented  in  the 
New  World.  In  their  retinue,  besides  the  many  cavaliers 
and    their  wives,  were    numerous    feminine   adventurers 


242 


Balboa  and  Magellan 


1509  whose  fortunes  lay  in  rank  and  beauty  rather  than  in 
lands  and  gold.  The  venture  of  the  maidens  was  success- 
ful, for  "all  of  them  were  soon  married  to  the  wealthiest 
colonists  and  refined  the  rude  manners  that  prevailed 
among  them."  As  if  determined  that  Diego's  rule 
should  be  confined  to  Haiti,  the  king  set  up  on  the 
mainland  near  the  isthmus  the  two  provinces  soon  to  be 
described,  and  attempted  to  give  an  independent  govern- 
ment to  Porto  Rico.  Before  long,  the  influence  of  the 
governor  was  further  weakened  by  the  institution  (Octo- 
ber 5,  151 1)  of  the  audiencia^  a  sort  of  colonial  court  of 
appeals.  The  profitable  system  of  repartimientos  was 
left  undisturbed,  but,  in  15 12,  the  king  commanded  that 
negro  slaves  be  imported  from  Guinea  and  that,  in  other 
ways,  the  labors  of  the  Indians  be  made  lighter.  The 
heavy  hand  of  royal  displeasure  seems  to  have  been 
gradually  lifted  and,  in  15 14,  Diego  was  so  far  invested 
with  the  viceregal  powers  that  had  been  stripped  from 
his  father  as  to  be  able  to  send  his  uncle  Bartholomew  to 
govern  in  Veragua.  The  adelantado  died  at  Santo 
Domingo  in  151  5.  King  Ferdinand  died  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  January,  1516.  For  four  years,  nothing  was 
done  in  the  matter  of  Diego's  claims. 

In  1520,  Diego  loaned  to  Charles  V.,  the  successor 
of  Ferdinand,  ten  thousand  ducats,  about  a  fifth  of 
his  annual  income  from  Haiti,  and  was  reinstated  in 
authority  as  viceroy.  Three  years  later,  he  was  recalled 
to  Spain  and,  three  years  after  that,  he  died.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  Don  Luis,  who,  in  1536,  aban- 
doned his  claims  upon  the  revenues  of  the  Indies  and 
the  title  of  viceroy,  and  received  in  lieu  thereof  the 
island  of  Jamaica  in  fief,  the  ofiice  of  admiral  of  the 
The  Duke  of  Indies,  the  title  of  duke  of  Veragua,  an  estate  twenty- 
Veragua  ^^^  leagues  squarc  in  that  province,  and  an  annuity  of 

ten  thousand  ducats.  In  1540,  he  returned  to  Haiti 
with  the  title  of  captain-general.  In  1 551,  he  went  back 
to  Spain.  In  1556,  Philip  II.,  who  had  succeeded 
Charles  V.,  took  from  him  Veragua  and  his  power  as 
admiral  and  decreed  for  him  the  honorary  title  of  admiral 


Diego  as 
Viceroy 


February  23, 
1526 


Balboa  and  Magellan 


243 


of  the   Indies  and  duke  of  Veragua  with  an   income  of  i    509 

seven   thousand  ducats.     After  a    scandalous    hfe,   Don 

Luis  died  in  African  exile.      The  magnificent  dreams  of  February  3, 

the  great   discoverer  have  not  yet  been  realized.      The   '57^ 

Turk  holds  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  duke  of  Veragua 

has  little  but  his  title. 


The  voyages  of   Columbus,  Bastidas,  Ojeda,   Pinzon  New  Andalusia 
and  Solis,  and  others  had  made  well  known  the  conti-  ^^^  Castiha  del 
nental  coast-line  from   Brazil  to   Honduras.     After  the 
installation   of  Diego   Columbus   at  Haiti,  the   coloniza- 
tion  of  the   mainland  was    begun    by    King  Ferdinand. 


Map  of  New  Andalusia  and  Castilia  del  Oro 

Alonso  de  Ojeda  was  made  governor  of  a  province  lying 
on  the  east,  and  Diego  de  Nicuesa  governor  of  a  prov- 
ince  lying   on   the  west,  with    the  Atrato   River  as    the 


2  44 


Balboa  and  Magellan 


I    5    I    o  boundary     line     between.      The     eastern     province    was 
called    New    Andalusia,    and     the    western    was     named 
Castilia    del    Oro.      In    spite   of   many  obstacles,  Ojeda 
November  12,  left   Santo    Domingo  with   Juan   de   la   Cosa   and   three 
'5°9  hundred     men.      Five    days    later,    they    landed    at    the 

harbor  of  Cartagena.  In  a  fight  with  the  natives,  Juan 
de  la  Cosa  and  more  than  sixty  other  Spaniards  were 
killed.  Nicuesa  soon  arrived  and  the  joined  forces  of 
the  two  commanders  drove  back  the  natives  and  recov- 
ered the  body  of  La  Cosa.  The  fleets  then  separated. 
At  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Uraba  (Darien),  Ojeda 
began  a  town  that  he  named  San  Sebastian.  The  tort 
was  besieged,  the  poisoned  arrows  of  the  natives  were 
dangerous,  and  starvation  soon  threatened.  Leaving  the 
command  to  Francisco  Pizarro,  the  destined  conqueror 
of  Peru,  Ojeda  went  for  relief  After  great  suffering,  he 
reached  Santo  Domingo  and  found  that  Enciso,  his 
lieutenant,  had  sailed  for  the  colony  with  provisions  and 
recruits.  Ojeda's  subsequent  movements  are  not  clearly 
known;  he  never  returned  to  New  Andalusia. 

On  the  way  to  San  Sebastian,  Enciso's  vessel  was 
wrecked  and  all  the  stores  were  lost.  Ojeda's  colony 
was  as  badly  off  as  before.     Abandoning   San   Sebastian 

at  the  suggestion  of  Vasco  Nunez 
de  Balboa  (generally  spoken  of 
as  Balboa),  a  bankrupt  farmer 
of  Haiti  who  had  previously  been 
in  that  region  with  Bastidas,  the 
Spaniards  crossed  to  the  other 
side  of  the  gulf,  drove  the  natives 
from  one  of  their  villages,  took 
possession,  and  called  the  place 
Santa  Maria  del  Antigua  del 
Darien.  Enciso  was  soon  de- 
posed from  the  command  and  a 
government  was  instituted  with 
Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  Balboa  and  Zamudio  as  alcaldes. 
Ojeda's  colonists  were  now  in  the  territory  of  Nicuesa. 
Of  the  seven  hundred  men  who  had  left  Haiti  with  that 


Balboa 


December, 
1510 


Balboa  and  Magellan  245 

adventurer  thirteen  months  before,  not  more  than  seventy    i    5    i    o 
remained   aHve   at   the    settlement   that   they   had   called    t    5    i   3 
Nombre  de  Dios.      When   Nicuesa,  in  sorry  plight,  sub- 
sequently arrived  off  Antigua  seeking  the  adherence  of 
the  settlers  to  his  government,  they  put  him  on  a  worn-  March,  151 1 
out  vessel   and   started    him   for   Haiti.      He  was  never 
heard  of  again. 

Because  of  factional  divisions  at  Antigua,  Enciso  and  Balboa's 
Zamudio  sought  the  Spanish  court.      Commissioned  bv  '^"'^^'  ^^P" 

,  ^  ,  ^      tember  i ,  i  *>  i ' 

Diego    Columbus    as    governor  of   Darien,    Balboa    set 

out   with   fewer  than   two  hundred  men  and  a  pack  of 

bloodhounds,    seeking    the    reported    sea    south    of   the 

mountains.      On   the   twenty-fifth  of   that   month,  from 

a    mountain    peak,    Balboa,    first    of    Europeans,   gazed 

upon   the   great   expanse   of  water  that   covers   half  the 

surface  of  the  globe.     As  the  ocean  that  he  had  crossed 

lay  behind   him   at   the   north  and  the  ocean  that  he  saw 

stretched    before    him    toward    the    south,   he    naturally 

called  it  the  South  Sea.      He  who  mercilessly  killed  the  The  south  Sea 

natives  in  his  way,  "hewing  them  in  pieces  as  the  Butchers 

doe   fleshe   in    the   shambles,    from    one   an   arme,  from 

another  a  legge,  from   him    a   buttocke,  from   another  a 

shoulder,  and  from  some  a  necke  from  the  bodie  at  one 

stroke,"  was  now  overcome  with  "an  ecstasy  of  delight, 

of  triumph  and  devotion."      He  fell  upon  his  knees  and, 

with    his   companions,     "praised    God  with   loud   voices 

for  joy."      In  the  name  of  his  king  and  queen, '^'  Balboa 

claimed  possession  of  the  ocean  and  of  all  lands  whose 

shores  it  washed.      Four  days  later,  he  marched  into  the 

water  and,  with   drawn   sword,  again   claimed   it   for  the 

Spanish  monarchs.      The  arm  of  the  ocean  that  he  found 

still  bears  the  name  he  gave  it  —  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel. 

By  the  nineteenth  of  January,  15 14,  the  command  was 

again  at  Antigua. 

Before  the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea  was  known  in   Panama 
Spain,  a  new  governor  had  sailed  for  Antigua.      He  was 
Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  better  known  as   Pedrarias,  "one 
of  those  two-legged  tigers  of  whom  Spain  had  so  many 

*  Ferdinand,  the  widower  of  Isabella,  married  again  in  1505. 


and  Death 


246  Balboa  and  Magellan 

I    5    I    3   at   that   time,"      With   him    came    Enciso,  Hernando  de 

I  5  I  7  Soto,  Bernal  Diaz,  the  narrator  of  the  conquest  of 
Mexico,  Oviedo,  the  historian  of  the  West  Indies,  and 
a  company  of  fifteen  hundred.  A  chain  of  posts  across 
the  isthmus  was  estabhshed  and  the  old  town  of  Panama 

August,  1519  was  founded.  The  natives  were  treated  in  the  most 
inhuman  fashion  and  large  quantities  of  gold  accu- 
mulated. 

Balboa's  Trial  In  the  meantime,  Balboa  was  treated  with  little 
favor.  The  king  had  appointed  him  governor  of  the 
province  of  Panama  and  adelantado  to  make  discoveries 
along  the  shores  of  the  sea  that  he  had  found.  But 
Pedrarias  withheld  the  commission  and  threw  the  king's 
appointed  into  prison.  When  Balboa  promised  to 
marry  the  governor's  daughter,  the  prison-bars  were 
thrown  down  and  the  commission  was  delivered.  With 
incredible  toil  timber  was  carried  across  the  mountains 
from  Ada,  the  northern  terminus  of  the  road,  and  a 
few  small  vessels  built.  As  there  was  need  of  iron  and 
pitch,  one  Garabito  was  sent  to  Ada.  Because  of  a 
jealous  love,  Garabito  reported  that  Balboa  intended  to 
abandon  the  governor's  daughter  for  the  sake  of  a  native 
mistress  with  whom  he  was  about  to  sail  southward  to 
set  up  an  independent  government.  The  furious  father 
enticed  Balboa  to  Ada  and  had  him  arrested,  convicted, 
and   promptly  executed   for  treason   and   the   murder  of 

1517  Nicuesa.      "Thus  perished,  in  the   forty-second  year  of 

his  age,  the  man  who,  but  for  that  trifle  of  iron  and 
pitch,  would  probably  have  been  the  conqueror  of  Peru." 

Magellan  Balboa's  discovcry  had  less  effect  upon   knowledge  of 

the  waters  west  of  the  western  world  than  did  the  steady 
eastward  progress  of  the  Portuguese  and  the  struggle  for 
commercial  supremacy  in  the  Indian  Ocean.  Although 
the  data  thus  accumulated  might  be  made  to  show  that 
Asia  did  not  extend  as  far  east  as  Toscanelli  had  taught, 
the  breadth  of  the  South  Sea  was  too  great  for  the  minds 
of  navigators  to  take  in  except  by  actual  experience. 
That   experience  was   soon  to  be  supplied.      Ferdinand 


Balboa  and  Magellan 


247 


^- 


October,   I  51  7 


His  Expedition 


Ferdinand  Magellan 


Magellan  was  a  Portuguese  who   had    been    trained    by    i    5    i    7 
seven    years  of  sailing   in    eastern    waters    and    fighting    i    5    i    9 
against  the  Arabs  and  the  Malays.     The  king  of  Portugal 
did  not  smile  upon  his  scheme 
of  reaching  the  East  by  sailing 
west.      For     this     and     other 
slights,    Magellan    renounced 
his  country  and  went  to  Spain 
where  an  expedition  was  pro- 
vided for  him. 

With  five  ships  and  a  motley 
crew  of  about  two  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  Magellan  sailed 
from  Spain  on  the  twentieth  of 
September,  1519.  With  the 
ileet  went  a  young  Italian, 
Pigafetta,  the  naive  historian  of 
the  expedition.  Late  In  November,  they  were  on  the  Bra- 
-zlllan  coast,  and  in  January,  1520,  they  were  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Plata.  For  two  months,  they  battled  with  intense 
cold  and  violent  storms  along  the  Patagonia  coast.  On 
the  last  day  of  March,  they  cast  anchor  in  their  winter 
quarters  at  Port  Saint  Julian.  On  the  next  day,  a  long- 
smoldering  mutiny  broke  out.  The  mutineers  felt 
that  they  had  gone  far  enough  and  that  the  promised 
hardships  of  an  antarctic  winter  were  too  much.  In  less 
than  twenty-four  hours,  one  of  the  rebellious  captains 
had  been  killed  and  his  accomplices  taken  Into  custody. 
One  of  the  captured  captains  was  beheaded.  Another 
captain  and  a  "guilty  priest"  were  kept  In  Irons  until 
the  departure  of  the  fleet  In  the  early  spring,  when  they  August  24, 
were  set  ashore  and  left  to  their  fate.  Magellan's  Ideals  ^5-° 
of  discipline  were  rather  rigid  and  there  was  no  further 
open  defiance.  A  vessel  sent  to  explore  the  coast  was 
lost,  but  all  of  the  crew  were  saved. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  October,  the  explorers  entered  An  inter- 
what  has  since  been  known  as  Magellan  Strait  and  then  °"^""^ 

~  .  .  ,      .  °  Passage 

spent  five  weeks  in  workmg  their  dangerous  way  through 
its  "labyrinthine  twists  and  half-hidden  bays."      In  the 


248 


Balboa  and  Magellan 


1520  course  of  this  tedious  exploration,  a  cabal  on  board  the 
"San  Antonio"  put  its  loyal  captain  in  irons  and 
escaped  from  the  squadron,  retraced  the  tortuous  chan- 
nel, and  sailed  for  Spain.  The  chief  of  these  deserters 
was    the  'pilot    Estevan    Gomez,  whom   we    shall    meet 


The  so-called  Schoener  Gore  Map  (Western  Hemisphere) 

in    another    chapter.      On    the    southern     side     of    the 
strait   fires  were   often    seen    at    night,  and   so    that   land 
was    called   Tierra   del    Fuego,   i.e.,   the    Land   of    Fire. 
November  28,  Emerging  from  the  strait  and  the   heavy  storms,  Magel- 
^5^°  Ian  found  the  South  Sea  so  pleasant  that  he  called  it  the 

Pacific. 


Balboa  and  Magellan 


249 


They  were  the  first  that  ever  burst 
Into  that  silent  sea. 


1520 


More  than  once,  Magellan  had  rounded  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope.  Now,  instead  of  a  headland  washed  by 
the  ocean,  there  was  a  narrow  strait  between  shores  that 


The  so-called  Schoener  Gore  Map  (Eastern  Hemisphere) 

were  parallel  and  of  like  aspect.  He  had  apparently 
come  to  the  end  of  one  continent  and  the  beginning  of 
another.  The  theory  agreed  well  with  current  notions, 
and  for  more  than  two  centuries  men  believed  in  the 
existence  of  a  fictitious  continent — Terra  Australis. 
The    hardships    and    sufferings    to   come  were   worse 


250  Balboa  and  Magellan 

I  5  2  I  than  those  that  had  been  endured.  Biscuits  that  were 
The  Passage  full  of  womis,  Water  that  was  putrid  and  yellow,  scurvy, 
ot  the  Pacific  (^g^th ;  that  unfathomed  abyss  of  space  ahead  and  retreat 
impossible;  even  the  ignorant  understood  that  their  only 
chance  for  life  lay  in  going  on.  In  sailing  ten  thousand 
miles,  Magellan  found  but  two  solid  resting-places,  both 
of  which  were  uninhabited.  On  the  sixth  of  March, 
1 52 1,  and  after  inconceivable  suffering,  the  remaining 
three  ships  came  to  islands  where  they  found  fruits, 
vegetables,  meats,  and  such  eager  thieves  that  Magellan 
gave  them  the  still  enduring  name  "  Ladrones,"  or  "  Isles 
of  Robbers."  Ten  days  later,  the  fleet  arrived  at  the 
islands  since  known  as  the  Philippines.  The  name  of 
Columbus  had  been  almost  forgotten  but  the  dream 
of  Columbus  had  been  realized.  Here  the  weary 
navigators,  half-starved  and  dying  of  the  scurvy, 
lingered. 

With  marvelous  rapidity,  the  native  king  and  many 
of  his  princes  and  people  were  converted  to  Christianity. 
The  idols  were  burned,  a  cross  was  set  up,  and  the  con- 
verts were  baptized.  With  an  exalted  idea  of  the 
powers  of  the  white  strangers  and  with  a  possible  desire 
to  test  the  efiicacy  of  his  new  religion,  the  Christian 
king  of  Sebu  set  out  to  humble  the  pagan  potentate  of 
a  neighboring  island.  Magellan  having  turned  mission- 
The Death  of  ary,  now  tumed  crusader;  he  was  not  the  man  to  aban- 
Mageiian,       ^^^^  j^jg  ^^^  convert.      In  a  desperate  fight  the  Spaniards 

April  27, 1 52 1  r  p  r  _ 

were  defeated  and  Magellan  was  killed.  According 
to  Mr.  Fiske,  the  defeat  of  the  white  men  con- 
vinced the  king  of  Sebu  that  he  had  overestimated 
the  blessings  of  Christianity,  and  so,  by  way  of  atone- 
ment for  the  slight  he  had  cast  upon  the  gods  of  his 
fathers,  he  invited  some  thirty  of  the  leading  Spaniards 
to  a  banquet  and  massacred  them.  One  of  the  three 
vessels  being  found  unfit  for  sea,  it  was  burned  to  the 
water's  edge.  One  of  the  remaining  two  sprang  a  leak. 
The  Return  to  Itwas  then  dccidcd  that  the  "Victoria"  with  Sebas- 
Spain  j.j^j^  ^gj  Cano   and   forty-six   men   should    hasten   to   the 

Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  thence  to  Spain;   the  "Trini- 


Balboa  and  Magellan 


251 


dad"  was  to  be  repaired  and  then  to  sail  with  the  other  1522 
fifty-four  men  for  Panama.  The  "Victoria"  doubled 
the  cape  on  the  six- 
teenth of  May,  1522. 
On  their  arrival  at  the 
Cape  Verde  Islands, 
the  wanderers  were 
surprised  to  find  that 
the  day  was  Thursday, 
for  by  their  own  ac- 
count it  was  Wednes- 
day.     As     they     had 

"sayled    three   yeares  The  "Victoria" 

continually  euer  followynge  the  soonne  towarde  the  juiyg,  1522 
West,  they  had  loste  one  daye."  On  the  sixth  of  Sep- 
tember, Del  Cano  sailed  into  the  mouth  of  the  Guadal- 
quivir with  seventeen  survivors  of  the  first  circumnavi- 
gation of  the  globe.  It  was  the  thirtieth  anniversary  of 
the  day  when  Columbus  first  sailed  westward  from  the 
Canaries.  How  full  those  thirty  years!  The  next  pas- 
sage of  the  Pacific  was  made  by  Sir  Francis  Drake  in 
1577—80.  From  these  long  digressive  voyages  in  the 
Pacific  we  must  now  return,  with  more  consideration  for 
chronology,  to  Cuba  and  the  Gulf  Coast. 


CHAPTER   XVII 


CORTES,  PONCE  DE  LEON,  AND  LAS  CASAS 


Cuba  is  found  to 
be  an  Island 


Cordova's 
Cruise 


I 


N  1508,  Ovando,  as  governor  of  Haiti,  sent  Sebas- 
tian de  Ocampo  to  determine  whether  Cuba  (then 
called  Fernandina)  was  or  was  not  an  island. 
Ocampo  settled  the  question  by  circumnavigation.  In 
151 1,  Diego  Columbus  sent  Diego  Velasquez  to  explore 
and  conquer  Cuba.  Velasquez  soon  threw  off  his 
allegiance  to  the  new  admiral.  In  15 16,  because  of  a 
scarcity  of  food  in  New  Andalusia,  there  was  a  migration 
from  the  isthmus  to  Cuba;  one  of  the  hundred  was 
Bernal  Diaz.  In  Cuba,  the  newcomers  found  that  there 
were  not  enough  natives  to  go  around,  and  so  they  used 
some  of  their  gold  in  fitting  out  an  expedition,  nominally 
for  discovery  of  new  lands  but  really  for  the  capture  of 
more  slaves.  Governor  Velasquez  seems  to  have  been  a 
partner  in  the  venture.  The  commander  of  the  three 
ships  and  of  the  hundred  soldiers  that  made  up  the 
expedition  was  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordova,  whom 
Las  Casas  describes  as  a  man  "very  prudent  and 
courageous,  and  strongly  disposed  to  kill  and  kidnap 
Indians."  Cordova's  pilot  was  Antonio  de  Alaminos  who 
had  been  with  Columbus  on  the  Honduras  coast. 

The  hunters  set  out  from  Santiago  in  February,  1517, 
and  sailed  through  the  Windward  Passage  east  of  Cuba. 
It  is  probable  that  their  purpose  was  to  go  to  the 
Bahamas  and  that  storms  drove  them  from  their  course. 
They  touched  at  the  lately  founded  town  of  Havana, 
and   soon   arrived   at   the   northeast  corner   of  Yucatan. 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  253 

Here  they  found  the  hostile   Mayas  and  got  their  first    i    5    i    7 

ghmpse   of  a   magnificence   that   seemed  to  justify  their 

hopes  that  they  were  not  far  trom  the  dominions  of  the 

great  khan.     After  a  two  weeks'  cruise  along  the  coast  Maya  Culture 

from  Cape  Catoche  to  Campeche,  they  were  shown  huge 

pueblo    fortresses    and     stone    temples   with    sculptured 

serpents  on   the  walls  and  with  altars  dripping  with  fresh 

blood.      "We  were    amazed,"    says     Bernal     Diaz,    "at 

the  sight  of  things  so  strange."     At  another  point  they 

were  attacked  and  defeated  by  the  natives.      More  than 

half  of  the  Spaniards  were  killed  and   nearly  all  of  the 

rest  were  wounded.     Another  storm  drove  the  survivors 

past   Cuba    to    the    Florida  west   coast  where   Alaminos 

had  been  before.      Here  six  of  the  Spaniards,  including 

Alaminos  and   Bernal   Diaz,  who  records  the  incident  in 

his  history,  and  Cordova  the  commander  were  wounded 

by  the  natives.      The  Spaniards  reembarked  and  hastily 

left   the   inhospitable   coast.      Cordova   soon   died  of  his 

wounds    in    Cuba.      In    this    same   year,  Martin    Luther 

nailed  his  defiant  ninety-five  theses  to  the  church-door 

at  Wittenberg. 

The  discovery  of  Yucatan  changed  the  course  of  a  New  Span- 
Spanish  enterprise.  Although,  in  a  quarter  of  a  century,  '^^  Domain 
eighteen  thousand  adventurers  had  settled  in  Haiti,  all 
attempts  to  colonize  the  mainland  had  ended  in  failure. 
The  object  of  the  new  movement  was  the  exploration 
of  a  continent  in  search  of  rich  aboriginal  communities 
for  conquest  and  plunder.  Such  a  method  of  extend- 
ing territorial  dominion  and  accumulating  wealth  was 
more  congenial  to  Spanish  disposition  than  the  slow 
process  of  colonization.  By  the  end  of  another  quarter- 
century,  Spanish  authority  had  been  established  through- 
out a  vast  intertropical  region,  chiefly  on  the  Pacific  side 
of  the  continent  and  including  Mexico  and  Peru. 

The  story  of  the   riches   of  the   southern  country  led  Grijaiva's 
Velasquez  to  send  Juan  de  Grijalva  with  four  ships  and  E''P'^'1'"°" 
two     hundred     and     fifty    soldiers.      They    sailed     from 
Santiago    in    April,    151 8.      May    found    them    coasting 
from    Yucatan    toward    Mexico.      In   June,    one    of    the 


2^4  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 

I  5  I  8  tax-gatherers  of  Montezuma,  the  Aztec  chief  of  that 
region,  heard  of  great  towers  that  carried  wings  and 
moved  upon  the  sea.  The  Aztec  agent  hastened  to  the 
shore.  After  an  exchange  of  gifts,  the  bearded  stran- 
gers went  their  way,  while  Pinotl  hurried  by  the  shortest 
trail  to  report  to  Montezuma  that  he  had  seen  and 
The  Legend  talked  with  gods.  There  was  an  ancient  Mexican  belief 
of  {^uetzaicoati  ^j^^^  one  of  the  sky  gods  had  floated  out  to  sea  saying 
that,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  he  would  return  with  fair- 
skinned  companions  to  resume  his  rule  over  his  people. 
Before  the  messengers  of  Montezuma  could  reach  the 
coast  with  princely  presents  for  the  companions  of 
Quetzalcoatl,'''  now  returning  in  fulfilment  of  prophecy, 
Grijalva  and  his  winged  towers  had  disappeared.  On 
Saint  John's  day,  the  Spaniards  came  to  an  island  that 
they  called  San  Juan  de  Ulua.  Here  the  traffic  with 
the  natives  was  so  brisk  that  Pedro  de  Alvarado  was 
sent  back  to  Cuba  with  a  caravel  that  needed  repair,  half 
a  hundred  sick  and  wounded  men,  and  the  gold  that 
had  been  secured.  The  other  three  ships  continued  the 
cruise  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Panuco,  i.e.,  nearly  to  the 
site  of  Tampico.  From  this  point  the  fleet  retraced  its 
course,  trading  along  the  shore  and  arriving  at  Cuba  in 
October.  Stimulated  by  the  spoil  sent  back,  Velasquez 
quickly  prepared  another  expedition. 

The  Coming         Hemando   Cortes  had  brought  away  from  Salamanca 
of  Cortes         <c  ^   little    Latin  and  a  lean  store  of  other  learning."      In 
1504,  he  sailed  from  Spain   for   Haiti,  where  "he  varied 
the  monotony  of  life  with  love  intrigues  and  touches  of 
military    bravado."      In    151 1,    he   went    to    Cuba   with 
Velasquez.      Prior    to    the    return    of    Grijalva,    he   was 
commissioned    as    commander    of    the    new    expedition. 
October  23,     Veksqucz    gave    his    instructions,  and    Cortes    resolved 
'5'^  that  they  should  be  "followed  when   necessary  and  dis- 

regarded when  desirable."      When  the  worried  governor 

*  According  to  some  of  the  believers  in  the  Chinese  discovery  of  America  (see  page 
64),  Quetzalcoatl  was  the  leader  of  a  party  of  five  Buddhist  priests  who  visited  Mexico  in 
the  fifth  century  and  one  of  whom,  Hoei-Shin,  returned  alone  to  China. 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  255 


tried  to  depose  him,  Cortes  took  one  of  the  messengers    i    5    i    9 
into   his   service  and   sent   the  other  back  with  protesta- 
tions of  affectionate  regard.     When,  on  the  eighteenth  of 
February,  1519,  the   adventurer  sailed  from  the  Cuban 
coast,    he     had     eleven  ^      .  ^_       _. 

vessels  (the  largest 
measured  a  hundred 
tons),  about  seven  hun- 
dred men,  two  hundred 
male  and  female  slaves, 
sixteen  horses,  ten  can- 
nons, and  four  falconets. 

From  the  point  of  Yuca-  cannon  of  the  Sixteenth  Century 

tan  the  shore  was  skirted  westward.  Early  in  March,  Cortes 
defeated  the  natives  in  a  battle  at  Tabasco,  received  large 
presents  from  the  native  chief,  and  reembarked  his  troops. 

Cortes  next  cast  anchor  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua  whence  Cortes  in 
he  sent  messengers  with  gifts  to  Montezuma.  A  rising  ^^^'^° 
faction  among  his  followers  was  quieted  by  constituting  a 
wandering  municipality  competent  to  choose  a  represen- 
tative of  the  royal  authority.  Cortes  resigned  his  com- 
mission from  the  governor  of  Cuba ;  the  municipality 
at  once  invested  him  with  supreme  power.  The  issue 
was  clearly  cut;  the  new  captain-general  must  win 
Mexico  or  lose  his  head.  A  commission  was  sent  to 
Spain  with  gold  to  secure  the  sanction  of  the  king. 
The  commissioners  sailed  from  the  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera 
Cruz  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  15 19.  Alaminos, 
the  pilot,  touched  at  the  corner  of  Cuba,  and  Velasquez 
sent  two  fast-sailing  vessels  to  seize  the  ship.  The 
skilful  pilot  had  ranged  the  Florida  peninsula  with  Ponce 
de  Leon  and  Cordova  and,  therefore,  must  have  noticed 
the  Gulf  Stream  and  its  direction.  He  now  struck  out 
a  new  route  by  way  of  the  Bahama  Channel  or  Strait  of 
Florida,  and  thus  made  known  the  existence  of  a  clear 
sea  way  between  the  West  India  Islands  and  the  continent. 
How  far  north  he  sailed  before  taking  his  course  east,  we 
do  not  know.  Early  in  December,  the  treasure  sent  by 
Cortes  was  forwarded  to  the  casa  de  contratacion  at  Seville. 


256  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 


9  After  the  departure  of  the  commissioners  for  Spain, 
the  vessels  remaining  in  the  Mexican  harbor  sank,  one 
after  another,  as  if  they  were  worm-eaten ;  the  fleet  had 


Map  of  the  Country  between  the  Gulf  Coast  and  the  Valley  of  Mexico 

been  destroyed.  There  was  now  no  possibihty  of  deser- 
tion and  the  march  to  the  capital  of  the  war  chief  or 
The  Aztec  "cmpcror"  of  the  Aztecs  was  assured.  The  Aztec  con- 
Confedeiacy  fgcjeracy  had  been  formed  half  a  century  before,  and  the 
island  pueblo  of  Tenochtitlan  had  been  made  impregnable 
against  Indian  attack.  From  thirty  or  more  towns  be- 
tween the  capital  and  the  coast,  tribute  was  wrung  with 
bloody  hands  and  their  people  roused  to  rage.  They 
were  ready  to  welcome  any  chance  of  delivery  from  their 
oppression.  The  era  of  Aztec  conquest  was  cut  short 
by  the  advance  of  Cortes  and  his  little  army.  There 
was  much  fighting  on  the  way,  but  by  wiles  and  valor 
all  obstacles  were  overcome.  Before  arriving  at  the 
Aztec  capital,  Cortes  and  the  Spaniards  were  followed 
by  an  army  of  six  thousand  native  allies.  Moreover, 
the  Spanish  armor  was  proof  against  Indian  weapons; 
the  Spanish  cannon  and  harquebus  blazed  forth  fire  and 
death  and  awakened  superstitious  fear;  and  the  horses 
inspired  universal  terror.  On  a  somewhat  slender  basis 
it  has  been  said  that  back  of  all  these  things  was  a 
general  belief  in  the  return  of  Quetzalcoatl  to  renew 
his  rule  over  the  Mexican  people,  a  belief  that  largely 
paralyzed  the  opposition  to  the  advance  of  the  Spaniards. 
Mr.  Fiske  reminds  us  that  to  offer  chances  to  a  dull- 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  257 


witted  man   is   like  casting  pearls  before  swine,  but  Her-    i    5    i    9 
nando  Cortes  was  a  genius. 

After  climbing  from  the  lowlands  to  the  plateau  more  The  Spanish 
than  seven  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  the  '^'^^3"" 
Spaniards  marched  upon  Tlascala,  a  powerful  pueblo 
that  the  Aztecs  had  been  unable  to  subdue.  After 
much  fighting  which,  according  to  their  habit,  was  often 
at  the  break  of  day,  the  Tlascalans  were  convinced  that 
these  children  of  the  sun  were  proof  against  wounds 
and  death  and  that  they  had  the  power  of  reading  the 
secret  thoughts  of  men.  They,  therefore,  sought  an 
alliance  with  the  irresistible  invaders.  Tlascala  was 
nearly  a  fair  match  for  the  Aztec  confederacy,  and  the 
advance  of  its  horde  in  friendly  alliance  with  those  who 
had  defeated  them  with  superhuman  ease  filled  Tenoch- 
titlan  with  consternation.  On  the  way  lay  Cholula  to 
which  the  Spaniards  were  admitted  for  the  purpose  of 
entrapping  them.  Through  the  quick  wit  and  faithful 
love  of  an  Indian  woman,  Cortes  discovered  the  plot 
and  rewarded  it  with  fearful 
slaughter.  Through  the  confi- 
dent conspirators  crowded  in  the 
public  places  the  artillery  of  Spain 
sent  its  irresistible  messengers  of 
woe,  the  still  more  unearthly 
horsemen  —  "  hippocentaurs  clad 
in  shining  brass"  —  made  their 
impetuous  charge,  and  the  Tlas- 
calans rushed  into  the  town  and 
began  a  general  massacre.  When 
an  end  had  been  put  to  the 
slaughter,  Cortes  released  the 
human    victims     that    had     been 

caged  for  sacrifice,  burned  at  the  stake  some  of  the 
captured  chiefs,  and  again  took  up  his  line  of  march. 
Thus  runs  the  story,  some  of  the  worst  details  of 
which  do  not  stand  above  doubt  and  denial.  Recog- 
nizing prudence  as  the  better  part  of  valor,  Monte- 
zuma met  the  invaders  outside  the  fortifications  of  his 


Montezuma 


llJz 

a:    Z 


% 


'wfi'v* 


&lf£i 


Plan  of  Tenochtitlan  at  the  Time  of  the  Conquest 
(Also  showing  a  chart  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico) 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  259 

city    and,  with    a    politeness    born    of    fear,   bade    them  i    5    i    9 
welcome  to  Tenochtitlan,     To  check  foul  designs,  Cortes 

seized  Montezuma  and  held  him  as  a  hostage.      Tribute  The  imprison- 

was  ordered  and  wealth  from  all  the  provinces  was  poured  "^^^^ll^^^ 

at  the   feet   of   the  conqueror.     The   submission   of  the  November  8 


Map  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico  in  15  19 

imprisoned  "emperor"  was  absolute  and  abject.  "Cortes 
was  now  acting  governor  of  Tenochtitlan  with  Monte- 
zuma as  his  mouthpiece."  That  mouthpiece  was  both 
war  chief  and  high  priest,  and  without  him  his  people 
could  not  act.  Thus  the  winter  went  by  without  any 
outbreak  on  the  part  of  the  people. 


26o  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 


520 


A  Fire  in  the 
Rear 


June  24 


A  New  Aztec 
Leader 


From  Cuba,  Velasquez  sent  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  with 
eighteen  ships  and  about  twelve  hundred  soldiers  to 
arrest  Cortes.  With  the  expedition  went  Lucas  Vasquez 
de  Ayllon,  sent  by  the  audiencia  to  prevent  if  possible 
a  fratricidal  war.  The  fleet,  which  was  the  largest  ever 
seen  on  the  Mexican  coast,  arrived  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
in  April,  1520,  and  the  news  was  quickly  carried  to 
Cortes.  Leaving  Pedro  de  Alvarado  with  about  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  to  hold  the 
Aztec  capital,  Cortes  unhesi- 
tatingly marched  with  the 
other  three  hundred  to  meet 
his  white  pursuers.  In  a  night 
attack,  he  carried  everything 
before  him,  captured  his 
wounded  rival,  and  took  pos- 
session of  his  fleet.  Narvaez 
was  soon  released  and  returned 
to  Spain.  Most  of  his  men 
enlisted  under  Cortes  who, 
with  his  force  thus  multiplied, 
marched  back,  none  too  soon,  to  the  relief  of  Alvarado, 
whom  he  found  in  his  fortress  besieged  by  an  angry  host 
of  the  barbarians.  The  Spaniards  had  interrupted  the 
springtime  festival  with  the  massacre  of  six  hundred  Aztecs. 

Where  wast  thou  then,  sweet  Charity,  where  then. 
Thou  tutelary  god  of  friendless  men  ? 

On  the  error  of  Alvarado,  Cortes  put  a  blunder  of  his 
own;  he  released  Montezuma's  brother  whom  he  had  in 
captivity.  The  tribal  council,  acting  wholly  within  its 
powers,  promptlv  deposed  Montezuma  and  elevated  his 
brother  to  the  chief  command.  With  the  leader  came 
the  crisis.  Early  the  next  morning,  the  Spaniards  were 
attacked  and  manv  were  killed  or  wounded.  Spanish 
cannons  swept  the  streets  until  the  canals  were  red  with 
Aztec  blood,  but  all  in  vain.  When,  by  the  orders  of 
Cortes,  Montezuma  went  upon  the  roof  to  expostulate 
with  the  assailants,  he  was  received  with  a  shower  of 
stones;  the  divinity  that  had   hedged   him  round  about 


Hernando  Cortes 


I 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  261 


as    priest   and    chief  had   vanished.      A   few   days    later,    1520 
Montezuma  died.     On  the  evening  of  the  following  day,  June  30 
Cortes  withdrew  from   the   city,  losing  all    his   cannons, 
sixty  of  his  eighty  horses,  four  thousand  of  his  six  thou- 
sand Tlascalan  allies,  and  more  than  seven  hundred  of  his 
twelve  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards.      It  was  a  night  for  Defeat,  Tears, 
tears   and   Cortes   wept.     A   few    days   later,    the   defec-  ^"'^  ^'"°^ 
tion  of  the  Tlascalans 
was     imminent,     and 
the    Aztecs    attacked 
in  almost  overwhelm- 
ing force.    But  Cortes 
won  such  a  signal  vic- 
tory that  the  alliance 
was  maintained.      In 
evident  recognition  of 
the  fact  that  this  was 
the    crucial    moment 
that  comes  but  once 
to  any  man,  he  mani- 
fested an  energy  and 
ability  that  would  be 
thought     remarkable 
in  most  commanders, 
but  that  was  to  be  ex- 
pected  in    Hernando 
Cortes.     He  prompt- 
ly sent  some   of   his 
fortunately  won  ships 
to  Haiti  for  cannons, 

horses,     and      soldiers,  Title-page  of  Cortes's  Second  Letter 

made  alliances  with  some  of  the  smaller  pueblos,  and 
defeated  those  that  resisted  his  overtures.  By  Christmas, 
he  had  gathered  another  well  equipped  army  and  reestab- 
lished his  reputation  among  a  thousand  Spanish  followers 
and  several  thousand  Indian  adherents.  Tezcuco  was 
then  detached  from  the  Aztec  confederacy  and  secured 
as  an  ally. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  April,  1521,  the  siege  of  the 


Carta&crclJdocbiJ&ajru.S.mJK-ftJdoclcpa" 

pojnforciioipoiflcapitagcncralorrUinufuarf'iiruilUmTOOfcniiooco! 
tre.CnIa  ql  bait'  rtiano  tSlasnciraa  j'piouldjs  fin  cucto  q  ba  orfaibirrro 
nucuamftccnf i  yuc3td  rcl  ino  oc.fif  .a  erta  gtc-.yba  fomftrooalacoiona 
rcalPcfu.8.t(5.£ntfpfailba5crcU:ioocrnj>jrnoil!iniap!ouiaamu!' 
n<:3llamaoaCul»a:claqlapmurgraoc«aupa:)C6r!'<'i'isr.iuillofo3foi< 
ficuMTOCSjripren-atiMrnqaa.  (Entre  laeqlraacrnamasmarauillofa 
rrKfl(jtora3UainaDadmifnri:qc(lapoimarauillora  artr  reificarafo 
bitvmaftraocla<nina.rcUqlciuoar;'piouinac6rfrrngrooimmofci;0! 
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fa3Coft»rcop.  <rumtalargamneDClgraDirrimo  fcnoiio  zitlDKbo^ut 
tccpima  f  DC  rue ntoi-  f  ccnmonUa.f  oc como  ft  nmt. 


262  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 

I  5  2  I  island  capital  was  begun.  For  more  than  a  hundred 
days  there  was  no  respite  from  the  horrors  of  a  struggle 

The  Siege  of    that,  as  both  contcstants  knew,  meant  death  for  the  loser. 

Mexico  g^^j.    q^q\y    succeeding    night    found    the    streets    of  the 

doomed  pueblo  worse  blocked  with  ruins  and  the  canals 
worse  choked  with  Aztec  dead;  each  succeeding  morning 
found  the  Spanish  grip  a  little  tighter.  On  the  thirteenth 
of  August,  Tenochtitlan  became  a  Spanish  town,  the 
city  of  Mexico.  In  1523,  Cortes  was  made  governor. 
Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  Yucatan  were  conquered. 
Expeditions  were  sent  in  various  directions,  the  penin- 
sula of  Lower  California  was  discovered,  and  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Pacific  was  begun.  New  Spain  was  a  reality 
and  along  more  routes  than  one  pushed  itself  into  the 
present  domain  of  the  United  States.  The  moral 
shame  and  military  glory  are  set  down  in  Prescott's 
classic  work.  Some  of  those  pages  depict  the  atrocities 
of  a  policy  that  "makes  a  savage  of  the  civilized,  and 
kindles  the  fires  of  hell  in  the  bosom  of  the  savage." 
Other  pages  tell  of  martial  wonders  that  fill  us  with 
astonishment — events  that  have  been  said  to  be  too 
startling  for  the  probabilities  demanded  by  fiction,  and 
without  a  parallel  in  the  pages  of  historv. 

Ponce  de  Leon  Juan  Poncc  dc  Lcon,  who  had  bravely  fought  the 
Moors  in  Spain,  sailed  with  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyage,  and  in  the  western  world  again  gave  proof  of 
his  gallantry  and  skill.  In  1509,  he  was  made  governor 
of  Porto  Rico.  When  it  appeared  that  his  commission 
was  in  conflict  with  the  claims  of  Diego  Columbus,  it 
was  revoked.  Thus  the  romantic  old  knight  was  given 
leisure  to  lead  in  new  exploits  and  to  win  enduring  fame. 
He  fed  his  fancy  on  the  Indian  story  of  the  island  of 
Bimini,  that  wonderland  discussed  for  years  in  Spanish 
courts  and  western  isles  —  romantic  Bimini  "in  the  which 
there  is  a  continual  spring  of  running  water  of  such 
marvelous  virtue  that,  the  water  thereof  being  drunk, 
February 23,  pcrhaps  with  somc  diet,  maketh  old  men  young."  A 
'5'^  royal  grant  authorized   him  "to  proceed  to  discover  and 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  263 

settle   the   island   of  Bimini"  within   three  years.      If  he    i    5    2    i 
succeeded,  he  was  to  be  its  governor  for  life. 

It  is  not  certain  whether  the  expedition  started  in 
i5i2ori5i3.  It  is  probable  that,  with  three  caravels 
fitted  out  at  his  own  expense,  the  searching  dreamer 
started  from  the  port  of  San  German  in  Porto  Rico  in 
March,  15 13.  The  discoverers  cast  their  anchors  at 
San  Salvador  and  furled  their  sails  among  the  Bahamas, 
floating  on  the  summer  sea  like  men  on  pleasure  bent, 
and  touching  "where  the  fruits  were  sweetest,  the 
Indians  most  friendly,  and  their  women  loveliest."  On  Florida, 
Easter  Sunday,  they  discovered  the  mainland,  along  ^"'^^  ^7, 
which  they  coasted  northward  until  the  second  of  April 
when  they  landed.  The  Spanish  name  for  Easter 
Sunday  is  Pasqua  Florida,  or  "  Feast  of  Flowers." 
The  land  of  luxuriant  beauty  and  magnolia  blossoms 
seemed  to  merit  the  name  and  so  Ponce  called  it 
Florida.  The  landing  was  probably  made  between  the 
mouth  of  the  Saint  Johns  River  and  the  site  of  Saint 
Augustine. 

From  the  point  of  disembarking  the  Spaniards  sailed  The  Quest  for 
southward,  exploring  the  coast,  trading,  fighting,  but  ever  t^he^o""tain 
looking  for  the  fabulous  fountain.  What  a  picture 
imagination  paints  as  the  water-cure  was  sought  in  the 
quiet  lakes  and  stagnant  rivers  of  that  low-lying  region  ! 
In  spite  of  our  philosophy,  we  awaken  from  our  day- 
dream with  a  tinge  of  sadness.  After  doubling  the  cape. 
Ponce  ran  up  the  western  shore  of  the  peninsula  and 
possibly  followed  the  coast  until  it  trended  westward  and 
beyond.  In  August,  "they  set  sail  homeward;  but 
the  ship  commanded  by  Juan  Perez  de  Ortubia,  with 
Antonio  de  Alaminos  as  pilot,  sailed  [to  search  after 
Bimini]  on  the  seventeenth  of  September."  Ortubia 
soon  followed  Ponce  back  to  Porto  Rico  with  a  report 
that  the  search  for  Bimini  had  proved  successful. 
Although  the  explorations  confirmed  the  Cosa  and  the 
Cantino  maps  and  the  knowledge  of  a  northwestern  con- 
tinent that  the  Castilian  pilots  must  have  had,  Florida 
was  then  and  for  years  after  considered  a  vast  island  in  a 


264  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 


Pineda's 
Exploration 


I    5    2    I    vast  ocean  that  rolled  on  to  Japan,     As  we  soon  shall  see, 
this   expedition  was    not  a   solitary  effort.      Similar  ones 
went   before   and   followed.      "  From   a  very   early  date, 
the    Spaniards   visited   the  east  coast   of    Florida.      The 
rapid  depopulation  of  the  West  India  Islands  and  the 
necessity  for  obtaining  slaves  to  work  in  the  mines  must 
have  prompted  many  such  nefarious  expeditions." 
A  Royal  Grant      Ponce  soon  Sailed  for  Spain,  claiming  great  credit  for 
of  Bimini,       Yi'is  discoverv  of  SO  fair  a  land  and  seeking  a  new  patent 
1 5 14  '  for  its  conquest  and  settlement.      The  king  granted  him 

authority  to  settle  "the  island  of  Bimini  and  the  island 
of  Florida."  After  subduing  the  Caribs,  he  was  to  have 
of  the  vessels  and  men  thus  employed  what  he  wanted 
for  his  second  expedition  to  Florida.  But  the  Carib 
war  was  unexpectedly  drawn  out  and  the  expedition  for 
colonization  did  not  take  definite  form  until  1521. 

Ponce  de  Leon  had  hardly  returned  from  Florida 
when  other  Spaniards  followed  in  his  path,  seeking 
Indian  slaves.  Thus,  in  15 16,  Diego  Miruelo  sailed 
from  Cuba  on  a  trading  cruise,  ran  up  the  western  shore 
of  Florida,  and  discovered  a  bay,  probably  Pensacola. 
In  151 7,  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordova  visited  the 
coast  as  already  narrated.  By  this  time,  many  of  the 
West  Indian  colonists  had  amassed  sufficient  wealth  to 
become  explorers  or  the  patrons  of  explorers.  In 
February  or  March,  1519,  Francisco  de  Garay,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Jamaica,  sent  three  or  four  caravels  to  search 
for  a  strait  in  the  mainland  west  of  Florida.  Alonso 
Alvarez  de  Pineda  was  in  command.  He  sailed  from 
Cape  Florida  (probably  along  the  borders  of  the 
gulf)  as  far  as  the  River  Panuco,  where  he  was  met  by 
the  claims  and  actual  possession  of  Cortes.  Retracing 
his  course,  he  discovered  a  river  of  great  volume,  the 
Rio  del  Espiritu  Santo  —  probably  the  Mississippi,  pos- 
sibly the  Alabama.  Pineda  was  back  at  Jamaica  by  the 
middle  of  December.  He  had  demonstrated  the  con- 
tinuity of  the  coast;  he  had  proved  that  there  was  no 
strait  by  which  ships  could  reach  Cipango  and  Cathay. 
Garay  at  once  asked  for  and  received  authority  to  con- 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  265 

quer  and  to  settle  the  territory  that  Pineda  had  found  for   i    5   2    i 
him.     The   province  was  given   the   short-Hved  name  of  Garayand 
Amichel.      In    1520,  Garay   sent   Pineda   and    Diego   de  a™'^^^' 
Camargo  to  occupy  a   post  in   his  territory  near  Panuco. 
The   expedition  was   ill-managed    and   unsuccessful.      In 
1523,  he  sailed  in  person  with  a  powerful  fleet  and  with 
Grijalva   as   his  lieutenant.      Several  of  the  vessels  were 
lost,  and  Garay  surrendered  the  remnant  of  his  force  to 
Cortes.      He  died  in  Mexico  and  with  him  died  Amichel. 

On  the  tenth  of  February,  1521,  Ponce  de  Leon  Ponce  de  Leon 
wrote  from  Porto  Rico  to  the  emperor  Charles  V.  say-  ^^^^""^  ^^^ 
ing  that  it  was  his  intention  "to  explore  the  coast  of 
said  island  [Florida]  further,  and  see  whether  it  is  an 
island  or  whether  it  connects  with  the  land  where  Diego 
Velasquez  is,  or  any  other;  and  I  shall  endeavor  to 
learn  all  I  can.  I  shall  set  out  to  pursue  my  voyage 
hence  in  five  or  six  days."  Another  letter  of  the  same 
date  adds  that  the  expedition  was  to  consist  of  two 
ships.  He  sailed  on  the  twentieth  of  February  and 
effected  a  landing  at  some  point  on  the  coast  of  Florida, 
we  do  not  know  precisely  where.  He  had  a  twofold 
purpose  —  geographical  discovery  and  the  founding  of  a 
settlement.  With  him  were  colonists,  friars,  horses, 
cattle,  sheep,  and  swine. 

It  is  probable  that  several  landings  were  made  on  the  Disappoint- 
western  border  of  the  peninsula  and  that  examination  '^If^^^^^ 
showed  that  they  had  not  found  a  proper  place  for 
the  projected  settlement.  i\.fter  each  such  disappoint- 
ment, they  coasted  northward.  How  far  this  coasting 
was  continued  is  not  certain.  At  some  point,  the 
Spaniards  attempted  to  build  houses  and  were  attacked 
by  the  natives,  who  had  been  roused  to  active  hostility 
by  the  marauding  expeditions  of  Ayllon  and  earlier 
slave-hunters  on  the  mainland.  In  leading  his  men 
against  the  assailants,  Ponce  was  dangerously  wounded. 
After  losing  many  of  his  men  by  sickness  and  Indian 
arrows,  the  first  territorial  governor  within  the  domain 
of  the  United  States  abandoned  his  attempt  to  plant 
a    colony.      The    survivors    reembarked.      One    of   the 


2  66  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 


I  5  2  I  ships  went  to  Vera  Cruz.  The  other  sailed  for 
Cuba  where  the  wounded  Ponce  de  Leon  soon  died. 
Death  of  From  Porto  Rico  to  Florida  and  back  to  Cuba,  the 
Ponce  de  Leon  g^pgjjj-jQj^  occupicd  at  Icast  five  months.  In  these 
later  generations,  thousands  yearly  make  their  pilgri- 
mages to  the  flowery  peninsula  in  a  not  less  eager  search 
for  the  magical  fountain  of  health.  There  the  pilgrim 
may  find  the  rose  running  wild  and  the  fig-tree  in  the 
jungle,  not  primeval  as  they  seem  but  true  historic 
memorials  of  a  Spanish  occupancy  that  antedates  by  a 
century  the  "Mayflower"  and  the  first  Virginia  charter. 
On  the  island  fringe  of  this  narrow  sun-bathed  state, 
east  of  Cape  Florida  and  in  the  embrace  of  the  Bahamas, 
Bimini  lingers  even  to  this  day. 

The  Good  Las       Bartolome  de  las  Casas  was  born  of  a  noble  family  at 

Casas  Seville    in    1474.      In     1502,   he    went    to     Haiti    with 

Ovando.      He  was  with  Velasquez   during  the   conquest 

of  Cuba,  received  his  encomienda 
of  Indians,  and  became  a  curate  — 
probably  the  first  priest  ordained 
in  America.      In  business,  diplo- 
macy,   and    literature    he 
manifested    an    unusual 
ability,  but  he  is  best 
remembered    as    a 
priest  without  fear  or 
a    selfish    thought,    a 
man  tender  and  true, 
an  administrator  calm 
and  shrewd,  an  over- 
seer whom  no  earthly 
power  could  silence  when 
the     weak     and     wronged 
needed    his    protection. 


Bartolome  de  las  Casas 


One  of  the  glorious  few  who  can  follow  a  conviction,  he 
soon  recognized  the  evils  of  slavery  and  gave  up  his  own 
slaves.  From  that  time  to  the  end  of  his  long  life.  Las 
Casas  stands  out  luminously  in  the  heroism  and  glory  of 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  267 

true  sanctity  —  the  only  Spaniard  of  his  age  who  does,    i    5    2    i 
Finding  that  the  Spaniards  in  the  Indies  cared  more  for   1537 
their  slaves  than  for  their  souls,  he  went  to  Spain.      Fer- 
dinand was  dead,  and  Ximenes,  the  great  cardinal,  was   1515 
regent  of  Spain.      In  spite  of  Fonseca,  the  cardinal  lent 
an  ear  to  the  curate's  tale  of  Indian  woe,  and  appointed 
him  "  Protector  of  the  Indians  "  with  considerable  author- 
ity.    After  a  year  in  Haiti,  Las  Casas  returned  to  Spain 
to  find  his  powerful  ally  on  his  death-bed.     He  was  not 
long,  however,  in  winning  the  favor  of  the  young  king, 
Charles  V.      In   1521,  he  planted  on   the   Pearl  Coast  a 
colony  that  was  to  set  a  worthy  example  and  serve  as  a 
center  for  the  diffusion    of  a   higher   civilization.     The 
outrages  perpetrated  by  the  colonists  that  Ojeda  had  led  white  Robes 
and  sent  to  New  Andalusia,  had  kindled  the  wrath  of  the  °^^^^^  ^"'^ 
natives  against  all  Spaniards,  and  (in  the  fortunate  absence 
of  Las  Casas)  they  burned  the  village  of  the  white-robed 
colonists  and  left  not  a  European   on  the  Pearl   Coast. 
In  profound  despondency,  Las  Casas  meditated  in  the 
garden  of  the  Dominican  monastery  at  Santo  Domingo, 
was   persuaded   by  the   brethren   to  join  their  order,  and 
spent  eight   years  in  retirement.      In  1530,  he  went  to 
Spain. 

While    in     the    monastery    at    Santo    Domingo,    Las  The  Gospel  of 
Casas  wrote  a   treatise   to  show  that  the   only  right  way  f""  ^I^tJ^^ 

^   ,      .        .  „,      .  .       ,  -^        O         .       •'     Land  of  War 

or  brmgmg  men  to  Christ  is  by  reason  and  persuasion. 
After  his  return  from  Spain,  he  spent  several  years  in 
curbing  the  cruelty  of  Alvarado,  the  new  governor  of 
Nicaragua,  and  then  went  to  Guatemala  to  put  his 
theories  to  the  test  of  experiment.  In  1536,  with  Luis 
de  Barbastro  and  two  other  Dominican  brethren,  he 
devoted  himself  to  a  study  of  the  native  language  and, 
in  1537,  obtained  from  Maldonado,  the  temporary  gov- 
ernor, a  conditional  agreement  that  the  Indians  of 
Tuzulutlan  should  not  be  given  in  encomienda.  It  was 
a  wild  and  rough  country  from  which  the  Spaniards  had 
been  three  times  driven  back;  good  reason  for  the  name 
they  gave  it — The  Land  of  War.  It  was  much  like 
shooting  against  the  sun,  but  Las  Casas   and   his   monks 


2  68  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 


I    5  3    7   hit  the   mark.      By  kindness,  love,  and  wise  diplomacy. 

The  Conquest  the   Indians  were   led  to  destroy  their  idols,  to  renounce 

of  Kindness     cannibalism,    and     to    promise    to    refrain    from  warfare 

except   in   defense   of  their   country   from   invasion.      In 


ENS.  95 


Map  of  the  Land  of  War 

exchange  for  the  promise  of  Las  Casas  that  no  Spaniard 
should  set  foot  in  his  territory  without  the  consent  of 
the  Dominicans,  the  cacique  gave  his  allegiance  to  the 
Spanish  monarch.  When  Las  Casas  returned  to  Guate- 
mala with  the  cacique,  Alvarado,  who  had  been  trained  in 
Cortes's  school  and  was  now  governor  of  the  province, 
confirmed  the  treaty,  removed  his  hat,  and  bowed  his 
head  in  reverence  before  the  hero  of  the  peaceful  victory. 
Mr.  Fiske  has  pronounced  this  "one  of  the  beautiful 
moments  in  history;"  but  the  beauty  was  more  than 
that  of  a  moment,  for  the   Land  of  War  was  crowned 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  269 

with  the  blessings  of  enduring  peace  and  became  a  center    1544 
from  which   spread   expanding  circles    of  the   gospel    of 
charity  and  love. 

In  1539,  Las  Casas  went  to  Spain,  Of  course,  he  The  New  Laws 
had  many  powerful  and  bitter  enemies.  The  reason  for 
their  opposition  lies  not  deep  below  the  surface  of  the 
story.  Fortunately  they  were  not  equal  to  the  zeal  and 
ability  of  the  apostle.  Pope  Paul  III.  had  recently 
forbidden  further  Indian  bondage,  and  Emperor  Charles 
V.  promulgated  the  "New  Laws"  that  ordered  "that  1^4.2 
henceforward,  for  no  cause  whatever,  whether  of  war, 
rebellion,  ransom,  or  in  any  other  manner,  can  any  Indian 
be  made  a  slave."  This  stopped  the  spread  of  slavery, 
but  the  clause  that  provided  for  immediate  abolition  was 
subsequently  compromised  so  that  the  result  was  a 
gradual  emancipation.  In  a  few  years  that  the  enco- 
mienda  continued  in  any  force,  they  were  shorn  of  their 
worst  features.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  long  after  the  death  of  Las  Casas,  Indian  slavery 
was  blotted  out — a  triumph  tardy  but  due  altogether  to 
a  single  life  of  heroism  and  benevolence. 

After  refusing  a  bishopric  in  Spain,  Las  Casas  was  made  The  Monk 
bishop  of  Chiapas,  near  Guatemala,  to  enforce  the  "  New  g^^T"  ^ 
Laws."  Mr.  Fiske  says  that  when  he  arrived  upon  the 
scene  in  1544,  it  was  much  as  if,  in  i860,  William  Lloyd 
Garrison  had  secured  from  the  United  States  government 
a  decree  of  emancipation  and  then  had  gone  to  Charles- 
ton with  authority  to  enforce  it.  "In  any  other  than  a 
Spanish  community  it  might  have  gone  hard  with  him, 
but  the  fiercest  Spaniard  would  always  be  pretty  sure  to 
stop  short  of  laying  violent  hands  upon  a  prince  of  the 
church."  In  1547,  the  "New  Laws"  were  in  danger 
and  Las  Casas,  therefore,  went  back  to  Spain,  his  four- 
teenth and  last  passage  of  the  Atlantic.  For  the  remain- 
ing nineteen  years  of  his  life,  he  made  his  home  in  the 
Dominican  college  at  Valladolid.  After  a  bold  contro- 
versy with  Sepulveda,  in  which  his  assertion  of  the 
common  rights  of  humanity  for  the  Indians  "expanded 
into  a  bold   denial   of  the  fundamental  claims  of  ecclesi- 


270  Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas 

1566   asticism"  that  brought  him  dangerously  close  to   heresy 
The  Writings  aiid     the     inquisition,     he     published,    in      1552,     The 
of  Las  Casas     DestructioH  of  the  Indies^   written   twelve    years    before. 
About  1560,   he  finished  his  History  of  the  Indies^  which, 
thirty   years   before,  he   had  begun  in   the  monastery   at 
Santo    Domingo.      Partly   because  of   the   blunt   state- 
ment of  terrible   truths,   the   book   remained   unprinted 
for  more  than  three  centuries.      It  was  published  in  1875. 
His  Death       Las  Casas  died  at   Madrid  in  1566,  the  anomaly  rather 

than  the  product  of  his  age  and  land. 
Conflicting  The  foregoing  account  of  the  "Protector  of  the   In- 

di^Man  °^  dians  "  conforms  to  the  generally  accepted  verdict.  But 
such  a  verdict  may  be  altogether  wrong,  and,  in  this  par- 
ticular case,  the  unanimity  of  acquiescence  is  broken  by  a 
voice  that  speaks  with  much  authority  and  that  is  entitled 
to  a  considerate  hearing.  Writing  to  the  author  of  this 
book  in  1904,  Mr.  Adolph  F.  A.  Bandelier  expressed  his 
"  conviction,  based  upon  thirty  years  of  documentary 
studies,  and  twenty-five  years  of  practical  study  of  the 
Indian  in  various  parts  of  America,"  that  no  man  in 
history  "  has  been  so  unwarrantably  praised  or  whose 
career  has  been  so  unjustifiedly  distorted  and  misrepre- 
sented as  Las  Casas."  While  recognizing  the  bishop's 
purity  of  purpose  and  integrity  of  character,  Mr.  Bande- 
lier looks  upon  him  as  an  impulsive  enthusiast,  "  who 
saw  only  one  side  of  the  question,  and  finally  convinced 
himself  that  he  was  the  only  good  and  wise  man  and  that 
everybody  else  was  at  least  a  scoundrel  and  a  monster. 
He  failed  everywhere  and,  as  all  dreamers  do, 
he  threw  the  blame  on  every  one  around  him  instead  of 
looking  for  the  primary  cause  of  his  failure  in  his  own 
ignorance,  rashness,  and  impatience.  With  age  and 
growing  discontent  he  became  most  unjust,  and  stopped 
at  no  exaggeration  and  no  slander,  all  in  the  absolute  and 
honest  conviction  that  he  was  doing  his  duty  and  telling 
the  pure  truth.  Las  Casas  has  been  judged  heretofore 
exclusively  from  the  standpoint  of  what  he  said  of  him- 
self and  what  English  writers,  interested  in  picking  flaws 
with  Spain  at  any  cost,  began  to  propagate  about  him  at 


Cortes,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  Las  Casas  271 

the  time  and  later  on."  As  fairly  expressing  the  opinion  1566 
more  generally  accepted  by  historians,  it  seems  proper  to 
quote,  from  the  final  paragraph  of  Mr.  Fiske's  sketch  of 
Las  Casas,  these  words  :  "  The  historian  can  only  bow  in 
reverent  awe  before  a  figure  which  is,  in  some  respects, 
the  most  beautiful  and  sublime  in  the  annals  of  Christi- 
anity since  the  apostolic  age.  When  now  and  then,  in 
the  course  of  the  centuries,  God's  providence  brings  such 
a  life  into  this  world,  the  memory  of  it  must  be  cherished 
by  mankind  as  one  of  its  most  precious  and  sacred 
possessions." 


r^^ 


CHAPTER 


XVIII 


EAST 


COAST 


EXPLORATION 


Ayllon 


June  24, 
1521 


AT  THIS  time,  little  was  known  concerning  the 
mainland  north  of  Florida,  but  eagerness  for 
L  the  glory  of  discovery  and  the  profits  of  coloni- 
zation was  common  among  the  prosperous  officials  and 
other  settlers  in  Espanola.  Among  these  was  Lucas 
Vasquez  de  Ayllon  who,  in  1520,  procured  a  license  for 
exploration  and,  in  1521,  sent  out  a  ship  in  command  of 
Francisco  Gordillo.  On  the  way,  Gordillo  met  Pedro 
de  Qiiexos  in  command  of  a  caravel  that  had  been  sent 
out  by  Matienzo,  one  of  Ayllon's  official  associates. 
Quexos,  who  was  returning  from  an  unsuccessful  quest 
for  Carib  slaves,  put  his  ship  about  and  accompanied 
Gordillo  in  his  exploration.  Eight  or  nine  days  later, 
they  reached  the  continental  coast  at  the  mouth  of 
a  considerable  river  to  which,  in  accordance  with  the 
calendary  custom  of  that  period,  they  gave  the  name  of 
Saint  John  the  Baptist.  The  testimony  is  contradictory 
as  to  the  latitude.  It  is  probable  that  the  landfall  was 
made  on  the  South  Carolina  coast  at  Georgetown 
Entrance,  At  the  sight  of  white-winged  ships  the  won- 
dering natives  crowded  to  the  shore;  at  the  sight  of 
bearded  men  they  fled  in  terror  to  the  woods.  The 
country  was  called  Chicora,  and  possession  of  it  was 
taken  in  the  names  of  the  patrons  of  the  expedition  and 
of  the  Spanish  monarch.  After  the  fears  of  the  Chico- 
reans  wore  away,  the  Spaniards  were  received  with  hospi- 
tality.    After  the  exchange  of  gifts  and  other  courtesies, 


East  Coast  Exploration  273 

a   feast  was   served   on    board   the   ships  and   the  natives    i    5   2    i 
were  made  drunken  with  much  wine.     The  hatches  were    1526 
quickly  closed,  sails  were  set,  and  the  captive  guests  were  The  Rape  of 
carried   off  as   slaves.      One   of  the   ships    foundered    at  '^^^  chicoreans 
sea,  carrying   Christian  and  heathen  to  a  common  grave. 
On  the  other  caravel  many  sickened  and  died.    At  Haiti, 
Ayllon   disavowed   his   agent's   acts,   and   a   commission 
presided  over  by  Diego  Columbus  ordered  the  restoration 
of  the  kidnapped  barbarians  to  their  native  land. 

With  Francisco,  one  of  the  captured  Chicoreans,  Ayiion's  Pat- 
Ayllon  went  to  Spain  and  obtained  royal  letters  patent  ^nt,  June  12, 
for  further  exploration,  and  an  order  on  Matienzo  for 
the  Indians  in  his  hands  that  he  might  restore  them  to 
their  native  land.  He  was  to  run  eight  hundred  leagues 
along  the  coast,  and  to  explore  any  strait  that  he  found 
leading  to  the  west.  The  Indians  were  to  be  Christian- 
ized and  their  enslavement  was  forbidden.  Ayllon 
returned  to  the  West  Indies  and,  early  in  1525,  sent 
Quexos  northward  with  two  caravels.  Ouexos  explored 
the  coast  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  and  returned 
in  August  with  a  few  Indians  to  be  trained  as  inter- 
preters. In  the  meantime,  Matienzo  had  begun  suit  to 
vacate  Ayiion's  patent  on  the  ground  that  it  was  in 
prejudice  of  the  plaintiff's  rights  as  joint  discoverer. 
The  testimony  brought  out  in  this  action  is  one  of 
the  very  few  sources  of  information  concerning  these 
explorations. 

In  spite  of  delays  and  losses  consequent  upon  litiga-  Ayiion's 
tion,  Ayllon  sailed  in  June  or  July,  1526,  to  colonize  c°^°"y 
the  territory  granted  to  him.  The  migrants  landed  at 
a  river  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Jordan,  a  few 
miles  north  of  the  Saint  John  the  Baptist.  Here  Fran- 
cisco Chicora,  the  Indian  guide,  deserted  and  a  brigan- 
tine  was  wrecked.  The  wrecked  vessel  was  replaced  by 
another  —  the  first  ship-building  on  our  coast.  The 
country  proved  to  be  unfavorable  and  the  colonists 
moved  on.  The  account  is  by  no  means  satisfactory, 
but  the  party  probably  worked  northward.  They  at  last 
arrived  at  a  country  called  Guandape  and  began  a  settle- 


2  74  East  Coast  Exploration 

I  5  2  I  ment  called  San  Miguel.  Most  of  the  land  was  swampy 
1526  and  many  of  the  colonists,  including  Ayllon,  fell  sick 
San  Miguel  and  died.  Before  the  negro  slaves  had  completed  the 
houses  for  the  shelter  of  the  colonists  who  had  brought 
them  from  the  islands,  winter  came  on  and  some  of  the 
men  perished  of  cold.  A  rebellious  faction  seized  Fran- 
cisco Gomez,  the  temporary  governor,  oppressed  the 
negroes,  and  provoked  the  Indians  to  hostility.  Finally 
the  deposed  administration  was  restored,  and  the  leader 
of  the  revolutionists  was  wounded,  captured,  tried,  and 
executed.  Resolved  to  abandon  San  Miguel  de  Guan- 
dape,  the  colonists  set  sail.  The  tender  that  bore  the 
corpse  of  Ayllon  foundered.  Of  the  six  hundred  who 
had  sailed  from  Haiti,  not  more  than  one  in  four 
returned.  Such  were  the  stormy  beginnings  of  negro 
slavery  in  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  The  site 
of  San  Miguel  has  not  been  definitely  determined. 
Harrisse  thinks  that  it  was  on  the  Cape  Fear  River 
below  Wilmington,  while  Shea,  Wilson,  Fiske,  and  others 
assert  that  it  was  where,  in  the  next  century,  the  English 
founded  Jamestown. 

Fagundes  By   letters   patent   dated   on   the  thirteenth  of  March, 

1 52 1,  the  king  of  Portugal  conveyed  to  Alvarez  Fagun- 
des certain  isles  and  lands  which  he  claimed  to  have 
found  on  the  northeast  coast  of  the  New  World.  The 
meaning  of  some  parts  of  the  patent  is  rather  obscure, 
but  it  is  probable  that  the  lands  granted  consisted  chieflv 
of  Nova  Scotia,  together  with  Cape  Breton  Island  which 
was  then  supposed  to  be  connected  with  it,  and  several 
other  islands  of  doubtful  identification.  This  Portu- 
guese attempt  at  colonizing  Nova  Scotia  did  not  prove 
profitable  and  was  probablv  abandoned  at  an  early 
date.  Mr.  Harrisse  thinks  that  Fagundes  sailed  round 
the  Gulf  of  Saint  Lawrence,  and  ranged  the  east  coast  of 
Nova  Scotia  where  he  planted  the  unthrifty  colonv  of 
which  no  vestiges  remain.  Thus  the  Portuguese  as 
well  as  the  English  passed  by  the  entrance  of  the  Saint 
Lawrence  without  discovering  that  great  waterwav. 


East  Coast  Exploration  275 

As  early  as  1 504,  the  hardy  mariners  of  Normandy  1523 
and  Brittany  had  followed  Cabot  and  the  Cortereals 
across  the  ocean  and  were  making  clear  the  way  for  French  Fisher- 
others  to  place  the  corner-stones  of  "New  France."  '"^" 
But  they  were  a  simple  people,  caring  more  for  fish 
than  corner-stones.  They  knew  nothing  of  cosmog- 
raphy or  statesmanship,  and  so  they  simply  left  the 
name  "Cape  Breton"  for  a  monument  —  and  kept  on 
with  their  daily  work.  But  their  monarch  had  higher 
aspirations.  Giovanni  (John)  da  Verrazano  was  born  Verrazano 
in  Florence  about  1480.  In  1 521,  under  the  alias  of 
Juan  Florin  or  Florentin,  he  appeared  in  Spanish 
history  as  a  French  corsair  and,  in  1523,  captured  the 
wrested  treasure  sent  home  by  Cortes  and  brought  it 
safely  into  La  Rochelle.  This  exploit  seems  to  have 
won  him  both  the  notice  and  favor  of  the  energetic 
Francis  I.  of  France,  who  manifested  little  reverence 
for  Pope  Alexander  and  his  bulls  and  met  them  with 
an  epigram  as  Henry  VII.  of  England  did  with  cold 
indifference.  King  Francis  wrote  to  his  great  rival, 
Charles  V.,  asking  by  what  right  he  and  the  king  of 
Portugal  assumed  to  own  the  earth.  Had  Father 
Adam  made  them  his  sole  heirs  and  would  he  produce 
a  copy  of  the  will?  Until  this  was  done,  the  French 
monarch  would  feel  at  liberty  to  take  all  that  he  could 
get.  Doubts  as  to  the  identity  of  Juan  Florin  hover 
over  the  interesting  story,  and  able  writers  have  contra- 
dicted all  of  the  claims  made  in  Verrazano's  name. 
But  the  claims  are  generally  admitted. 

Late  in  1523,  with  four  ships  and  under  royal  aus-  Verrazano's 
pices,  Verrazano  sailed  from  Brittany.  In  a  storm,  ^  °y^s^ 
most  of  the  ships  were  lost  or  disabled,  and  the  voyage 
was  made  with  only  one.  About  the  middle  of  January, 
1524,  the  "Dauphine"  left  the  Madeiras  with  fifty  men 
and  eight  months'  provisions.  According  to  the  papal 
bulls  of  1493,  they  were  on  forbidden  ground,  and  as 
the  agent  of  the  king  of  France,  Verrazano  was  in 
danger  of  his  life  wherever  the  flag  of  Spain  floated. 
He,  therefore,  sailed    due  west    until    he    sighted   land. 


276 


East  Coast  Exploration 


March  10, 
1524,  O.  S 


At  New  York 


I  5  2  4  In  fifty  days,  he  made  his  landfall  on  the  Carolina  coast, 
near  Cape  Fear.  After  coasting  southward  for  fifty 
leagues  searching  for  a  harbor,  he  turned  toward  the 
north,  skirting  the  shore  and  making  frequent  landings. 
One  day,  an  exploring  party  found  two  women  and 
several  children  hiding  in  the  tall  grass.  With  Gallic 
gallantry,  the  white  men  tried  to  tempt  with  presents  and 
then  to  kidnap  the  younger  woman.  When  they  failed 
in  this,  they  carried  off  a  native  boy  and  thus  sowed  the 
seeds  of  Indian  hatred  for  Ralegh  to  reap. 

Coasting  toward  the  northeast,  they  came  to  a  beauti- 
ful place  where,  between  steep  hills,  a  great  river  poured 
its  waters  into  the  sea.  Passing  through  "The  Nar- 
rows," they  entered  what  seemed  to  be  a  lake,  the 
harbor  of  New  York,  Thence  they  coasted  eastward. 
At  Newport  discovcHng  Block  Island.  In  the  harbor  of  Newport, 
where,  like  Leif  the  Lucky,  Verrazano  was  delighted 
with  evervthing  he  saw  and  where  the  natives  were  still 
kind  and  trusting,  Verrazano  lingered  for  a  fortnight. 

The  next  landing  was  made  somewhere  north  of 
Boston.  The  Frenchmen  found  the  climate  colder,  the 
forests  denser,  and  the  Indians  more  rude  and  wisely 
distant.  When  the  white  men  sought  to  traffic,  the 
natives  let  down  their  furs  and  provisions  from  the 
rocks;  when  they  tried  to  land,  their  reception  was  more 
vigorous  than  amiable.  After  making  up  his  mind  that 
"these  poor  creatures  had  no  sense  of  religion,"  Verra- 
zano sailed  northeast,  enjoying  the  scenerv  of  the  White 
Mountains  in  the  distance  and  spending  an  early  summer 
vacation  among  the  islands  off  the  coast  of  "  Norum- 
bega."  He  reached  the  latitude  of  fiftv  degrees  north 
and,  earlv  in  July,  1524,  returned  to  France. 

It  is  not  evident  that  Verrazano  did  more  than  Cabot 
and  Cortereal  had  previously  done,  excepting  in  the 
important  item  of  writing  his  narrative.  He  left  the 
earliest  known  description  of  nearly  the  whole  Atlantic 
seaboard  of  the  United  States,  "a  simple,  plain,  and 
modest  attempt  to  state  in  general  terms  what  the  navi- 
gator observed  in  passing  along  the  coast  of  a  new  and 


From 

Marblehead  to 
Newfoundland 


Verrazano's 
Narrative 


His  Fate 


278  East  Coast  Exploration 

1524  unexplored    country."     At  the    time   of  his   return,  the 
French  king  was  too  busy  fighting  battles  with  Emperor 

Charles  V.  to  profit  much  from 
the  offered  opportunity  to  colo- 
nize a  new  world.  Of  the  later 
life  of  Verrazano  we  know  little 
that  is  certain.  If  we  must  be- 
lieve all  that  has  been  printed, 
he  made  another  voyage  in 
,^^/^^^^H^I^^^^  1526,  was  captured  by  the  Span- 

iards and  hanged  as  a  pirate  in 
1527,  was  killed  and  eaten 
roasted  by  the  savages  in  the 
same  year,  and  was  still  alive  in 

Giovanni  da  Verrazano  ^^i^     "Eternal      City"      in       I  53  7. 

"  Somewhat  the  same  shadowy  uncertainty  still  attaches 
to  his  reputation."  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that,  while 
Italy  gave  Columbus  to  Spain,  Cabot  to  England,  Ves- 
pucius  to  Portugal,  and  Verrazano  to  France,  she  never 
possessed  in  her  own  name  a  rood  of  American  soil. 

The  Elusive  Though,  like  the  will-o'-the-wisp,  the   northwest  pas- 

^'""  sage    to    Cathay   eluded     every    seeker,   navigators    still 

searched   for  it   by  day  and   monarchs   dreamed  of  it  by 
night.      Even    Cortes   paused   on    the   high  wave    of  his 
October  15,     glorious   infamy  to   propose   to   Charles  V.  simultaneous 
'^^■*  voyages   along  the  Atlantic  and   Pacific  coasts  to  find  an 

easier  passage  than  that  opened  by  Magellan.  No 
geographical  puzzle  ever  proved  more  persistent.  In 
1822,  Jedidiah  Morse,  theologian,  traveler,  and  geog- 
rapher, submitted  to  the  secretary  of  war  of  the  United 
States  a  report  accompanied  by  a  map  upon  which  w^as 
laid  down  a  river  coming  from  the  interior  to  the  Bay 
of  San  Francisco  and  bearing  this  legend:  "Supposed 
river  between  the  Buenaventura  and  the  Bay  of  Fran- 
cisco which  will  probably  be  the  communication  between 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific."  Stranger  still  is  this 
statement  printed  in  1846  in  Monette's  ///j/or)'  of  the 
Valley   of  the  Mississippi:     "To   the   disappointment   of 


East  Coast  Exploration  279 

the  commercial  world,  this  [transcontinental]  route  still  1524 
remains  as  much  unknown  as  it  was  two  hundred  years  ago, 
and  such  it  will  remain  until  it  is  opened  by  the  way  of 
the  Oregon  River  or  the  Bay  of  California."  We  need, 
therefore,  little  wonder  that  the  king  of  Spain  and  emperor 
of  Germany  should  take  advice  such  as  Cortes  offered. 

After  the  Easter  Sunday  mutiny  that  Magellan  had  Gomez 
put  down,  and  after  that  hardy  navigator  had  declared 
that  he  would  go  on  "if  he  had  to  eat  the  leather 
off  the  ship's  yards,"  Estevan  (Stephen)  Gomez  had 
deserted  his  commander  and  sailed  the  "  San  Antonio" 
back  to  Spain.  In  spite  of  this  unsavory  record,  he, 
late  in  1524  or  early  in  1525,  and  at  the  expense  of 
the  Spanish  crown,  fitted  out  a  caravel  and  sailed  to  see 
if  there  was  a  channel  north  of  Florida  by  which  vessels 
might  reach  the  East.  He  probably  landed  at  New- 
foundland or  on  the  Labrador  coast,  ran  his  ship  into 
the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  with  a  hope  of  finding  an 
entrance  to  the  hypothetical  strait,  and  then  explored  as 
far  as  Florida.  From  Florida,  he  sailed  by  way  of 
Santiago  in  Cuba  to  Corunna  in  Spain,  whence  he  had 
departed  ten  months  or  so  before.  No  detailed  account 
of  the  voyage  is  known,  but  the  meager  information 
that  we  have  has  been  preserved  for  centuries  by  the 
flavor  of  "a  little  story."  Gomez  told  an  eager  ques- 
tioner that  his  ship  was  laden  with  esclavos  (i.e., 
"slaves").  The  zealous  newsmonger  hastened  to  the 
court  with  the  news  that  Gomez  had  brought  back  a 
cargo  of  clavos  (i.e.,  "cloves").  From  this  it  was 
thought  that  Gomez  had  hit  success  and  found  his  way 
to  the  Spice  Islands.  This  was  the  end  of  Spanish 
voyages  to  the  north. 


CHAPTER 


X      I      X 


SPAN      I     S     H 


E     X     P     L     O     R     A     T     I     (^     N     S 


The  \'errazano 
Sea 


Narvaez 


1526 


T 


HE  Atlantic  border  of  America  had  been  traced 
from  1  ierra  del  Fuego  to  the  Labrador  coast; 
the  new  continent  lay  like  a  bar  across  the 
ocean  way  from  Europe  to  Asia.  But  the  maps  of 
that  period  persistently  pictured  the  extreme  slimness 
of  parts  of  the  North  American  mainland,  and  for  more 
than  a  hundred  years  navigators  continued  to  scan  the 
shore  and  to  sail  into  the  mouths  of  great  rivers  with  a 
hope  of  finding  some  open  route  into  the  western  ocean. 
In  1529,  a  map  made  to  represent  the  discoveries  of 
Verrazano  showed  north  of  Florida  a  slender  isthmus 
the  western  shore  of  which  was  washed  by  what  came 
to  be  commonly  known  as  the  Sea  of  Verrazano.  As 
late  as  1548,  Gastaldi's  "Carta  Marina"  showed  Mex- 
ico and  Florida  as  parts  of  Asia  with  the  Verrazano 
Sea  washing  the  shores  of  an  "Upper  India."  The 
map  that  Michael  Lok  made  for  Sir  Philip  Sidney  in 
1582  still  showed  the  Verrazano  Sea  narrowing  the 
continent  between  Florida  and  Maine.  Such  erroneous 
ideas  could  be  corrected  only  by  expeditions  into  the 
interior  of  the  continent. 

After  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  and  his  army  had  been 
ingloriously  defeated  by  Cortes  and  his  handful,  the 
unskilful  adventurer  secured  a  commission  from  Charles 
V.  to  explore  and  conquer  Florida,  a  territory  that 
extended  westward  as  far  as  Texas.  In  the  following 
year,   with   five   ships   and    six   hundred   men,   including 


Spanish   Explorations 


281 


many  of  wealth  and  gentle   birth   as  well   as   mechanics,    1528 
laborers,  and    Franciscan    friars,    he    sailed   from    Spain.  June  17, 
The  expedition  is  memorable  only  for  the  sufferings  of  "'^^ 


The  Carta  Marina  of  i  548 

those  who  died  and  the  rare  adventures  of  the  tew 
survivors.  The  treasurer  of  the  expedition  was  Alvar 
Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 

The  winter  was  spent  in  the  West  Indies.  In  March,  Error  and 
1528,  the  fleet  sailed  from  Cuba  and  was  storm-driven  ^"""^'^ 
upon  the  Florida  coast.  In  April,  it  was  in  the  Bahia 
de  la  Cruz,  which  has  been  variously  identified  as  Char- 
lotte Harbor,  Tampa  Bay,  and  Apalachee  Bay.  The 
winter's  losses  had  reduced  the  expedition  to  four  ships, 
fewer  than  four  hundred  men,  and  eighty  horses. 
Narvaez  landed  most  of  his  men,  and,  with  the  usual 
formula,  took  possession  of  the  country.  Sadly  misled 
by  incompetent  pilots,  he  thought  he  was  near  Mexico. 
He,    therefore,    sent    his     brigantine     to    Panuco.      The 


282 


Spanish   Explorations 


Autograph 


1528  remaining  ships  were  to  follow  the  coast  and  to  meet 
him  at  an  uncertain  rendezvous.  With  a  force  of 
three  hundred  men,  of  whom  forty  were  mounted,  he 
April  19         began   his    search    for  Apalache,  a   city   of  plenty  and  of 

is  project  Cabeza  de  Vaca  ear- 
nestly protested,  certain  that  he 
"would  never  more  find  the 
ships  nor  the  ships  him."  In 
a  little  Indian  village,  Narvaez 
found  some  Indian  mummies, 
probably  the  remains  of  ancestors 
or  caciques.  Zealous  to  rebuke 
idolatrv,  he  burned  the  bodies  of 
the  dead  and  thus  fired  the  hearts 
of  the  living.  He  mutilated  a 
native  chief  by  cutting  off  his  nose  and  set  Cuban  blood- 
hounds to  tear  in  pieces  the  mother  of  a  cacique  in  the 
presence  of  her  children.  The  natives  needed  not 
many  such  lessons. 
Disappointment  Then  began  a  disastrous  march  through  "the  floating 
peninsula."  Wearied  and  harassed  by  relentless  foes, 
the  Spaniards  saved  themselves  from  starvation  by 
feeding  on  the  weakened  bodies  of  their  own  starving 
horses  —  a  pitiable  band  in  unromantic  plight.  On 
the  twenty-fifth  of  June,  they  arrived  at  Apalache  only 
to  find  that  the  populous  city  of  their  imagination,  with 
its  palaces  of  caciques  and  magnificent  courts  in  which 
they  might  luxuriously  riot,  was  but  a  dream.  They 
found  a  hamlet  of  forty  hovels  and  the  realities  of  bitter 
disappointment.  They  took  the  village  without  resist- 
ance and  with  it  sadly  needed  food. 
Retribution  With  fatalistic  desire  to  awe  the   Indians   by  a  spirited 

policy,  Narvaez  seized  their  cacique  and  held  him  a 
hostage  as  Cortes  had  held  Montezuma.  Hardly  was 
the  daily  growing  weight  of  armor  laid  from  the  Span- 
iards' weary  backs,  when  the  angered  Indians  made  a 
fierce  attack  and  burned  their  own  dwellings.  The 
Spaniards  had  not  to  face  a  Moscow  winter,  and  so  they 
lingered  several  weeks  searching  the  country  round  about 


Spanish   Explorations  283 

for  gold.  At  last,  perishing  with  hunger,  weakened  1528 
by  fierce  attacks,  and  undeceived  as  to  their  hopes  of 
sudden  wealth,  they  took  up  their  march  for  the  coast. 
With  great  suffering  they  forced  their  way  through 
tangled  vines  and  bristling  brambles,  through  deep 
lagoons  and  gloomy  forests,  ever  exposed  to  the  flight 
of  avenging  arrows,  and  in  a  fortnight  reached  the  sea,  juiy  31 
probably  near  the  mouth  of  the  Apalachicola   River. 

Weak,  sick,  and  hungry,  they  threw  themselves  upon  Boat-buMng 
the  hot  sands  of  the  beach.  Behind  them  was  their 
savage  foe;  before  them  was  the  ocean  —  unrelenting, 
but  their  only  hope.  Where  were  their  ships?  Van- 
ished all  their  fond  dreams  of  wealth  and  dominion, 
their  only  thought  was  how  to  save  their  lives.  Boats 
they  must  have,  and  these  they  "knew  not  how  to 
construct,  nor  were  there  tools,  nor  iron,  nor  forge,  nor 
tow,  nor  resin,  nor  rigging;  .  .  .  nor  any  man 
who  had  knowledge  of  their  manufacture."  They  killed 
their  horses  for  food,  gathered  shell-fish  from  the  beach, 
and  plundered  maize  from  the  Indians.  They  made  a 
bellows  of  reeds  and  skins,  and  beat  their  crossbows 
and  useless  spurs  and  stirrups  and  what  they  had  of  iron 
into  axes,  saws,  and  nails.  In  a  few  weeks,  they  built 
five  boats  each  thirty  feet  in  length;  calked  them  with 
the  fibrous  bark  of  the  palmetto  pitched  with  rosin  from 
the  pine;  twisted  cordage  of  horsehair  and  palmetto; 
shaped  rude  oars  and  made  sails  of  shirts,  and  water- 
flasks  of  half-tanned  skins  from  horses'  legs.  In  honor 
of  their  equine  dead  and  of  the  sole  survivor,  they 
named  the  place  Bahia  de  Caballos,  which  is  to  say,  the 
Bay  of  Horses. 

They  crowded  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  spared  shipwreck 
Spaniards  into  these  five  frail  boats,  loading  each  until 
there  was  but  a  hand's-breadth  strip  between  water-line  September  22 
and  gunwale.  Not  one  of  them  knew  anything  of 
navigation  or  the  coast.  Cautiously  working  westward, 
they  endured  a  month  of  cold,  thirst,  and  hunger,  sav- 
age foes  upon  the  land  and  dreaded  storms  upon  the 
sea.      On   the   thirty-first   of  October,   they    came    to   a 


284 


Spanish   Explorations 


The  Cabeza 
(Quartet 


1528  river,  probably  the  Mississippi.  Its  current  was  too 
1536  rapid  for  the  clumsy  craft.  The  boat  that  bore  the 
governor  was  driven  out  to  sea  and  lost.  Some  of  the 
other  boats  were  cast  on  the  coast  of  western  Louisiana 
or  eastern  Texas.  All  but  four  of  the  men  soon  died. 
It  is  said  that,  failing  to  find  the  harbor  of  rendezvous 
as  alleged  by  the  pilots,  the  ships  that  Narvaez  had  sent 
ahead  cruised  for  nearly  a  year  along  the  coast  but  found 
no  trace  of  the  unfortunates. 

The  four  survivors,  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Dorantes,  Cas- 
tillo, and  a  negro  slave  called  Estevanico  (i.e.,  Little 
Stephen),  spent   nearly   six  years   in    Indian   captivity  of 

varying  severity. 
It  is  probable 
that  they  were 
the  first  Euro- 
pean observers 
of  the  "hunch- 
backed cows" 
(i.e.,  bison  or  buf- 
falo) that  in  vast 
herds  roamed 
the  American 
plains.  They 
became    familiar 

The  Earliest  Known  Engraving  of  the  Buffalo  with     the     I  a  n  - 

guage  and  habits  of  the  natives,  and  Cabeza  acquired  a 
helpful  reputation  as  a  potent  "medicine-man."  The  four 
unfortunates  at  last  came  together  on  the  coast  of  eastern 
Texas.  In  1534,  Cabeza,  as  self-possessed  a  hero  as 
ever  graced  a  fiction,  led  his  three  companions  in  escape. 
Traveling  as  medicine-men,  they  slowly  shifted  from 
tribe  to  tribe,  always  toward  the  sunset.  They  thus 
traversed  the  south  Texan  country,  and  crossed  the  Rio 
Grande  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Conchos, 
enduring  hunger,  thirst,  and  fatigue,  the  summer's  heat 
and  winter's  cold,  and  escaping  all  dangers  from  men 
and  beasts.  On  the  twelfth  of  May,  1536,  they  arrived 
at  Culiacan  in  the  Mexican  province  of  Sinaloa.      Here 


From  Sea  to 
Sea 


Spanish    Explorations 


285 


they   found   some    of  their   countrymen    by  whom   they    1537 
were  kindly  received  and  escorted  to  the  city  of  Mexico,    i    5   3    B 
They    had    crossed    North    America    from    the    Florida 
peninsula   to   the  Gulf  of  California  —  the  pioneer  path- 
finders of  the  continent. 


In  1 53 1,  Pizarro  sailed  from  Panama  to  overcome  De  Soto 
the  inca  and  to  wrest  from  him  golden  pesos  by  the 
million.  It  is  not  within  our  province  to  recite  the 
romantic  story  of  the  blood-stained  conquest  of  Peru. 
About  the  time  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  returned  in  poverty 
from  Mexico,  there  came  in  wealth  from  Pizarro's  school 
one  who  had  entered  it  with  nothing  but  blade  and 
buckler.  Hernando  de  Soto  had  shared  in  the  rich 
ransom  vainly  paid  by  the  inca.  His  appearance  in 
Spain  was  magnificent  and  gorgeous,  his  reception  was 
a  continued  triumph.  He  was  elegant  in  person, 
courtly  in  deportment,  and  in  the  prime  of  young 
manhood.  He  won  a  wife  of 
noble  birth,  and  received  from 

Charles  V.  a   commission    that  ^^    __   ^§^1^  April  20,  1537 

made  him  governor  of  Cuba, 
with  authority  to  conquer  and 
occupy  the  ill-defined  country 
set  forth  in  the  patent  of 
Narvaez. 

From  the  offering  multitude,     ^HPHH^^i^Kf?^,..;^^^^ 
De  Soto  chose  six  hundred  or 
more     of    the     flower    of    the 
Peninsula.      To  the   muster  at 
San    Lucar   Spaniards    came  Hernando  de  soto 

"in  doublets  and  cassocks  of  silk,  pinckt  and  embroid- 
ered;" while,  with  better  understanding,  the  Portuguese 
were  in  the  equipage  of  soldiers  in  neat  armor.  In  His  Expedition 
April,  1538,  De  Soto  sailed,  no  longer  a  subaltern  but 
adventurer-in-chief.  He  had  soldiers,  horses,  and 
bloodhounds  for  conquest,  mechanics  and  material  for 
colonization,  and  priests  with  sacerdotal  paraphernalia 
for  the  Christianization  of  the  natives.     Everything  that 


286 


Spanish   Explorations 


1538   experience  in  invasion  could  suggest  was  provided,  even 
I    5   3    9   to  chains   for  captives  and  a  drove  of  hogs.      The  force 
was   greater   than   that   with   which    Cortes    and    Pizarro 
had  conquered. 

For    the    history    of   this    expedition,   we    have    four 

original    authorities:    the    brief    report    of    Biedma,    an 

officer   of  the   expedition;    the   narrative   of  the   anony- 

Portu- 


Contemporary 
Narratives 


De  Soto  in 
Florida 


mous 
c  o  m  m  o  n  1  v 
Gentleman  of 
exaggerated 
Garcilaso  (not 
of  what  he 
an  unfinished 
R  a  n  j  e  1,  the 
expedition, 
narrative  was 
until  I  851  and, 
been  translated 
ish,  it  has  been 
most  of  the 
The  history  of 
so     far     as     its 


'  y77y,,y^^,A',,^,^mfMm''//ymiK  '/AK 


flrrRcIafamrcrdadd 

ra'oostrabalbo^^ 

bo  gonemadoi 

cofemSdoe 

fouto  1  cer  • 

to^fidal 

poitugucfe^pafrarom 

no  csicobjim^to  ^3 

pouindaTafro 

Mda.  agoja 

nouametefeitapcrbfi. 

fidalgoiDeluas 


CfOf  Piftapwbo  fcnounqmiwo;. 


guese  cavalier 
known  as  the 
E  1  v  a  s  ;  the 
narrative  of 
an  eye-witness 
describes) ;  and 
report  by 
secretary  of  the 
This  fourth 
not  published 
as  it  has  never 
from  the  Span- 
overlooked  by 
commentators, 
the  expedition, 
route  lay  in 
the  Cherokee 
recently     reex- 


the    country    of       Title-page  of  the   "  Gentleman  of 
Indians         was  Elvas"   Relation    (Reduced) 

amined  (in  the  light  of  personal  study  of  the  geography 
and  ethnology  of  the  country  traversed)  by  Mr.  James 
Mooney  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology.  For  that  part  of  the  story,  Mr.  Mooney's 
conclusions  are  herein  accepted  as  the  latest  and  best 
authority  on  the  subject. 

After  a  year  of  festivity  and  preparation,  De  Soto 
sailed  from  Havana  on  the  eighteenth  of  May, 
1539.  Before  the  end  of  the  month,  he  landed  his 
troops  on  the  Florida  coast  at  Tampa  Bay,  and  sent 
his  ships  back  lest  they  should  tempt  to  a  retreat. 
The  conquest  of  Florida  was  to  be  begun.  A  few  days 
after  beginning  their  march,  the  Spaniards  were 
surprised   by  a  Castilian  voice  from  a  savage  form :   "  Do 


Spanish   Explorations 


287 


not  kill  me,  cavalier,  I  am  a  Christian;  do  not  slay  1539 
these  people,  they  have  given  me  my  life."  It  was 
the  voice  of  Juan  Ortiz,  a  survivor  of  the  Narvaez 
expedition,  made  almost  savage  by  long  Indian  cap- 
tivity. Ortiz  proved  a  godsend  to  De  Soto,  for  the 
seized  Indian  guides  and  interpreters  deserted  at  the 
first  opportunity.  In  the  same  month  of  May,  Fray 
Marcos  entered  the  wilderness  of  Arizona  from  the 
southwest. 

De  Soto's  advance  was  opposed  at  every  step.  His  The  First  Sea- 
prisoners  were  put  to  death  or  forced  to  march  in  literal  f.°"  ^  Expiora- 
bondage,  with  iron  collars  about  their  necks  and  bearing 


Map  of  De  Soto's  Route 


heavy  burdens.  The  Spanish  "governor  was  very 
fond  of  the  sport  of  killing  Indians,"  but  the  captive 
guides  would    mislead   in    spite    of    bloodhounds'    fangs 


2  88  Spanish   Explorations 

1540  and  certain  death.  The  first  season's  explorations 
continued  from  June  to  October.  The  winter  was  spent 
in  the  Apalache  country,  near  the  place  where  Narvaez 
built  his  boats.  The  men  were  discouraged,  but  De 
Soto  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  pleadings  for  return. 
He  sent  twenty  female  slaves  to  Dona  Isabella  at 
Havana,  and  ordered  supplies  forwarded  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  to  Pensacola  Harbor,  which  an  exploring 
party  had  discovered.  Hearing  of  rich  realms  to 
the  northeast,  he  left  his  winter  quarters  in  early 
March  of  1540. 
On  the  Savan-  On  their  way  through  eastern  Georgia,  the  Spaniards 
"^^  heard  of  Co^a,  a  rich  province  toward  the  northwest,  the 

territory  of  the  Coosa  or  Creek  Indians.  At  Cofitachi- 
qui,  an  important  Indian  town  on  the  Savannah  below 
the  site  of  Augusta,  De  Soto  found  a  magnificence  that 
hinted  at  the  wealth  for  which  he  sought.  To  meet  the 
invaders,  the  Indian  "queen"  of  that  region  came  in 
something  of  royal  state  and  with  rich  gifts  of  shawls 
and  skins  and  pearls.  Here  were  found  hatchets  and 
other  objects  of  copper,  some  of  which  appeared  to  be 
mixed  with  gold.  De  Soto  was  told  that  the  metal  came 
from  an  interior  mountain  province  called  Chisca,  the 
way  to  which  was  impassable  for  horses.  At  this  place, 
about  two  days'  journey  by  canoe  from  the  sea,  the 
natives  showed  articles  of  European  manufacture,  which 
they  said  were  obtained  from  white  men  who  had  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  river  many  years  before.  The 
Spaniards  conjectured  that  these  white  men  were  the 
companions  of  Ayllon  in  1520  or  1524.  The  soldiers 
wished  to  settle  here  whence  Cuba  was  easily  accessible, 
but  their  commander  would  make  no  settlement  until 
he  had  found  a  rival  for  Peru. 
An  Indian  As  men   and  horses  were   nearly  worn  out  by  hunger 

"  ^""  and  travel,  De  Soto  resolved  to  go  to  Chiaha,  the 
nearest  town  of  the  fertile  Co9a  province,  and  there  to 
rest  before  attempting  the  passage  of  the  mountains  that 
blocked  his  way  to  the  mines  of  Chisca.  The  cacica 
had   been   so   angered   by  the   conduct   ot  the  Spaniards 


Spanish   Explorations  289 

that  she  refused  to  furnish  guides  and  carriers,  where-  1540 
upon  De  Soto  made  her  his  prisoner,  intending  to  hold 
her  as  a  hostage  and  to  compel  her  to  lead  the  way. 
The  royal  guide  did  not  take  the  direct  trail  westward  to 
Chiaha,  but  led  her  captors  far  out  of  their  course.  She 
soon  made  her  escape,  taking  the  box  of  pearls  with  her 
and  leaving  the  Spaniards  to  find  their  own  way  out  of 
the  mountains. 

A  few  days'  march  northward  from  Cofitachiqui,  they  Among  the 
came  to  a  province  called  Chalaque,  the  territory  of  '^o""ta'"s 
the  Cherokee  Indians.  Northward  still,  they  came  to 
the  province  of  Xuala,  which  Mr.  Mooney  places  in  the 
piedmont  region  about  the  head-waters  of  the  Broad  and 
Catawba  rivers  in  North  Carolina.  Here  the  Spaniards 
found  greater  indications  of  gold-mines  than  any  they 
had  yet  seen.  Turning  toward  the  west,  they  crossed  a 
high  mountain  range  (probably  the  main  chain  of  the 
Blue  Ridge),  on  the  other  side  of  which  they  came  to  a 
stream  that  flowed  in  the  opposite  direction  from  those 
previously  encountered.  It  is  probable  that  this  was 
one  of  the  upper  tributaries  of  the  French  Broad  River. 
For  some  time,  the  Indians  had  been  hospitable, 
supplying  the  strangers  with  large  numbers  of  dogs 
and  wild  turkeys  for  food. 

About  the  end  of  May,  the  Spaniards  were  at  At  Guaxuie 
Guaxule,  which  is  described  as  a  large  town  surrounded 
by  small  mountain  streams  that  united  to  form  the  large 
river  down  which  they  marched  after  having  left  the 
town.  Mr.  Mooney  locates  Guaxule  at  the  Nacoochee 
Mound  in  White  County,  Georgia,  and  identifies  the  large 
river  as  the  Chattahoochee.  Proceeding  down  the  river 
from  Guaxule,  the  Spaniards  were  met  by  messengers 
who  escorted  them  to  Chiaha,  in  the  province  of  Co9a. 

According  to  our  latest  authority,  De  Soto  was  now  At  chiaha 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  modern  city  of  Columbus, 
Georgia.  Earlier  writers  have  generally  run  the  route 
down  the  Coosa,  and  placed  Chiaha  at  the  Rome  that 
stands  at  the  confluence  of  that  river  and  the  Etowah. 
At  Chiaha,  De  Soto  remained  a  month  for   needed  rest 


290  Spanish   Explorations 

I  5  4  o  for  man  and  beast.  As  an  Indian  chiet  confirmed  what 
he  had  heard  ot  mines,  he  sent  two  soldiers  on  foot  with 
Indian  guides  to  find  Chisca  and  to  learn  the  truth  of 
the  stories.  After  the  army  had  left  Chiaha,  the 
explorers  rejoined  their  companions.  The  accounts  of 
the  reports  that  they  brought  are  contradictory,  but  De 
Soto  had  spent  a  month  among  the  mountains  and  made 
no  further  effort  to  find  the  Cherokee  mines.  It  is  now 
known  that  native  copper  is  found  throughout  the  whole 
southern  Allegheny  region;  the  other  "metal"  of 
which  the  Spaniards  heard  may  have  been  gold  and  it 
may  have  been  pyrites. 

War  Clouds  At  the   end   of  June,   the   march  was   resumed.      For 

the  sport  of  Castilian  chivalry,  Indian  prisoners  were 
used  as  targets,  and  the  messenger  who  brought  unpleas- 
ant tidings  had  his  hands  chopped  off  and  was  sent  back 
to  his  dusky  people  with  his  bleeding  arms  as  the  adelan- 
tado's  answer.  De  Soto  was  an  "inflexible  man  and  few 
of  words,"  and  by  necessity  all  around  him  "conde- 
scended to  his  will."  He  piled  the  wrongs  of  his  absent 
Isabella  upon  the  outrage  of  comely  Indian  maidens, 
and  his  soldiers  followed  his  example.  From  hilltop  to 
valley  the  smoky  torch  telegraphed  the  signal  for  unre- 
lenting war. 

The  Black  Late  in  July,  De  Soto  was  in  the  fertile  valley  of  the 

Warrior  Coosa.      Hc  soon  made  a  prisoner  of  the  gigantic  chief 

Tuscaloosa,  otherwise  the  "  Black  Warrior,"  and 
marched  southward  to  Mavila,  where  the  hostage 
chiettain  had  promised  that  provisions  should  be  ready. 
Mavila  was  a  palisaded  village  on  the  Alabama,  about 
tvyenty-five  miles  above  the  confluence  of  that  river  with 
the  Tombigbee.  The  Black  Warrior  had  been  sending 
frequent  messengers  ahead,  ostensibly  with  orders  relat- 
ing to  the  proper  reception  of  his  distinguished  visitors. 
De  Soto  entered  Mavila  with  the  cacique  and  a  few 
Spaniards  in  advance  of  the  invading  army.  The 
village  was  strongly  garrisoned  and  De  Soto  had  been 
led  into  an  ambuscade.  The  insolence  of  an  Indian 
chief  brought  the  first  blow.      A  Spaniard  cleft  the  chief 


Spanish   Explorations 


291 


jT^^^^p^r^pf^:^?^ 


Jill    i'iilL.  ^_^ 


i,> 


from  head  to  loins  and  thus  cut  loose  barbarian  fury.  1540 
From  crowded  houses,  the  Indians  rushed  like  swarm- 
ing bees.  De  Soto  was  wounded  before  he  could  rejoin  The  Battle  at 
his  troops.  The  battle  raged  for  nine  long  hours,  but  ^^''''' 
naked  savages 
were  no  match  for 
Spaniards  clad  in 
armor.  According 
to  the  probably 
exaggerated 
Spanish  estimate, 
twenty-five  hun- 
dred Indians  per- 
ished by  the 
sword  or  in  the 
smoke  and  flames 
of  their  burning 
dwellings.  The 
Spanish  loss  was 
twenty  soldiers 
killed  and  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty 
wounded,  many 
killed  and  wound- 
ed horses,  and  the  a  d  ,■  j  .  r  j-    ir„ 

,  A  Palisaded  Indian  Village 

more  serious  loss 

by  fire  of  all  the  baggage,  including  the  chalices  and  vest- 
ments of  the  clergy.  It  was  one  of  the  bloodiest  battles  ever 
waged  between  red  men  and  white  men  in  North  America. 

The   explorers  lingered   here  a  month.      Distant  only  From  the  Aia- 


six  days'  march  was  Pensacola,  where  lay  the  ships  with 
needed  supplies.  Fearing  wholesale  desertions,  De  Soto 
concealed  the  fact  from  his  men.  He  would  not  even 
send  any  word  back  to  Cuba,  for  he  had  nothing  to  tell 
but  a  story  ot  disappointment  and  misfortune.  Even 
his  gathered  pearls  had  been  lost  in  the  fiery  devastation 
at  Mavila.  In  the  middle  of  November,  he  turned  his 
back  upon  his  ships  and  led  his  five  hundred  into 
the  interior.      He  fought  his  way  through  populous  and 


bama  to  the 
Yazoo 


292  Spanish   Explorations 

1540  hostile  tribes  into  Mississippi  and  December  storms, 
1542  and  went  into  winter  quarters  at  the  Chickasaw  village  on 
December  17,  the  west  bank  of  the  upper  Yazoo.  One  night  in 
1540  March,   the   Chickasaw   cacique   made   a   furious   attack. 

The  unarmored  Spaniards,  startled  from  their  sleep, 
rushed  from  their  burning  huts  and  valiantly  drove  back 
their  fierce  assailants.  One  red  man  and  eleven  whites 
were  killed.  Much  of  what  was  saved  at  Mavila  was 
lost  here ;  clothing,  saddles,  weapons,  fifty  horses,  and 
four  hundred  hogs.  As  best  they  could  they  renewed 
their  fighting  form;  "forges  were  erected,  swords  newly 
tempered,  and  good  ashen  lances  made  equal  to  the  best 
of  Biscay."  Clothing  was  made  of  skins  and  blankets 
of  dried  grass.  The  Indians  came  again  as  soon  as  the 
Spaniards  were  ready  to  receive  them. 
Discovery  of  Latc  in  April,  1541,  the  search  for  gold  was  renewed, 
the  Mississippi  j^  ^.QQJ^  ^  month  to  build  the  boats  needed  for  the 
crossing  of  the  Mississippi.  By  the  end  of  May,  they 
were  finished;  and  without  opposition  the  Spaniards 
crossed  the  river  at  the  lower  Chickasaw  Bluffs,  near 
the  boundary  line  between  the  states  of  Tennessee  and 
Mississippi  where  a  county  now  bears  De  Soto's  name. 
Still  seeking  the  ever-receding  El  Dorado,  the  Spaniards 
waded  through  Arkansas  swamps,  climbed  the  Ozark 
Hills,  and  probably  made  trial  of  the  virtues  of  the  hot 
springs.  What  the  route  was  and  where  the  Spaniards 
rested  we  do  not  know.  The  winter  was  severe;  the 
suffering  was  terrible.  Even  De  Soto  became  discour- 
aged, and  resolved  to  seek  the  gulf  and  to  send  to  Cuba 
and  New  Spain  for  aid. 
The  Death  of  On  the  Seventeenth  of  April,  1542,  De  Soto  was  at 
De  Soto  ^.}^g  mouth  of  the  Red  River.  Here  he  was  overtaken 
by  a  fatal  fever  and,  after  appointing  Luis  de  Moscoso 
as  his  successor,  died  on  the  twenty-first  of  May.  He 
who  had  shared  the  inca's  ransom  and  dazzled  Spain 
with  wealth  and  fame,  left — in  Havana,  a  widow;  along 
his  path,  the  bleaching  bones  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
followers;  on  the  banks  of  the  Father  of  Waters,  five 
Indian    slaves,    three     horses,    and    a    herd    of   swine. 


Spanish   Explorations  293 

Around  his   body  gathered  weary  and   half-naked  vete-   1542 

rans  with  splintered  lances  and  jagged  swords  and  broken    1546 

helmets  —  a  sorry   remnant   of  the   brilliant   retinue  that 

five  years  before  had  mustered  at  San  Lucar.     Wrapped 

in    mantles    weighted  with    sand,   his   body   was   buried, 

"with  all  possible  silence,"  at  midnight  in  the  middle  of 

the  stream. 

Moscoso  and  the  remnant  decided  to  go  to  Mexico.  The  Sorry  End 
They  deemed  it  less  dangerous  to  go  by  land,  and 
thought  to  take  the  chances  of  finding  an  El  Dorado  on 
the  way.  Led  by  this  vague  rumor  or  that  slender 
hope,  they  wandered  to  and  fro  all  that  year.  They 
heard  of  other  Christians  roaming  in  those  parts,  doubt- 
less Coronado  and  his  men  who,  in  1541,  had  entered 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  from  the  west.  In  Decem- 
ber, they  were  again  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 
They  struck  the  fetters  from  their  slaves  and,  adding 
to  them  their  stirrups  and  every  iron  scrap,  forged  all 
into  nails.  As  Narvaez  had  done,  they  built  boats  as 
best  they  could.  They  killed  their  hogs  and  horses, 
and  to  the  dried  flesh  added  maize  plundered  from  the 
natives.  Early  in  July,  they  cast  loose  their  moorings. 
On  the  eighteenth  of  July,  1543,  their  fleet  floated  in 
salt  water.  Wearily  working  their  way  along  the  Loui- 
siana and  Texas  coast,  a  pitiable  three  hundred  and 
eleven,  they  reached  the  Spanish  colony  at  Panuco  on 
the  tenth  of  September,  1543. 

In  1546,  the  Spaniards,  anxious  and  determined  to  Barbastro 
hold  Florida  in  some  way,  undertook  a  "new  departure." 
Several  Dominican  friars,  under  the  lead  of  Father  Luis 
de  Barbastro,  who  had  nobly  served  with  Las  Casas  in 
Tuzulutlan,  entered  upon  a  mission  without  arms  or 
soldiers.  They  took  with  them  from  Havana  an  Indian 
woman,  Magdalen,  a  Christianized  native  of  Florida. 
Magdalen  seems  to  have  backslidden  from  the  faith  and 
the  missionary  priests  were  killed  —  an  unfortunate 
beginning  for  the  policy  that  had  sprung  from  the  lessons 
of  Las  Casas. 


2  94  Spanish   Explorations 

^559  ^^  ^^^  eleventh  of  June,  T559,  Don  Tristan  de 
I  5  6  I  Luna  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz  for  Florida  with  fifteen 
DeLuna  hundred  soldiers,  with  colonists,  their  wives  and  children, 
and  provisions  for  a  year.  They  landed,  early  in  July, 
first  at  Pensacola  and  then  at  Santa  Rosa  Bay.  A 
hurricane  destroyed  several  ships,  many  men,  and  most 
of  the  stores.  The  Spaniards  would  not  cultivate  the 
soil,  and  starvation  came  ahead  of  fresh  supplies. 

In  the  course  of  his  wanderings,  De  Luna  traversed 
the  country  of  the  Choctaw,  Chickasaw,  and  Upper 
Creeks,  as  is  shown  by  the  names  and  other  data  in  the 
narrative.  He  probably  got  no  further  east  than  the 
Alabama  River  (about  Montgomery)  and  returned  with- 
out entering  the  mountains.  The  often  printed  state- 
ment that  the  summer  of  1560  was  spent  in  an  eager 
quest  for  gold  in  northern  Georgia,  and  that  ascribes  to 
De  Luna's  party  certain  traces  of  ancient  mining  opera- 
tions in  the  Cherokee  country,  and  particularly  on 
Valley  River  in  North  Carolina,  is  now  known  to  be 
incorrect.  In  1560,  a  succession  of  unfortunate  events 
forced  an  abandonment  of  this  attempt  to  establish  a  per- 
manent Spanish  settlement  in  the  interior.  With  grow- 
ing wisdom  the  Indians  forsook  their  fields,  destroyed 
their  towns,  and  carried  off  their  provisions.  Mutiny 
arose,  and  Tristan  de  Luna  was  abandoned.  With  a 
few  servants  he  sailed  for  Havana,  and  another  failure 
was  recorded. 

De  viiiafane  In  May,  1561,  Angelo  de  Villafane,  who  had  carried 
away  most  of  Tristan  de  Luna's  men  from  Florida, 
sailed  along  the  Atlantic  seaboard  and,  near  Port  Royal, 
took  possession  of  Carolina  in  the  name  of  the  king  of 
Spain.  He  doubled  Cape  Hatteras  and  was  overtaken 
by  disaster  on  the  fourteenth  of  June.  With  his  remain- 
ing vessels  he  returned  to  Haiti.  In  the  following 
September,  King  Philip  II.  declared  that  he  would  make 
no  further  effort  to  colonize  the  country,  as  no  gold  had 
been  found  and  he  had  no  fears  that  the  French  would 
come  so  far  south. 


Spanish   Explorations  295 

In  1570,  Menendez,  the  adelantado  of  a  Spanish  1570 
Florida  that  extended  from  Mexico  to  Labrador  and  of  i  572 
whom  we  shall  learn  more  in  the  following  chapter,  Jesuits  in 
attempted  to  establish  a  Jesuit  mission  in  Virginia.  His  ^"^s'"'^ 
vessel  ascended  the  Potomac.  The  mission  party  landed 
and  crossed  to  the  Rappahannock  where  they  built  a 
chapel.  They  were  received  with  seeming  friendship 
that  soon  gave  way  to  hostility  and  final  massacre.  In 
1572,  Menendez  sailed  to  the  Chesapeake,  captured 
eight  Indians  who  were  "known  to  have  taken  part  in 
the  murder  of  the  missionaries,  and  hanged  them  at  the 
yard-arm  of  his  vessel."  There  is  evidence  that,  in 
addition  to  this  attempted  occupancy  of  Virginia  nearly 
forty  years  prior  to  the  advent  of  John  Smith,  the 
Spaniards  were  in  frequent  communication  with  the 
Indians  along  that  coast  and  in  the  Chesapeake  before 
the  coming  of  the  English.  Our  country's  good  Genius 
(call  it  by  what  name  you  will)  was  thwarting,  as  with 
an  intelligent  purpose,  the  determined  efforts  of  the 
Spanish  people  to  plant  their  peculiar  civilization  north 
of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

Although  King  Philip  was  mistaken  and  the  French  AnoidMyth 
did  go  to  Florida,  we  may  safely  let  them  wait  while  Q^fj^^^"' 
we  watch  the  Spaniards  west  of  the  Mississippi.  In 
New  Spain  (  as  Mexico  was  called ),  European  legends 
were  curiously  blended  with  Indian  stories  of  the  Seven 
Cities  of  Cibola,  of  Ciguatan,  and  of  its  neighboring 
island  of  the  Amazons,  all  rich  in  gold  and  northward 
from  Mexico.  On  these  fanciful  Indian  tales,  probably 
born  of  a  desire  to  please  and  elaborated  by  the  process 
of  finding  out  what  was  sought  and  then  promising  it, 
the  Spanish  built  another  castle  in  the  air.  Nuno  de 
Guzman,  then  the  head  of  the  government,  organized  an 
army  of  four  hundred  Spaniards  and  twenty  thousand 
Indian  allies  and  set  out  in  search  of  the  wonderful  cities. 
The  difficulties  of  the  march  across  the  mountains  led 
him  to  satisfy  himself  with  the  colonization  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Culiacan.     When  Antonio  de  Mendoza  became 


296 


Spanish   Explorations 


1539  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  he  appointed   Francisco  Vasquez 
April  18         de  Coronado  to  the  governorship  of  New  GaHcia.      For 

several   years,  the   cities    of  Cibola  were    not   disturbed; 

but  when  the  story  of  the  two-thousand-mile  tramp  of 


Map  of  Coronado' s  Route 


Cabeza  de  Vaca  confirmed  the  reports  of  a  vast  region 
in  the  north,  it  was  resolved  to  make  a  new  exploration. 
The  command  of  the  preliminary  expedition  was  given 
to  Fray  Marcos  of  Nizza,  a  Franciscan  monk  who  had 
gained  experience  under  Alvarado  in  Peru. 


Spanish   Explorations 


297 


Fray  Marcos  had  elaborate  and   humane  instructions    1539 
from  the  viceroy.      With  him  as  guide  went  Estevanico,    1540 
negro  pioneer  and  companion  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.     The  Fray  Marcos 
expedition    set    out    from   Culiacan    on    the   seventh    of 
March,  1539.      In  August,  Estevanico  was  dead,  killed 
by  the   natives,  and   Fray  Marcos  was   back  at  Culiacan 
and  Compostela  with  definite  reports  of  the  power  and 
glory  of  Cibola,  which   he   had  seen  with  its  stone  and 
terraced    houses    of    many   stories,    "larger    and     richer 
than    Mexico."      Fray    Marcos   has    been    charged   with 
outrageous  falsehood,  but  it  is  probable  that  he  actually 
found    one    of    the    pueblos    of   the    Zunis,   and    thus 


On  the  Terraces  at  Zuni 


became  the  discoverer  of  New  Mexico.  New  Spain 
quickly  resounded  with  stories  of  populous  cities  of 
fabulous  wealth  —  prizes  awaiting  conquest.  Ambition 
and  avarice  were  aflame,  and  the  religious  orders  preached 
a  new  crusade  for  the  spiritual  good  of  the  heathen. 

Another  expedition  was   quickly  organized   under   the 
personal  command  of  Coronado.      Hernando  de  Alarcon 
was   sent   up   the  Gulf  of  California   with   a   small   fleet  May  9 
to    give    such     help    as    might    be    possible.       He    dis- 
covered the  Colorado  River,  and  in  small  boats  worked 


298 


Spanish   Explorations 


1540  his  way  against  its  rapid  current  for  "eighty-five 
leagues,"  Hearing  nothing  from  Coronado,  he  returned 
Coionado  to  Mexico.  In  the  meantime,  Coronado  had  assembled 
at  Compostela  an  army  of  about  three  hundred  Spaniards 
and  eight  hundred  Indians.  The  famous  march  began 
on  the  twenty-third  of  February, 
1540.  On  the  twenty-second  of 
April,  Coronado  left  the  main  body 
•  ^  of  his  army  at  Culiacan  and  pushed 
ahead  with  seventy-five  or  eighty 
horsemen,  twenty-five  or  thirty 
Autograph  of  Coronado  foot-soldiers,  and  the  monlcs.  He 
AtZuni  arrived  at  the  first  town  of  Cibola  on  the  seventh  of  July, 
and  named  the  place  Granada.  It  was  the  Zuni  pueblo 
of  Hawikuh  which  was  destroyed  by  Apaches  in  1672.'" 
A  single  glance  revealed  its  poverty.  Its  two  hundred 
warriors  made  a  stubborn  hour's  resistance,  after  which  the 
invaders  found  needed  food  but  not  the  expected  gold  and 
turquoise.  "  Nizza,  trembling  for  his  life,  stole  back  to 
New  Spain  with  the  first  messenger  to  the  viceroy." 
Enticing  Stories  The  remainder  of  the  summer  was  spent  in  exploring 
the  country  in  accord  with  native  tales  of  marvelous 
wealth — just  a  little  further  on.  One  party,  led  by 
Pedro  de  Tovar,  visited  the  province  of  Tusayan  com- 
prising the  seven  pueblos  of  the  Hopis  more  than  a 
hundred  miles  to  the  northwest.  Tovar  brought  back 
news  of  a  marvelous  canyon  to  the  westward,  to  explore 
which  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  was  sent.  Late  in 
August,  Cardenas  found  what  is  now  known  as  the 
Grand  Canyon  of  the  Colorado.  In  September,  the 
main  army  was  ordered  up  from  Sonora  to  Zuni.  Ex- 
ploring parties  visited  strange  pueblos  and  wondered  at 
the    almost    inaccessible    mesa    home    of    the    Acomas. 

*  The  literature  of  this  expedition  is  extensive,  and  the  several  determinations  of  the 
route  differ  greatly.  The  route  indicated  in  the  map  on  page  296  is  based  on  the  latest 
information  from  the  Spanish  sources.  It  has  been  said  that  the  correct  location  of  Cibola 
is  the  key  to  the  movements  of  Coronado.  The  majority  of  archaeologists  fix  the  site  of 
Cibola  at  Zuni,  but  earlier  writers  placed  it  at  the  towns  of  the  Mokis,  and  at  the  Chaco 
ruins.  Mr.  F.  S.  Dellenbaugh  goes  further  from  Zuni  and  places  the  site  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Florida  Mountains  in  southern  New  Mexico,  and  makes  corresponding  changes  from  the 
route  as  herein  laid  down. 


Spanish   Explorations 


299 


Moving  eastward  to  the  Rio  Grande,  they  found,  about    1540 
the  site  of  BernaHllo,  the  dehghtful  province  of  Tiguex,    i    5   4    i 
and  further  on  the  fortified  village  of  Cicuye,  identical 
with  old  Pecos.      Here  they  found  an  Indian  slave  who  Quivira  and 
told    marvelous    tales    of    Quivira,    a    country    toward  ^^^  ^""''^ 
Florida,  abounding  in  gold   and   silver,  and  watered  by 
tributaries  of  a  river  that  was   two  leagues  wide  and   in 
which    there  were    fishes    as    big   as    horses.      From    his 
appearance,     the     Spaniards     called     this     slave     '*  The 
Turk."      He   proved   to    be  a  dangerous    rival   to   "the 
lying  monk."      In  December,  the   army  advanced  from 

Zuni    to    Tiguex.        For  ten -  - — - 

successive  nights,  man  and 

nature  plaved  at   their        ff^^^^^^^^^^^i^f^^ 

old  game,  with  camp- -r-*  ^^ 


Two  Views  of  the  Pueblo  of  Acoma 

fires  and  snowfalls  for  battledores  and  soldiers'  comfort 
for  their  shuttlecock.  And  still  the  Spaniards  listened 
to  the  fables  told  them  by  the  Turk. 

In  April,  1541,  Coronado  and  his  army  set  out  from  The  Search 
Tiguex,  for  Quivira.       It  soon  became  evident  that  the  fo""  Qii'^"'^ 
Turk  was  no  good  Christian.      In    May,  somewhere  on 
the   buffalo    plains    of  Texas,  Coronado    sent   his    army 
back    to   Tiguex,  while,  with   an    Indian    guide    named 
Ysopete  and  about  thirty  horsemen,  he  pushed  forward 


300  Spanish   Explorations 

I    5   4    I    over    rolling    prairies    and    through    countless    herds    of 

1542  buffaloes.  In  this  same  month  of  May,  De  Soto  crossed 
the  Mississippi.  After  crossing  the  river  of  "Saints 
Peter  and  Paul"  (the  Arkansas),  and  on  the  forty-second 

At  Quivira  day  after  leaving  his  army,  Coronado  reached  the  first 
settlement  of  Quivira,  a  collection  of  grass  lodges  occu- 
pied by  a  people  more  barbarous  than  any  previously 
seen.  The  Turk  now  confessed  that  the  people  of 
Cicuye  had  induced  him  to  lead  the  Spaniards  astray 
upon  the  plains  that  they  might  there  die  from  famine. 
He  was  promptly  strangled.  After  a  month  of  futile 
exploration,  Coronado  raised  a  cross  with  the  inscrip- 
tion, "Thus  far  came  the  General  Francisco  Vasquez 
de  Coronado,"  and  returned  to  Tiguex.  The  site  of 
this  "last  place  visited"  has  not  yet  been  identified. 
Mr.  Hodge  and  Mr.  Mooney  say  that  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  people  of  Quivira  were  the  Wichita 
Indians.  If,  as  has  been  asserted,  Quivira  was  in 
eastern  Kansas,  Coronado  might  almost  have  shaken 
hands  with  De  Soto  while  both  wept  tears  of  disappoint- 
ment. 

Coronado's  Early  in  April,  1542,  Coronado  and  his  army  began  the 

return  march  to  New  Spain,  leaving  behind  two  or  three 
zealous  missionaries  for  the  conversion  of  the  natives. 
The  friars  soon  received  their  martyr  crowns.  On  the 
homeward  march,  Coronado  met  reinforcements.  Some 
of  the  officers  wished  to  renew  the  search,  but  the  soldiers 
clamored  to  be  led  back  to  Mexico.  The  general  "dis- 
appointment found  a  vent  in  anathemas  vented  upon 
Fray  Marcos,  which  have  ever  since  been  echoed  by 
historians."  Coronado  was  coolly  received  by  the  viceroy, 
and  soon  died.  He  had  explored  the  vast  region  between 
the  fertile  plains  of  Kansas  and  the  magnificent  desolation 
of  the  Colorado,  but  he  missed  the  wealth  of  silver 
buried  in  its  mountains.  This,  in  our  day,  has  far  sur- 
passed the  treasures  of  Montezuma  or  the  piled-up  gold 
of  the  inca.  Had  the  courage  of  the  soldier  and  the 
skill  of  the  explorer  been  supplemented  with  the  tech- 
nical wisdom  of  the  "  prospector,"  Coronado  might  have 


Return 


Spanish   Explorations  301 

found  the  opulence  he  sought,  not  spread  wide  in  fabled    1542 
cities  but  locked  in  treasure-chests  beneath  his  feet. 

When  Coronado's  main  army  was  ordered  up  from  Meichbr  Diaz, 
Sonora,  Melchior  Diaz  remained  as  governor,  with  orders  '54o 
to  put  himself  in  communication  with  Alarcon's  vessels. 
Before  the  end  of  September,  Diaz  set  out  to  explore  the 
sea-coast.  He  marched  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  or 
more,  found  an  inscription  on  a  tree  under  which  was  a 
writing  to  the  effect  that  Alarcon  had  come  so  far  and 
returned  to  New  Spain.  The  exploration  was  pushed 
further,  Diaz  met  an  accidental  death,  and  the  rest  of  the 
party  returned  to  Sonora. 

In  June,  1542,  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo  sailed  in  com-  CabriUo 
mand  of  a  Spanish  fieet  from  Acapulco,  on  the  Pacific 
coast  of  Mexico.  In  the  following  January,  he  died  at 
San  Miguel,  one  of  the  Santa  Barbara  islands.  His 
pilot  traced  the  western  coast  nearly  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia,  and  returned  to  New  Spain  by  April, 
1544. 

In  spite  of  these  meager  results,  other  Spanish  expe-  onate 
ditions  were  sent  out  and  many  wonderful  reports  were 
brought  back.  About  forty  years  after  the  Coronado  1582 
campaign,  Espejo  led  a  party  northward  from  Chihuahua 
and  pushed  his  way  into  the  present  New  Mexico.  The 
accounts  of  the  wonderful  land  given  by  him  and  his 
companions  were  so  enticing  that  Luis  de  Velasco,  the 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  entered  into  contract  with  Juan 
de  Onate  to  settle  Spanish  colonists  there.  After  many 
delays  and  two  years  of  preparation,  Onate  and  his 
recruits  began  their  march  in  January,  1598.  The 
natives  received  them  kindly.  The  first  settlement  was 
made  at  the  Indian  settlement  of  Yukewingge,  where 
Chamita,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  now  stands.  This  was 
named  San  Gabriel  de  los  Espanoles.  In  1605,  this 
mission  was  abandoned.  Santa  Fe  was  founded  in  Santa  Fe 
1 60 1  and  soon  became  an  important  town.      For  a  time 


302 


Spanish   Explorations 


1542  the  colonies  seemed  to  flourish,  but  in  1680  the  natives 
expelled  the  Spaniards  and  returned  to  their  old  religion 
and  former  habits  of  life.  In  1695,  ^^^  pueblos  were 
reconquered  and  brought  under  complete  subjection. 


The 
Southwest 


In  the  meantime,  and  largely  to  guard  against  threat- 
ened French  occupation,  Spanish  expeditions  were  sent 
into  Texas.  The  presidio  of  San  Antonio  Bexar  (Bejar) 
was  founded  in  1714,  and  the  mission  four  years  later. 
Before  the  end  of  the  century,  New  Spain  had  a  strong 
hold  upon  the  country  from  Texas  to  San  Diego,  Mon- 
terey, and  San  Francisco  on  the  coast  of  California.  In 
these  frontier  provinces,  Spanish  priests  set  up  the  cross 
and  began  still  enduring  missions,  while  Spanish  soldiers 
built  and  occupied  a  line  of  presidios  or  forts  for  the 
protection  of  those  who  were  employed  in  the  spiritual 
conquest.  Mr.  Blackmar  has  reminded  us  that  this 
"spiritual  conquest"  meant  an  entire  transformation  of 
everything  that  pertained  to  the  life  of  the  barbarians, 
complete  subjugation  or  final  extermination.  So  thor- 
oughly was  the  work  done  that,  to  this  day,  "  modern 
buildings,  modern  customs,  and  modern  dress  fail  to 
obliterate  the  old  Spanish  life."  Thus  were  fairly  laid 
the  foundations  for  Spanish  territorial  claims  that  were 
not  quieted  .until  1848. 


CHAPTER 


X      X 


THE 


P  I  O  xN  E  E   R  S 


O  F 


NEW 


FRANCE 


BY  means  of  numerous  exploring  expeditions.  Euro-  The  New  Con- 
peans  had  been  led  to  suspect  the  existence  of  ""^""^ 
an  unbroken  continental  coast  from  the  Plata 
River  northward  to  Gaspe.  Magellan's  voyage  threw 
new  light  on  the  significance  of  Columbus's  discovery, 
and  Da  Gama's  finding  of  an  ocean  route  to  the  East 
added  zest  to  the  search  for  a  shorter  one  by  the  north- 
west. In  the  decade  beginning  in  1525,  several  expedi- 
tions were  sent  out,  but  the  efforts  of  Fagundes,  Gomez, 
Verrazano,  and  other  explorers  bore  little  fruit  —  the 
northwest  passage  and  the  Saint  Lawrence  River  re- 
mained undiscovered. 

Since  the  beginning  of  that  century,  French  fishermen  Cartier 
had  been  making  yearly  visits  to  the  Newfoundland 
banks,  the  greatest  submarine  island  on  the  globe  and  the 
chief  breeding-ground  of  the  cod.  But,  after  the  battle 
of  Pavia,  the  French  sovereign  had  been  too  busy  with 
European  affairs  to  give  any  attention  to  western  dis- 
covery. In  I  529,  the  treaty  of  Cambray  gave  a  peaceful 
interlude  to  the  long  wars  between  King  Francis  I.  and 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  The  French  monarch  natur- 
ally looked  for  lands  in  the  New  World  with  which  to 
make  good  the  loss  of  his  Italian  claims.  The  same 
treaty  left  French  privateersmen  or  "corsairs"  without 
occupation.  Among  these  was  Jacques  Cartier,  who 
probably  had  made  several  expeditions  to  Newfoundland. 
In  1533,  by  advice  of  Chabot,  admiral  of  France,  Cartier 


304 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


His  Landfall 
May  10 


1534  was  commissioned  to  command  a  French  expedition  to 
April  20         America.      In   the   following  year,  he  sailed  from    Saint 
Malo,  seeking  a  short  route  to  the  Indies. 

With  two  ships,  each  of  sixty  tons,  and  sixty-one 
chosen  men,  Cartier  made  his  landfall  at  Cape  Bonavista, 
Newfoundland.  On  the  tenth  of  June,  he  entered  a 
harbor  on  the  shores  of  Labrador.  From  this  region, 
"so  forbidding  that  it  must  be  the  land  that  was  allotted 
to  Cain,"  Cartier  passed  southward  through  the  Straits 
of  Belle  Isle  and  spent  several  weeks  in  the  Gulf  of  Saint 


Map  of  the  Gulf  of  Saint  Lawrence 

Lawrence.  He  failed  to  find  the  river  that  now  bears 
that  name  or  any  westward  passage  to  Cathav.  Early  in 
July,  he  dropped  his  anchors  in  a  bay  which,  from  the 
midsummer  heat,  he  called  Des  Chaleurs.  On  the 
twenty-fourth,  he  set  up  a  large  cross  at  Gaspe.  He 
entered  the  Canadian  Channel  between  Anticosti  Island 
and  Labrador  and  named  it  for  Saint  Peter,  but  did  not 
dream  that  he  was  in  the  mouth  of  a  great  river  that 
joined  the  ocean  to  vast  inland  seas.  On  the  fifteenth  of 
August,  he  sailed  northward  through  the  Straits  of  Belle 
Isle  into  the  ocean,  probably  not  knowing  of  the  shorter 
route  between  Newfoundland  and  Cape  Breton  Island. 
With  him  went  the  two  sons  of  an  Indian  chief,  it  being 
promised  that  they  should  return  the  following  year.     In 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


305 


three  weeks,  he  arrived  at  Saint  Malo.  Chabot  was  de- 
lighted, Francis  was  encouraged,  and  Cartier  at  once 
began  prepara- 
tions for  another 
voyage. 

Cartier  sailed  on 
his  second  voyage 
with  three  ships 
and  a  hundred  and 
ten  companions, 
including  some 
enthusiastic  ad- 
venturers of  noble 
birth  and  ample 
fortune  and  a  less 
worthy  contingent 
of  impressed  crim- 
inals. Late  in  July, 
the  ships  were  in 
the  Straits  of  Belle 
Isle.  Thence  they 
sailed  into  the  gulf 
and  entered  the 
strait  that  he  had 
previously  named 
in  honor  of  Saint 
Peter.     This  was 

on     the     day    dedi-  carder  at  Gasp6 

cated  to  Saint  Lawrence  —  whence  the  now  familiar  names. 
The  Indians  who  had  returned  from  France  reported  that 
the  channel  in  which  they  were  opened  upon  a  river  that 
led  inland  to  unnavigable  rapids.  But  Cartier  went  on- 
ward, hoping  then,  as  Champlain  did  long  after,  that  this 
might  prove  the  open  highway  to  the  East.  In  the  small- 
est of  their  three  vessels  the  Frenchmen  sailed  on  in  a 
great  dehght  born  of  the  beauty  of  the  river  and  its  banks. 
Sailing  up  the  great  river,  they  were  tempted  to  delay 
by  the  picturesque  and  wonderful  gorge  of  the  Saguenay. 
Further    up     the     river,   Cartier     met     Donnacona,  the 


1534 
^    S  3    S 

September  5, 
1534 


His  Second 
Voyage,  May 
19.  '535 


Up  the  Saint 
Lawrence, 
September  I 


3o6 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


1535  "Lord  of  Canada,"  who  bade  him  "go  to  my  village  of 
Stadacone  yonder,  where  you  will  find  safe  harbor  and  a 
welcome."  Cartier  accepted  the  invitation,  sailed  by  the 
Falls  of  Montmorency,  and  cast  anchor  in  a  harbor  sur- 
rounded by  scenery  of  grandeur  and  enchanting  beauty. 
Just  above  the  Island  of  Orleans  the  Saint  Charles  River 
flows   into   the  Saint    Lawrence.      Between  the  rivers  is 

At  Quebec  the  noble  headland  now  known  as  Quebec.  Just  north 
of  the   Saint   Charles   was   Stadacone,  the    home   of  the 

September  15  barbarian  "Lord  of  Canada."  Cartier  brought  his  ships 
from  below  and  got  them  into  safe  position  for  the 
winter.  Donnacona  wanted  a  monopoly  of  French 
friendship  and  trinket  gifts,  and  sought  to  deter  his 
guests  from  a  further  ascent  of  the  river.  One  morning, 
a  boat  emerged  from  the  woods  with  three  men  "dressed 
like  devils,  wrapped  in  hogges  skins  white  and  black, 
their  faces  besmeared  black  as  any  coals,  with  horns  on 
their  heads  more  than  a  yard  long."  These  alleged 
messengers  from  Cudragny,  the  local  deity  of  Hochelaga, 
warned  the  Frenchmen  that,  if  they  advanced  further, 
they  would  miserably  die  with  the  fearful  cold.  Cartier 
met  prophecy  with  prophecy  and  beat  the  Indians  at 
their  own  game. 

At  Montreal,        Leaving  a  force  to  protect  the  ships,  Cartier  went  on 

September  19  ^j^j^  j^j^  pinuace,  two  Small  boats,  and  fifty  men.  Forced 
by  the  rapids  to  leave  the  pinnace,  they  still  pushed  on 
their  way  in  great  delight.  The  lands  on  either  hand 
were    rich    and     fruitful     and     the     forests    were     aglow 

October  2  with  the  beauty  of  their  autumnal  robes.  At  Hoche- 
laga, the  explorers  were  met  by  the  natives  ( prob- 
ably Hurons)  with  every  sign  of  friendship.  They 
found  a  fortified  village  of  fifty  communal  houses,  each 
"about  fifty  paces  long  and  twelve  or  fifteen  broad, 
covered  over  with  the  bark  of  the  wood  as  broad  as  any 
board,  very  finely  and  cunningly  joined  together,  and 
having  many  rooms."  Cartier  climbed  the  hill  at  the 
foot  of  which  the  village  lay.  As  he  reached  the 
summit,  he  was  filled  with  admiration  by  the  outstretched 
panorama    of   wood    and    waters    and     mountains.      He 


3o8 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


1535  called  the  hill    Mont   Real  (i.e.,  Mount  Royal).     Since 

1536  then  the  name  has  been  extended  to  the  city  and  the 
island.  Here  the  rapids  of  Lachine  checked  the  west- 
ward progress  of  the  explorers.  The  natives  told  Cartier 
that,  "after  passing  three  more  such  falls  of  water,  a  man 
might  sail  for  three  months  along  that  river  and  yet  not 
reach  the  end."  It  was  an  evident  impossibility  to  reach 
the  South  Sea  by  that  route  and  on  that  voyage,  in  spite 
of  Indian  stories  of  the  kingdom  of  Saguenay,  rich  in 
gold  and  silver,  rubies  and  other  precious  gems  —  stories 
that  stirred  up  visions  of  a  good  fortune  like  that  of 
Cortes  in  Mexico. 

Cartier  and  his  companions  returned  to  their  ships  at 
the   "Harbor   of   the  Holy  Cross,"  somewhere   on  the 

Saint  Charles  River.      In  his  ab- 


Cartier's 
Return, 
October  1 1 


Jacques  Cartier 


sence,  the  men  left  behind  had 
built  a  rude  fort  and  there  all 
passed  the  winter.  They  suf- 
ered  much  from  cold  and  scurvy, 
and  twenty-five  of  the  party 
died.  Cartier  may  have  thought 
that,  after  all,  there  was  some- 
thing in  the  threats  of  the  Indian 
god  Cudragny.  In  the  spring, 
Cartier  set  up  a  cross  with  the 
arms  of  France  and,  that  in  per- 
son they  might  repeat  to  King 
Francis  the  story  of  the  kingdom  of  Saguenay,  enticed  the 
May  3,  1536  chief  Donnacona  and  eleven  of  his  tribe  on  shipboard. 
In  spite  of  all  entreaties,  the  Indians  were  borne  off  to 
France.  As  one  of  his  smaller  vessels  was  not  sea- 
worthy, Cartier  left  her  in  the  Saint  Charles,  where,  in 
1843,  h^^  alleged  remains  were  found  imbedded  in  the 
mud.  Having  left  no  colony  behind,  Cartier  landed  at 
Saint  Malo  on  the  sixteenth  of  July,  1536.  Nothing 
more  was  done  to  explore  or  colonize  the  new  lands  for 
several  years,  before  which  time  all  but  one  of  the  stolen 
Indians  had  been  converted,  baptized,  received  into  the 
bosom  of  the  church,  and  buried. 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France  309 

But    the    French    could    not    abandon    New    France.    1540 
Jean    Francois    de    la     Roche,    Lord    of  Roberval    in    i    542 
Picardy,  was    commissioned    as    lieutenant    and   viceroy  Robenai 
of   Canada,   etc,       Cartier   was    associated   with    him    as  January  15, 
captain-general  and  chief  pilot  of  the  expedition.      The   '54° 
division    of   authority   was    unfortunate.      Roberval   was  October  17 
anxious   for   power ;     Cartier   and   his   companions   were 
"moved,  as   it    seemeth,   with    ambition    because    they 
would  have  all  the  glory  of  the  discovery  of  those  parts 
themselves."     When    the    ships  were   in   the   roadstead 
ready  to  sail  from  Saint  Malo,  Roberval  arrived.     Un- 
willing to  sail  without  some  artillery  that  he  had  ordered, 
he  resolved  to  fit  out  another  vessel   at  Honfleur,  and 
gave  orders  to  Cartier  to  "depart  and  goe  before  and  to 
governe  all  things  as  if  he  had  bene  there  in  person,  and 
these  things  thus   dispatched,  the  winde  comming  faire, 
the  foresayd  five  ships  set  sayle  together  well  furnished 
and  victualled  for  two  yeere,  the  23rd  of  May,  1541." 

After  vainly  waiting  six  weeks   at   Newfoundland   for  Carrier  in 
the  viceroy,  Cartier  piloted  his  fleet  up  the  Saint   Law-  ^^^^"^^ 
rence  and  reached  his  old  anchorage  at  the  "Harbor  of  August  22, 
the   Holy  Cross."      In   September,  he  sent  two   of  his  '54i 
vessels   back   to    France.      He   then  went   up   the  river 
beyond  the  site  of  Hochelaga,  which  seems  to  have  been 
burned    by  the    Iroquois   a   short   time    before.     When 
Cartier  returned  to  his  fort,  it  appeared  that  the  Indians 
were  preparing   to  attack  the  intruders.     At  this  point 
the   story  is   suddenly  interrupted.     We   hear  no   more 
of  Cartier  and  his  men  until  the  spring  of  1542,  when 
he  was   on   his  way  back   to    France  with  some  quartz 
crystals  that  he  thought  were  diamonds  and  a  little  metal 
that  he  mistook  for  gold. 

After   the   departure   of  Cartier   from   Saint   Malo   in  Roberval  in 
May,  1 541,  Roberval  seems  to  have  gone  to  Honfleur,  Canada 
secured   ships,  and   put   his   artillery   on   board.      Owing 
to  delays  of  several  kinds,  nearly  a  year  went  by  before 
his    expedition   was    ready.      In    the     following    spring,  April,  1542 
Roberval   set   sail   from    La   Rochelle  with   three    ships 
that     carried     about     two     hundred     persons,     mostly 


3IO 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


Disease  and 
Discipline 


1542  malefactors.      The  accounts  of  this   expedition   are  very 

1543  unsatisfactory  and  even  contradictory.  Dates  are  con- 
fusing, and  the  recitals  generally  given  are  forced  to  a 
considerable  degree.  All  in  all,  the  account  herewith 
given  seems  the  most  reasonable  and  probable.  After 
a  two  months'  voyage,  and  while  refitting  the  fleet  in 
the  Newfoundland  harbor  of  Saint  Johns,  Cartier's  fleet 
made  its  appearance.  Roberval  ordered  Cartier  and 
his  companions  to  return  with  him  to  the  Saint  Lawrence. 
In  disregard  of  the  orders  of  the  viceroy,  the  captain- 
general  and  his  people  "stole  privily  away  the  next 
night  and  departed  home  for  Bretaigne."  Late  in 
June,  Roberval  sailed  up  the  river  and  made  a  landing 
a  few  leagues  above  the  Island  of  Orleans.  Whether 
or  not  he  occupied  the  buildings  lately  abandoned  by 
Cartier  is  not  known. 

The  ships  were  unloaded  and  two  of  them  sent  back 
with  reports  to  the  king  and  orders  to  bring  out  fresh 
stores  in  the  following  summer.  During  the  long  win- 
ter, the  party  suffered  greatly  from  cold,  famine,  and 
scurvy.  The  diet  of  fish  and  porpoise  bred  disease, 
and  fifty  or  more  of  the  company  died.  Those  who 
did  not  die  seem  to  have  been  unruly,  as  might  well 
have  been  expected,  for  many  of  them  had  come  from 
French  prisons.  The  viceroy  seems  to  have  had  a  win- 
ning way  of  making  himself  cordiallv  hated.  As  Doctor 
De  Costa  says,  he  dealt  out  even  and  concise  justice, 
laying  John  of  Nantes  in  irons,  whipping  both  men  and 
women  soundlv,  and  hanging  Michael  Gaillon  —  by 
which  means  they  lived  in  quiet. 

At  the  beginning  of  June  the  ships  had  not  returned 
with  provisions,  but  Roberval  could  wait  no  longer  for 
the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  Saguenay.  Seventy 
men  were  embarked  in  eight  small  boats;  thirtv  per- 
sons, some  of  whom  were  women,  were  left  to  guard 
the  fort,  and  with  orders  to  sail  for  France  at  the  end  of 
three  weeks  if  help  had  not  then  arrived.  On  the  way 
to  Hochelaga,  one  of  the  eight  boats  was  upset  and  all 
of  the  crew  were  drowned.     Another  of  the   boats  was 


Roberval's 
Return 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France  311 

sent  back  to  the  fort  with  news  of  the  loss,  a  small  sup-  1543 
ply  of  corn,  and  fresh  orders  for  the  garrison  to  delay 
their  departure  for  three  weeks  more.  At  this  point 
the  story  is  again  interrupted,  leaving  us  without  infor- 
mation as  to  the  adventures  of  Roberval  and  his  men  in 
their  search  for  the  kingdom  of  Saguenay.  We  only 
know  that,  when  they  returned  to  the  fort,  they  found 
that  Cartier  had  returned  with  the  much-needed  provi- 
sions, that  the  services  of  Roberval  were  required  in 
the  wars  at  home,  that  he  at  once  set  sail,  and  that  in 
the  following  fall  the  remainder  of  the  ill-fated  expedi- 
tion returned  to  France.  Roberval,  having  accom- 
plished nothing,  abandoned  his  viceroyalty. 

It  seems  that  Roberval's  pilot,  Jean  Allefonsce,  New  France 
having  failed  to  discover  the  short  route  to  India  ^""^^ 
through  the  ice  along  the  Labrador  coast,  went  up  and 
down  the  Saint  Lawrence  and  searched  the  seaboard  for 
an  opening,  going  as  far  as  Massachusetts  Bay.  In 
1 544,  Roberval  and  Cartier  were  summoned  before  the  April  3 
king  to  settle  the  accounts  of  their  joint  expedition, 
after  which  neither  took  any  part  in  the  exploration  of 
New  France,  Not  much  had  been  accomplished  by  the 
French  in  America,  and  years  passed  before  further 
official  attempts  were  made.  But  the  efforts  of  Francis 
I.  were  not  wholly  wasted.  The  fisheries  were  main- 
tained and  increased  in  value.  Communication  between 
France  and  Canada  was  kept  up  until  the  end  of  the 
century,  when  the  colonization  of  New  France  was  once 
more  undertaken  by  the  government. 

Up  to  this  time,  all  attempts  at  American  coloniza-  French  Protes- 
tion  by  the  French  had  been  made  by  those  who  were  "^^"'^ 
loyal  to  the  Catholic  church.  But  not  all  Frenchmen 
of  that  age  were  good  Catholics.  In  his  exile  at  Strass- 
burg  and  Geneva,  Calvin  had  established  the  congrega- 
tion that  became  the  model  for  the  Protestants  of 
France.  The  Reformation  slowly  took  deep  root,  and 
a  struggle  for  political  power  added  its  flames  to  the 
fierceness     of    contending     religious     factions.       Within 


312 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


1555  France  all  was  dark  and  threatening,  while  in  the  gloom 
1562  without  lay  Spain  imminent  and  terrible. 
viiiegagnon,  In  1555,  and  as  if  in  answer  to  the  papal  bull  that 
CoiiT'  ^"'^  divided  the  western  hemisphere  between  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal, France  sent  Protestant  Frenchmen  to  plant  the 
fleur-de-lis  on  the  shores  of  the  New  World.  A  Hugue- 
not colony,  under  Viiiegagnon,  was  planted  in  Brazil, 
but  it  soon  came  to  a  dismal  end.  A  Franciscan  monk, 
Andre  Thevet,  accompanied  the  expedition,  and  later 
claimed  to  have  coasted  the  entire  eastern  shore  of  the 
United  States  in  1556.  Like  Fray  Marcos,  his  reputa- 
tion for  veracity  is  clouded.  The  power  of  the  French 
throne  was  wielded  by  the  regent,  Catharine  de'  Medici. 
Among  the  French  Protestants,  or  Huguenots,  was 
Lord  Admiral  Coligny,  popular  with  the  people  and  a 
favorite  of  the  regent.  Grieving  for  the  oppression  of 
his  friends  and  anxious  for  the  glory  of  his  France, 
Colignv  sought  an  interview  with  Catharine.  The  regent 
granted  his  request,  and  the  scarcely  legible  signature 
of  the  child  king,  Charles  IX.,  was  affixed  to  a  charter 
that  authorized  Coligny  to  establish  a  Protestant  French 
empire  in  America. 
Ribauit,  Coligny   sent    two    ships   with    able    seamen,   veteran 

February  i8,    soldicrs,    and     some     of     the     French     nobility.       The 


expedition  was   in   command   of  Captain   John    Ribauit, 

mariner  of  Dieppe. 


Of  his  followers 
Mr.  Gay  has  said 
that  they  were  de- 
ter m  i  n  e  d  to  be 
rich,  and  that  they 
proposed  also  to 
be  good.  After  a 
tempestuous  voy- 
age, land  was  made 
on  the  Florida 
coast  near  the  site 
As  the 


The  Landing  of  Ribauit 

of  Saint  Augustine,  on  the  thirtieth  of  April 

boats  approached  the  land,  the  assembled  Indians  pointed 


The  Pioneers  oi  New  France  313 

out  their  chief  seated  on  boughs  of  laurel  and  palm,  and  1562 
even  offered  their  few  and  scanty  garments  to  the  stran- 
gers. Thence  the  Frenchmen  sailed  northward  along 
the  coast  and  soon  came  to  a  river  that  was  found  "to  May  i 
increase  in  depth  and  largenesse,  boyling  and  roaring 
through  the  multitude  of  all  kind  of  fish."  From  the 
date  of  its  discovery  they  called  it  the  River  of  May. 
We  call  it  the  Saint  Johns.  Finding  safe  harbor  and 
pleasant  welcome,  they  landed  and  entered  upon  the  pos- 
session of  their  new  domain  with  devotions,  delight,  and 
French  enthusiasm.  "  Never  had  they  known  a  fairer 
May-day." 

With  festooned  cypress  and  palmetto,  with  wdde-  At  the  River 
spreading  magnolias  crowned  with  their  wreaths  of  '^^^^y 
gorgeous  blossoms,  with  birds  and  beasts  and  per- 
fumed zephyrs,  Florida  in  May  would  kindle  the 
delight  of  a  more  stolid  people  than  the  French.  "It 
is  a  thing  unspeakable,"  wrote  Ribault,  "to  consider 
the  thinges  that  bee  seene  there,  and  shall  bee  founde 
more  and  more  in  this  incomparable  lande."  At  early 
morning  of  the  following  day,  they  landed  with  a  stone 
column  that  bore  the  arms  of  France.  This  they 
erected  on  a  grassy  knoll  and,  with  the  usual  cere- 
monies, took  possession  of  the  country  In  the  name  of 
Charles  IX.  of  France.  They  cared  as  little  for  the 
red  man's  claim  as  they  did  for  the  papal  bull  that 
assured  the  land  to  Spain.  The  gathering  natives 
viewed  the  column  with  puzzled  look  and  mute  surprise. 
In  spite  of  the  lesson  given  by  the  Spaniards,  "they  had 
yet  to  learn  that,  as  heathens,  they  were  the  rightful 
spoil  of  all  good  Christians." 

The  Frenchmen  saw  tempting  evidences  of  turquoise,  At  Port  Royal 
pearls,  and  precious  metals,  and  listened  with  credulous 
excitement  to  native  fictions  of  the  cities  of  Cibola  and 
of  rivers  that  led  thereto  by  twenty  days'  easy  inland 
journey.  Rejoicing  in  seductive  visions  of  the  life  for 
which  they  had  exchanged  the  civil  strife  and  religious 
persecution  of  France,  they  sailed  northward  until, 
"athwart   a    mightle   river,"    they   came   to    a   place  that 


314 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


Idleness  and 
Distress 


1562  they  called  Port  Royal.  Ribault  explored  the  country, 
and  was  so  charmed  with  all  he  saw  that  he  resolved  to 
plant  a  colony.  Thirty  were  chosen,  and  Albert  de 
Pierria  was   appointed  governor.      On  the   island,  a  few 

Fort  Charles  miles  ftom  the  site  of  Beaufort,  a  fort  was  built,  provi- 
sioned, and  named  Fort  Charles  in  honor  of  the  k-ing. 
France  and  heresy  had  taken  root  in  a  soil  to  which 
Spain  claimed  the  exclusive  right  by  virtue  of  papal 
bounty.  On  the  eleventh  of  June,  Ribault  set  sail  for 
France,  bidding  the  colonists  to  "be  kind  to  each  other; 
let  each  love  God  and  his  neighbor;  let  no  jealousies 
grow  nor  disputes  make  you  live  apart,  but  cultivate 
brotherly  love  and  you  will  prosper." 

The  colonists  relied  upon  the  promise  of  Ribault  to 
send  them  aid  and  soon  were  dependent  upon  their 
dusky  neighbors  for  support.  The  natives  did  not  hate 
them  as,  with  good  reason,  they  hated  Spaniards,  but 
even  the  Indian  could  not  help  looking  with  pity  and 
contempt  upon  the  shiftless  burden  on  his  bounty. 
After  mutiny  and  murder,  famine  threatened,  and  the 
colonists  determined  to  go  back  to  France.  They  built 
as  best  they  could  a  crazy  craft  and  set  out  upon  the 
homeward  voyage.  Atter  three  weeks  of  calms  came 
starvation  and  storms.  For  days  the  boat  drifted  help- 
less.     Fresh  water  was   gone   and    salt  water  poured  in 

Starvation  and  through    cvcry    seam    of    the   waterlogged    craft.       Lots 

Rescue  were   cast   to   see  who  should  die  that  the  others  might 

live.  "  Now  his  flesh  was  divided  equally  among  his 
fellowes ;  a  thing  so  pitiful  to  recite  that  my  pen  is  loth 
to  write  it."  An  English  vessel  rescued  the  survivors 
and  bore  the  feeble  to  France  and  the  strong  to  English 
prisons.  It  was  more  than  a  century  betore  the  Hugue- 
nots again  appeared  at  Port  Royal. 

Laudonniere  Ribault  had  arrived  safely  in   France  in  July  of  the 

preceding  year,  but  France  was  taking  her  bath  of  blood 
and  the  little  colony  was  abandoned  to  its  fate.  Atter 
the  signing  of  the  peace  of  Amboise,  Coligny's  renewed 
appeals  met  with  success.       A  squadron   of  three  ships 

April 22,1564  was  sent,    in    charge    of    Rene    Laudonniere,    who    had 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


315 


of  May 


sailed  with    Ribault    two   years  before.      With   Laudon-    i    5   6 
niere  went  mechanics  and  laborers,  many  young  men  of 
family  and  fortune,  and  James  le  Moyne,  an  artist,  who 
later  left  a  narrative  with  many  quaint  illustrations.      In  At  the  rk- 
sixty     days    the 
fleet     arrived     at 
the  River  of  May. 
Th  e     natives 
greeted    them    as 
friends     and     led 
them  to  the  pillar 
of  stone  that  Ri- 
bault had  set  up 
two  years  before. 
Laudonniere  says: 
"Wee  found  the  Ribauits  PiUar 


4 


same  crowned  with  crownes  of  Bay  and  at  the  foote 
thereof  many  little  baskets  full  of  mill  [corn]  which 
they  call  in  their  language  Tapaga  Tapola.  Then,  when 
they  came  thither,  they  kissed  the  same  with  great 
reverence,  and  besought  vs  to  do  the  like  which  we 
would  not  denie  them,  to  the  ende  we  might  drawe 
them  to  be  more  in  friendship  with  vs."  The  simple 
natives  had  lifted  the  stone  into  the  dignity  of  a  god. 
Laudonniere  seems  to  have  heard  of  the  abandonment  of 
Fort  Charles,  and  did  not  go  to  Port  Royal.  His 
colony  was  planted  on  the  River  of  May,  not  far  from 
what  is  now  called  Saint  John's  Bluff. 

Here,  at  a  spot  so  fair  "that  melancholy  itself  could  Fort  Caroline 
not  but  change  its  humor  as  it  gazed,"  the  Huguenots 
built  Fort  Caroline,  doubly  doomed  to  bloody  baptism. 
Protestantism  did  not  reach  the  common  people  in 
France  as  it  did  in  England.  The  fatal  error  of  Fort 
Charles  was  repeated  at  Fort  Caroline  ;  the  soil  was  left 
untitled.  Everywhere  the  query  was  for  gold  and  silver; 
everywhere  the  natives  made  reply,  "  Further  on."  The 
colony  had  as  its  foundation  the  religious  enthusiasm  and 
the  patriotism  represented  by  Geneva  and  the  martyrs. 
But  with    the   devoted    fugitives    had    been    mingled    a 


3i6 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


6   4  motley  group  of  dissolute  men,     A  few  desperate  charac- 
6    5   ters    at    Fort   Caroline    stole    Laudonniere's    two    small 

vessels  and  began  a  buca- 
neering  cruise.  Two 
larger  ships  were  quickly- 
built,  and  promptly  seized 
by  others  who  joined  their 
pirate  brethren  in  plun- 
dering the  Spanish. 
Three  of  the  stolen  ships 
were  captured  by  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  un- 
willing pilot  of  the  fourth, 
on  the  twenty-fifth  of 
March,  1565,  ran  her 
back  to  Fort  Caroline. 
Laudonniere  enjoyed  the 
execution  of  the  ring- 
leaders that  he  thus 
caught,  and  those  who 
fell  into  Spanish  hands 
—  Mr.  Shea  says  that 
in  Spanish  eyes  the 
Huguenots  were  simply 
pirates. 

In  the  spring  of  1565, 

Map  of  the  Huguenot  Settlements  ^Yl^^e  WaS    distrCSS    in    the 

Huguenot  colony,  which,  in  early  August,  was  relieved 
by  the  English  corsair,  John  Hawkins.  Admiral  Haw- 
kins had  just  landed  a  cargo  from  Guinea  in  the  markets 
of  Haiti;  from  the  bloody  profits  he  gave  with  gener- 
osity to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  Huguenots.  Thus 
provisioned,  and  provided  with  a  ship,  the  colonists 
August  28  were  about  to  sail,  when  Ribault  arrived  with  seven 
ships  laden  with  supplies  and  reinforcements.  He  took 
command  of  the  now  joyous  Frenchmen,  and  a  Protes- 
tant French  empire  seemed  assured.  England  had  not 
yet  planted  her  standard  anywhere  on  the  new  continent. 
There  was  no  danger  to  Spanish  interests  from  a  French 


Ribault 
Returns 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France  317 

occupancy  of  cold  Canada,  but  it  was  decided  that  any    1565 
French  settlement  further  south  should  be  crushed  on 
one  pretext  or  another.     Laudonniere   was    recalled    to 
France,  but  when  he  went  he  carried  stirring  news. 

Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles,  after  many  ups  and  Menendez 
downs  of  life,  had  made  a  compact  with  Philip  II.  of 
Spain  to  conquer  and  convert  Florida  at  his  own  cost. 
He  was  to  be  adelantado  for  life  and  to  have  large 
emoluments  from  the  expected  conquest.  His  Florida 
extended  from  Mexico  to  Labrador.  Before  he  sailed 
from  Spain,  word  came  to  Madrid  that  Frenchmen  had 
already  invaded  his  domain.  "  The  trespassers,  too, 
were  heretics,  foes  of  God  and  liegemen  of  the  Devil. 
Their  doom  was  fixed."  For  the  holy  war,  nearly  four 
hundred  men  were  added  at  the  royal  charge  to  the 
force  that  Menendez  gathered,  and  adventurers  crowded 
to  enroll  themselves.  "  To  plunder  heretics  is  good 
for  the  soul  as  well  as  the  purse,  and  broil  and  massacre 
have  double  attraction  when  promoted  into  a  means  of 
salvation."  As  Catholic,  Spaniard,  and  adventurer  the 
adelantado's  course  was  clear.  Menendez  pushed  with 
furious  energy  his  attempt  to  anticipate  Ribault  and  his 
reinforcements  for  Fort  Caroline.  He  sailed  from 
Cadiz  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  June,  1565. 

A  week  after  Ribault's  arrival,  a  third  fleet  suddenly  At  the  River 
appeared  off  the  mouth  of  the  River  of  May.  When  the  "''^^^y 
commander  was  asked  who  his  followers  were  and  what 
they  wanted,  Menendez  answered  that  they  were  Span- 
iards sent  by  their  king  to  gibbet  and  behead  all  Lutheran 
French  found  in  his  dominions.  "The  Frenchman  who 
is  a  Catholic  I  will  spare  ;  every  heretic  shall  die."  There 
are  wide  differences  in  the  accounts  of  these  events,  the 
coloring  of  the  picture  varying  with  the  point  of  view  or 
tinge  of  religious  bias.  In  his  apology  for  Menendez, 
Mr.  Shea  says:  "The  two  bitter  antagonists,  each  stim- 
ulated by  his  superiors,  were  thus  racing  across  the  Atlan- 
tic, each  endeavoring  to  outstrip  the  other  so  as  to  be 
able  first  to  assume  the  offensive.  The  struggle  was  to 
be  a  deadly  one,  for  on  neither  side  was  there  any  of  the 


3i8 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


1565  ordinary  restraints;  it  was  to  be  a  warfare  without  mercy." 
Ribault  won  the  race,  but  the  Fates  turned  his  victory 
to  disaster. 

When  Menendez  gave  his  blood-curdling  answer,  three 
of  Ribault's  ships  were  at  Fort  Caroline.  The  other 
four  slipped  their  cables,  put  out  to  sea,  and  easily  out- 
sailed their  pursuers.  When  the  latter  gave  up  the 
chase,  the  Frenchmen  watched  the  Spaniards  land  their 


Saint  Augus- 
tine Founded 


Fort  Caroline 

men  and  stores  at  the  River  of  Dolphins,  a  few  leagues 

September  6     further   south.      Hcrc    Menendez    immediately  laid    the 

foundations   of   Saint   Augustine,  the    oldest    European 

settlement  in  the  United  States.      In  this  work  he  used 

African  slaves,  another  "introduction"  of  negro  slavery 

into  this  country.      The  French  ships  hastened  back  to 

the  River  of  May. 

Tactics  Determined  to  attack  the  enemv  ere  thev  had  time  to 

fortify,  Ribault  left  a  small  garrison  at  Fort  Caroline  and 

September  10   sct  Sail  with  his  larger  ships  and  nearly  all  his  fighting 

force.      A  violent  tempest  wrecked  his  ships  almost  at  the 

moment    of    attack.      Menendez    saw    his    opportunity. 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


319 


With  a  force  of  five  hundred  men  he  began  an  overland    1565 
march  to   attack  Fort   CaroHne   before   the   shipwrecked  September  17 
Frenchmen    could     return.     After    struggling     through 
swamps  and  forests,  with  water  often  to  their  waists  and 
rains  beating  upon  their  heads,  they  reached  the  unsen- 
tineled  fort  in  the  darkness  of  night.      There  was  little  of  September 
fighting,  much  of  killing,  but  not  a  Spaniard  hurt.      No   '9-^0 
quarter  was  given  even    to  women   or  children;    a  hun- 
dred  and   forty-two   were   slaughtered.      A  few  escaped  Massacre 
through  the  marshes  to  the  ships  and  sailed  for  France, 
without  waiting  to  hear  of  the  fate  of  Ribault  and  his 
companions.     Among  these  fugitives  were   Laudonniere 
and  Le  Moyne.      The  few  prisoners  taken  were  hanged. 
Over  their  heads   Menendez  placed  the  inscription:    "I 
do    this    not   as    to    Frenchmen    but    as    to    Lutherans." 
This  was  on  Saint  Matthew's  day,  whence  the  new  name,  September  21 
San    Mateo,   given    to    the    fort   and   river.       Menendez 
returned  with  fifty  men  to  Saint  Augustine,  where  his 
success  was  celebrated  with  thanks  to  God.      The  mas- 
sacre  at    Fort    Caroline   was    the   first   struggle    between 
Europeans  within  the  boundaries  of  our  present  domain. 
On    behalf   of   Menendez,    Mr.    Shea   and   others    have 
entered   pleas   of   not  guilty    to 
some  of  the  worst  items  of  the 
indictment. 

Ribault  and  his  shipwrecked 
Frenchmen  surrendered  in  reli- 
ance on  the  compassion  of  Men- 
endez, whose  highest  conception 

of   love    to    God    was    identical  .^^^v'^^^^t^"'     <^\ 

with  cruelty  to  man  —  when  man 
was  heretical.  They  were  re- 
ceived in  small  detachments  and 
firmly  bound.  Menendez  wrote 
to  the  king:  "They  were  put 
to    the    sword,  judging    this    to 

be  expedient  for  the  service  of  God  our  Lord  and  of 
your  majesty."  Mr.  Shea  says  that  they  "were  put  to 
death  in  cold  blood  as  ruthlessly  as  the  French,  ten  years 


Matanzas, 
which  signifies 
Slaughter-yard 


^\^ 


«mA' 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles 


... 


320 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


1565  before,  had  despatched  their  prisoners  amid  the  smoking 
ruins  of  Havana  and,  Hke  them,  in  the  name  of  rehgion." 
The  spot  is  still  known  as  "the  bloody  river  of  Matan- 
zas."  A  few  Frenchmen  who  escaped  southward  from 
Matanzas  Inlet  were  afterward  taken  prisoners.  By  way 
of  variety,  Menendez  spared  their  lives.  On  one  of  the 
despatches  of  his  adelantado.  King  Philip  wrote:  "Say  to 
him  that,  as  to  those  he  has  killed,  he  has  done  well ;  and, 
as  to  those  he  has  saved,  they  shall  be  sent  to  the  gal- 
leys." The  loss  by  massacre  at  Fort  Caroline  and 
Matanzas  was  said  by  the  French  to  be  nine  hundred, 
but  other  writers  call  this  statement  "exaggerated"  and 
"impossible."  Within  a  month  from  the  arrival  of 
Ribault's  fleet,  the  first  act  of  the  tragedy  was  ended. 

Execration  When  the  ncws  of  the   massacre  in   Florida  reached 

France,  a  cry  of  horror  and  execration  was  raised  by  the 
Huguenots  and  echoed  by  many  Catholics.  Redress 
was  demanded,  but  in  the  end  the  French  king  and  his 
mother  pocketed  the  affront  rather  than  to  reopen  the 
quarrel  with  Spain.  The  relatives  of  the  victims  peti- 
tioned for  reparation,  but  Coligny's  power  had  waned  and 
the  king  was  "fast  subsiding  into  the  deathly  embrace 
of  Spain,  for  whom,  at  last,  on  the  bloody  eve  of  Saint 
Bartholomew,  he  was  to  become  the  assassin  of  his  own 
best  subjects."  As  Mr.  Parkman  has  pointed  out,  the 
state  of  international  relations  at  that  time  is  hardly  con- 
ceivable at  this  day.  Puritans  and  Huguenots  regarded 
Spain  as  their  natural  enemy,  and  joined  hands  with 
godless  freebooters  to  rifle  her  ships,  kill  her  sailors,  or 
throw  them  alive  into  the  sea.  Spain  seized  Protestant 
sailors  who  ventured  into  her  ports  and  burned  them  as 
heretics  or  consigned  them  to  a  living  death  in  the 
inquisition.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  century,  these 
mutual  outrages  went  on  for  years.  There  was  occa- 
sional menace,  but  no  redress  and  no  declaration  of  war. 
But  the  butcheries  of  Fort  Caroline  and  Matanzas  were 
to  be  avenged. 

De  Gourgues  Dominique  de  Gourgues,  a  soldier  and  a  Gascon,  had 
suffered  as  a  Spanish  prisoner,  chained  to   the  oar  as  a 


August  24, 
1572 


Reciprocity 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France  321 

galley-slave.  It  is  not  certain  that  he  was  a  Huguenot,  1567 
but,  Catholic  or  heretic,  he  hated  the  Spaniards.  He 
sold  his  estates,  borrowed  from  his  friends,  fitted  out  an 
expedition,  and  with  misleading  pretense  sailed  for  August  22, 
Florida.  He  made  an  alliance  with  an  Indian  chief,  the  '5^7 
first  of  many  between  the  Indians  and  the  French,  and 
attacked  the  three  Spanish  forts  on  the  San  Mateo.  As 
three  years  before,  there  was  quick  and  effective  work. 
The  fleeing  Spaniards  were  pursued  by  the  avenging  The  Avenger 
Frenchmen  and  met,  in  the  tangles  of  the  forest,  by  the 
exultant  Indian  warriors.  There  were  four  hundred 
Spaniards  dead ;  but  vengeance  was  not  satisfied.  The 
few  prisoners  taken  were  soon  hanging  on  the  trees 
where  Huguenots  had  been  gibbeted,  "  not  as  French- 
men but  as  Lutherans."  Over  their  heads  De  Gourgues 
wrote  with  red-hot  irons :  "  I  do  not  this  as  unto 
Spaniards  but  as  unto  traitors,  robbers,  and  murderers." 
Again  the  curtain  falls  ;  another  tragedy  is  ended.  As 
the  three  hundred  men  of  the  avenger  were  not  a  force 
sufficient  for  the  capture  of  Saint  Augustine,  De  Gour- 
gues sailed  back  to  France  in  May,  1568.  His  king 
disavowed  his  expedition  and  gave  up  Florida.  The 
Huguenots  had  no  home,  and  France  no  New  World 
empire.  At  the  same  time,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  lay 
embosomed  within  the  territories  of  Spain. 


C      H     A     P     T     E      R 


X     X     I 


w 


T 


W 


A 


D 


H 


English  Seamen 


W^ 


May  21,  1553 


HILE  these  bloody  scenes  were  being  worked 
out  by  French  and  Spanish  actors,  England 
began  to  rub  her  eyes  and  to  waken  from 
her  doze.  For  fifty  years  few  Englishmen  had  crossed 
the  ocean,  while  Spain  and  France  contended  for  the  land 
that  Cabot  found.  The  discovery  of  the  American  con- 
tinent attracted  as  little  attention  in  England  as  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Antarctic  continent  did  in  America.     The 

northwest  passage  was  elusively 
discouraging,  and  a  conviction 
grew  that  the  better  route  was 
by  the  northeast.  Then  Edward 
VI.  recalled  Sebastian  Cabot 
from  Spain,  The  Muscovy 
company  of  merchant  adventur- 
ers was  organized,  and  under  its 
auspices  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby 
was  sent  with  an  English  fleet 
seeking  a  northeasterlv  passage 
to  Cathay.  Only  one  ot  the 
ships  got  home.  Two  years 
later,  two  of  the  ships  were  found 
by  fishermen  in  a  Lapland  harbor.  Willoughby's  corpse 
was  found  sitting  in  the  cabin,  while  scattered  about  both 
ships  were  the  bodies  of  the  frozen  crews.  In  spite  of 
the  pathetic  tragedv,  a  new  channel  of  trade  was  opened, 
and    the    taste    of   maritime     adventure     developed    an 


Queen  Elizabeth 


Westward  Ho  ! 


323 


interest  that  grew  rapidly.  When  EHzabeth  became  1530 
queen,  a  fresh  vigor  seemed  to  animate  her  people.  A  i  5  6  8 
new  race  arose  —  lawless  men,  smugglers,  slave-traders; 
and  adventurous  bucaneers  though  they  were,  they  broke 
the  power  of  Spain,  made  the  name  of  England  and  her 
virgin  queen  mighty  upon  the  seas,  and  changed  the 
destiny  of  North  America. 

They  should  take  who  have  the  power, 
And  those  should  keep  who  can. 

As    early  as    1530,  William    Hawkins    of    Plymouth,  john  Hawkins 
England,   "armed    out    a    tall    and    goodly   ship   of  his 
own,"   skirted  the  African  coast, 
and  became  the  father  of  an  Eng- 
lish slave-trade  that  flourished  for 
almost  three  hundred  years.      In 
1562,  his   son  John  followed  his 
example ;  and,  in  i  565,  as  we  have 
seen,    bore    needed    help    to    the 
Huguenots  at  Fort  Caroline.     In 
those  days,  our  English  kin,  like 
the  Spaniard,  took  little  thought 
of  the  cruelty  and  wrong  involved 
in  the  theft  of  human  flesh  and 
blood.      Hawkins    sailed    in    the 
ship  "Jesus,"  and  in  his  sailing- 
orders  were   the  words :    "  Serve    God   daily ;    love    one 
another."      He  has  told  the  story  of  escaping  starvation 
when  becalmed  upon  the  ocean:  "Almighty  God,  who 
never  suffereth  his  elect  to  perish,  sent  us  the  ordinary 
breeze."    Still,  he  kept  on  stealing  negroes,  selling  slaves, 
crossing  swords  with  Spaniards  on  land  and  water,  and 
began  the  long  sea-fight  between  Spain  and  England  for 
the  possession  of  the  New  W^orld.     In  1568,  by  Spanish 
breach  of  faith  he  was  disastrously  defeated  in  the  Mex- 
ican port  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua.      On  that  day,  Francis 
Drake  learned  his  lesson  of  Spanish  perfidy  and  learned  it 
well.     For  meritorious  service  against  the  Spanish  armada 
in  1588,  the  rear-admiral  was  made  Sir  John  Hawkins. 


Sir  John  Hawkins 


324 


Westward  Ho  ! 


5   7   7        Francis  Drake  took  such  sweet  revenge  for  the  perfidy 
at  Ulua   that,  tor   two   hundred  years,  he  was  known   in 


Francis  Drake 


In  the  South 
Pacific 


August  I  7, 
1578 


Sir  Francis  Drake 


Spanish  annals  as  "The  Dragon." 
He  attacked  and  ravaged  in  the 
West  Indies  and  on  the  Spanish 
main  until  he  had  "gotten  to- 
gether a  pretty  sum  of  money," 
with  which  he  provided  a  squad- 
ron of  five  vessels  with  an  equip- 
ment that  was  complete  and  even 
luxurious.  His  flag-ship,  the 
"Pelican,"  was  of  a  hundred  tons 
and  mounted  twenty  guns.  In 
her  hold  were  pinnaces  in  parts 
that  could  be  put  together  and 
cannons  that  could  be  brought  up  for  use  when  needed. 
The  five  ships  carried  a  hundred  and  sixty-four  men  and 
boys,  including  "  one  Ffrancis  Ffletcher,  Minister  of 
Christ  and  Preacher  of  the  Gospell."  The  minister 
did  not  prove  wholly  satisfactory  to  the  admiral,  for 
Drake  sometimes  did  the  preaching  himself,  and  once, 
after  putting  the  parson  in  irons,  said :  "  Francis 
Fletcher,  I  doo  heere  excommvnicate  thee  out  of  the 
Church  of  God  and  from  all  the  benefites  and  graces 
thereof,  and  I  denounce  thee  to  the  divell  and  all  his 
angells."  Furthermore,  he  hung  around  his  neck  a 
placard  with  this  legend :  "  francis  fletcher,  the  falsest 
knave  that  liveth."  As  for  the  rest,  they  were  described 
as  "  gentlemen  and  saylars,"  "  a  companye  of  des- 
perate banckwrouptes  that  could  not  lyve  in  theyr 
countrye  without  the  spoyle  of  that  as  others  had 
gotten  by  the  swete  of  theyr  browes." 

On  the  fifteenth  of  November,  1577,  Drake  sailed 
from  Plymouth  ostensibly  for  Egypt.  In  the  following 
June,  the  beginning  of  the  southern  winter,  he  was  at 
Port  Saint  Julian  on  the  coast  of  South  America,  whence 
he  sailed,  in  August,  to  essay  the  Magellan  Strait.  On 
the  twenty-eighth  of  October,  the  "  Pelican  "  was  safe 
in  the   Pacific.     The  other  ships  had  been  lost  or  had 


Westward  Ho!  325 

deserted.     About  this  time,  Drake  seems  to  have  changed   1578 
the  name  of  his  ship  from  the  "PeHcan"  to  the  "Golden    1579 
Hind;"  both   names   frequently  appear.      After   passing 
through   the   strait,   the  "Pelican"  was  driven  south  by 
tempests.     At   the   extreme  point  of  Tierra  del  Fuego, 
Drake  sprawled  himself  at  length  on  the  ground,  "  as  if 
to  grasp  the  southern  end  of  the  hemisphere."     Thence 
he   sailed    northward,   surprising    the    Spaniards    on    the 
Peruvian   coast,  pillaging   their  towns,   plundering   their 
treasure-ships,  and  capturing  a  booty  of  immense  value. 
From   one  vessel  he  took  a  treasure   estimated   by  the  March  i, 
Spaniards   at   a   million   and  a  half  of  ducats,  or  about  '^79 
three  million  dollars.      The  "doctrine  of  the  inquisition 
that  no  faith  was  to  be  kept  with  heretics  proved  a  dan- 
gerous  doctrine   for   Spain  when   the   heretics  were   such 
men  as  Hawkins,  Cavendish,  and  Drake." 

Deeming  a  return  by  Magellan  Strait  too  hazardous,  offtheCaii- 
"lest  the  Spaniards  should  there  waite,"  Drake  pushed  fof"'^  Coast 
northward  beyond  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River. 
He  sailed  more  than  a  thousand  leagues  without  seeing 
land.  In  latitude  forty-two  degrees  north,  he  met  cold 
and  persistent  northwest  winds  and  "  most  vile,  thicke, 
and  stinking  fogges"  that  put  an  end  to  his  search  for 
a  northern  passage  from  the  Pacific  into  the  Atlantic. 
So  he  retraced  his  course  and  entered  a  bay  to  careen 
and  repair  his  ship.  No  regular  log  of  the  voyage  is 
known,  but  from  the  notes  of  the  chaplain  and  the 
narrative  of  a  companion  we  learn  that  Drake  found  a 
"convenient  and  fit  harborough,"  and  that  "there  is  no 
part  of  the  earth  here  to  be  taken  up  wherein  there  is 
not  some  special  likelihood  of  gold  or  silver."  It  was 
long  claimed  that  these  notes  prove  that  Drake  discov- 
ered and  anchored  in  San  Francisco  Bay,  but  it  has 
since  been  made  clear  that  he  never  entered  the  Golden 
Gate,  and  that  the  "Pelican"  folded  her  wings  behind 
the  eastern  promontory  of  Point  Reyes,  a  few  miles 
further  north. 

Drake    and    his    companions    were   received    as    gods  in  the  Queen's 
by  the    natives,  who    made  supplication    that  he  would  ^'^'"^ 


326 


Westward  Ho 


1579  accept    their    land    and    become    their    king.      "  In     the 

1580  name  and  to  the  use  of  Queen  Elizabeth  he  took  the 
scepter,  crown,  and  dignity  of  the  country  into  his 
hand."  He  called  the  country  New  Albion.  Before 
leaving,  he  set  up  a  post  with  a  brass  plate  on  which 
were  engraved  his  sovereign's  name,  the  date  of  his 
landing,  and  a  brief  record  of  the  gift  of  the  country. 
He  also  left  her  majesty's  portrait  and  arms  —  a  silver 
sixpence  "showing  through  a  hole  made  of  purpose  in 
the  plate." 

The  First  Eng-      Having  gained  for  himself  an   honest  fame,  the  illus- 
iish  circum-     tj-Jous  corsair  sailed  westward  across  the  Pacific,  doubled 
the    Cape    of  Good    Hope,   and,    after    a    three    years' 
absence,  arrived  at    Plymouth  in   September,   1580,  the 
first  of  Englishmen  to  circumnavigate  the  globe.      The 
people    gave    him    enthusiastic    welcome  and  the  queen 
was  very  gracious.     She  banqueted  with  him  on   ship- 
board, rested  beneath  rich  canopies  of  stolen  silk,  trod 
on    Turkish    rugs    that   lay  on    decks    oft    stained  with     i 
blood,  partook  of  dainty  viands  served  in  silver  dishes,     ' 
drank  old  wines  from  golden  goblets,  and,  with  his  own 
sword,  thrice  gently  smote  upon  the   shoulders  of  the 
kneeling  captain  of  the  pirate  crew  and  bade  him  rise  Sir 
Francis  Drake. 
Bucaneering  The  reader  need  not  be  confused  or  led  into  error  by 

Heroes  ^  reference    to    Sir    Francis    Drake   as   the   captain    of  a     1 

pirate  crew.       In  his  dav,  the  English  navy  was   not  a     *| 
national    institution    in    the    sense    that    it  is  today.     A 
flavor    of  bucaneering     pervaded    nearly    all    the    mari- 
time   operations    of    that    age,    and,    to    a    considerable 
extent,    European     navies    were    supported    by    private 
enterprise.     This  easy-fitting  policy  was  especially  help-     ■ 
ful  to  Oueen  Elizabeth,  who  was  thus  enabled    to  avow    ^ 
or  to  disclaim  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  her  captains 
as  suited  best  the  circumstances  of  any  individual  case. 
Her  great  seamen  would  attack  and  capture  a  Spanish 
galleon    in    time  of   nominal   peace  and   snugly  stow  in    J 
their    own    strong  chests  the  gold  and  silver  that  they    ■ 
took;  thus  far  they  were  corsairs.     They  also  did  this 


Westward  Ho  ! 


327 


in   the  name  of  their  queen,  for  the  glory  of  England,    1585 
and  to  the  cumulative  undoing  of  Spain;  in  that  they    1586 
were  chivalric  sailors,   knights,  patriots,  and   heroes,  and 
England  so  regards  them  to  this  day. 

In  1585,  war  between  Spain  and  England  was  Arson  and 
declared,  and  Sir  Francis  sailed  from  Plymouth  with  ^^"^om 
twenty-five  ships  and  twenty-three  hundred  men  for  an 
attack  on  the  Spaniards  in  America.  They  burned  a 
third  of  Santo  Domingo  and  exacted  a  ransom  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  Spanish  ducats  for  what  they  spared. 
Cartagena  made  a  stubborn  fight,  but  paid  a  hundred  and 
ten  thousand  ducats.  In  1586,  while  searching  for  the 
English  colony  of  Roanoke,  he  entered  the  River  of 
Dolphins,  burned  Saint  Augustine,  and  carried  off  rich 
booty.  In  1587,  he  "singed  the  beard  of  the  king  of 
Spain"  by  burning  a  hundred  of  his  ships  in  the  harbor 
of  Cadiz.  In  the  following  year,  he  was  vice-admiral 
of  the  fleet  that  defeated  the  armada  that  was  called 
invincible. 

The  sea  that  was  his  glory  is  his  grave. 

In  1585,  the  youthful  Thomas  Cavendish  went  as  cap-  cavendish 
tain  of  one  of  the  ships  that  bore  Walter  Ralegh's  first 
colony  to  the  shores  of  North  Carolina.     The  next  year, 
he   followed  in    Drake's  track. 

He     plundered     the     Spanish  i^^-^'W^^^i  J"'y  ^''  '586 

ships  off  the  coast  of  Chile  and 
Peru,  and  whipped  their  great 
flag-ship,  "Santa  Anna,"  off 
the  coast  of  California.  With 
prudent  forethought,  he  re- 
moved the  silks  and  satins  and 
wines  and  a  hundred  and 
twenty-two  thousand  pesos  of 
gold  before  he  burned  the 
Spanish  war-ship  to  the  water's 
edge.  He  sailed  westward  and 
became  the  second  English  cir- 
cumnavigator of  the  globe.  On  his  return  to  England,  September  10, 
he  made  this  report:     "I  burnt  and  sunk  nineteen  sail   '5^8 


Thomas  Cavendish 


328 


Westward  Ho 


1578  of  ships,  small  and  great;  and  all  the  villages  and  towns 
1583  that  ever  I  landed  at  I  burned  and  spoiled."  As  the 
loss  fell  on  the  Spanish,  Cavendish  was  gladly  welcomed 
by  the  English.  By  such  doings  the  naval  power  of 
Spain  was  broken,  Britannia  made  ruler  of  the  wave,  and 
the  English  colonization  of  North  America  rendered 
possible.  These  vigorous  newcomers  "plundered  a 
great  many  Spanish  cities  and  captured  a  great  many 
Spanish  galleons,  but  they  made  no  great  or  lasting  con- 
quests of  Spanish  territory." 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  had  been  a  soldier  in  Ireland 
and  France,  and  with  the  prince  of  Orange  in  the 
Netherlands  had  fought  for  the  new  faith  against  the 
Spaniards.      In   1578,  through  the  influence  of  his  half 


Humphrey 
Gilbert 


brother,  he  received  from  the 
queen  a  commission  "to  in- 
habit and  possess  at  his  choice 
all  remote  and  heathen  lands 
not  in  the  actual  possession  of 
any  Christian  prince."  He 
made  an  unsuccessful  start, 
and  in  a  few  days  returned 
with  the  crippled  remnant  of 
his  fleet.  He  had  lost  a  ship 
by  storm  or  Spaniards.  We 
need  not  wonder  at  the  alter- 
native, for  chronic  plundering 
begets  reprisal.  He  again  set  sail  in  June,  1583,  with 
five  ships  and  a  golden  anchor  sent  as  a  good-will  token 
by  the  queen.  The  crew  of  the  "  Ralegh "  (two 
hundred  tons)  soon  deserted  and  ran  the  ship  back  to 
England.  The  four  remaining  ships  landed  at  New- 
foundland, a  resting-place  on  the  way  to  a  more  southern 
land.  Sir  Humphrey's  men  were,  in  large  part,  a  worth- 
less set,  and  his  experience  was  a  series  of  disasters.  As 
the  weather  was  tempestuous  and  growing  cold  and  the 
supply  of  provisions  was  low  and  becoming  less,  Gilbert 
resolved  to  return  to  England.  In  a  furious  September 
gale  off  the  Azores,  the  ship  that  bore  the  admiral  nearly 


Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert 


Westward  Ho  ! 


329 


foundered.     When  Sir  Humphrey  was  urged  to  go  on    i    5 
board   a   larger  craft,  he   made   reply:       "Do    not   fear; 
heaven  is  as  near  by  water  as  by  land."      That  night,  the 
little  vessel,  with  all  on  board,  was  swallowed  up  in  the 
great  sea. 

The  half-brother  who  had  aided  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  Waiter 
was  the  famous  Walter  Ralegh,  kindred  in  spirit  as  well  ^*'^s^ 
as  by  blood  and  younger  by  a  dozen  years.  He  left  his 
books  at  Oxford  to  learn  the  ^ 
art  of  war  with  Coligny  and  the  ^', 
Huguenots  in  France.  He 
served  under  the  prince  of 
Orange  in  the  Netherlands  and 
became  the  lifelong  foe  to  Spain 
and  her  religion.  He  won  dis- 
tinction in  the  wars  of  Ireland, 
which  he  called  "that  common- 
welthe  or  rather  common  woo." 
According  to  tradition,  the 
courtly  captain  spread  his  rich 
mantle  that  his  queen  might 
walk  dry-shod,  and  lost  nothing 
by  his  gallantry.  "  He  was  at  once  the  most  industrious 
scholar  and  the  most  accomplished  courtier  of  his  age:  as 
a  projector,  profound,  ingenious,  and  indefatigable;  as  a 
soldier,  prompt,  daring,  and  heroic:  so  contemplative 
that  he  might  have  been  judged  unfit  for  action ;  so  active 
that  he  seemed  to  have  no  leisure  for  contemplation." 

Ralegh  took  up  the  work  that  by  his  brother's  death  Ralegh's 
fell  at  his  feet.  The  queen  granted  him  a  charter  that  ^^"^" 
secured  for  him  inviting  lands,  and  for  his  colonists 
"all  the  privileges  of  free  denizens  and  persons  native 
of  England  in  such  ample  manner  as  if  they  were  born 
and  personally  resident  in  our  said  realm  of  England," 
"the  very  thing  that,  two  centuries  later,  Patrick  Henry 
and  Samuel  Adams  demanded  and  George  III.  refused 
to  concede."  Even  in  that  early  day,  the  crown  and 
the  parliament  were  engaged  in  a  struggle  for  the  sov- 


\ 

Sir  Walter  Ralegh 


3  30  Westward  Ho! 

1584  ereignty,  with  the  privy  council  as  a  buffer  between. 
158*;  As  the  Tudors  were  always  ready  to  sacrifice  the  form 
for  the  substance  of  autocracy,  a  bill  confirming  Ralegh's 
patent  was  passed  through  parliament.  In  April,  1584, 
Ralegh  sent  Arthur  Barlowe  and  Philip  Amadas  with 
two  ships  to  find  the  place  best  fitted  for  a  colony. 
Ralegh's  Early  in  July,  the  party  found  a  harbor  in  the  sound 

Virginia  ^j^  ^j^g  coast  of  North  Carolina,  explored   Roanoke   Is- 

land and  the  smooth  summer  waters  of  Pamlico  and 
Albemarle,  gathered  what  information  they  could,  were 
charmed  with  all  they  saw  and  heard,  and,  in  September, 
sailed  for  England  with  Manteo  and  another  native, 
some  of  the  products  of  the  delightful  land,  "the 
most  wholesome  of  all  the  worlde,"  and  "a  bracelet 
of  pearls  as  big  as  peas"  for  Walter  Ralegh.  The 
report  of  the  explorers  delighted  the  queen  and  her 
people.  Ralegh  received  the  honor  of  knighthood  and 
the  more  profitable  monopoly  of  the  sale  of  sweet  wines. 
He  was  permitted  to  call  his  new  domain  Virginia  in  honor 
of  the  Virgin  queen,  and  almost  without  opposition  was 
elected  to  parliament,  where  his  patent  was  confirmed. 
Ralegh's  Early  in  April  of  1585,  a  fleet  of  seven  ships  set  sail 

Colonists  ^^  Plymouth  with  a  notable  company  of  about  a  hundred 
men  with  which  to  start  the  colony.  Ralegh's  cousin. 
Sir  Richard  Grenville,  was  commander  of  the  fleet. 
Among  the  hundred  were  Ralph  Lane,  a  soldier  of 
distinction  who  had  been  picked  out  as  governor  of  the 
contemplated  colony;  Philip  Amadas  who  again  com- 
manded a  ship  and  was  to  be  Lane's  deputy;  Thomas 
Cavendish,  of  whom  we  have  already  read;  and  Thomas 
Harriot,  "the  inventor  of  +,  — ,  V,  and  the  rest  of  those 
algebraic  horrors,"  who  went  along  as  historian  and 
naturalist.  It  was  three  months  before  they  reached 
their  destination,  for  Grenville  took  time  on  the  way 
to  capture  Spanish  frigates  with  "rich  fraight  and  divers 
Spaniards  of  account  which  afterwards  were  ransomed 
for  good  round  summes."  During  his  short  stay, 
Grenville  burned  an  Indian  town  and  destroyed  the 
standing  corn  because  a  silver  cup  had  been  stolen  and 


Westward  Ho 


331 


not  returned  at  once  when  called  for.      Of  course,  the    i    5    8 
good  will  won  in  the  previous  year  was  thus  destroyed. 
Promising   to  re- 


August  25, 
1585 


Roanoke 
Abandoned 


turn  by  the  next 
Easter,  Grenville 
soon  sailed  for 
England.  On 
the  homeward 
voyage,  he  made 
more  rich  plunder 
from  the  Span- 
iards, with  which 
he  safely  entered 
Plymouth  Har- 
bor. 

Lane  contin- 
ued the  severities 
of  Grenville,  and 
soon  the.  natives 
were  changed 
from  admiring 
friends  to  open 
enemies.  Supplies  from  England  did  not  come,  provi- 
sions were  exhausted,  and  the  Indians  refused  to  furnish 
food.  Under  grave  difficulties,  the  exploration  of  the 
coasts  and  rivers  was  pursued  with  an  earnestness  that 
challenges  admiration.  Suddenly  a  friendly  fleet  appeared 
in  the  wild  road  of  the  bad  harbor.  On  his  way  home 
from  Saint  Augustine,  Sir  Francis  Drake  had  called  to  see 
his  English  brethren  at  Roanoke.  He  found  them  dis- 
heartened with  the  trials  that  they  had  fairly  brought 
upon  themselves.  In  Drake's  ships  the  colonists  set  June  19, 
sail,  taking  with  them  tobacco  and  potatoes.  The  ships  '^^^ 
arrived  at  Portsmouth  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  July. 
The  potatoes  were  planted  on  Ralegh's  estate  in  Ireland. 
Hardly  had  Lane  and  his  companions  left  Roanoke  when 
relief  sent  by  Ralegh  arrived  at  Hatteras.  Finding  no 
colony,  the  relief  ship  returned  to  England.  Two  weeks 
after  its  departure,  Grenville  returned  to  Roanoke  with 


Map  of  Ralegh's  Explorations 


332 


Westward  Ho 


1586  three  ships  laden  with  suppHes  and  also  made  vain  search 

1587  for   the   colony   that   he    had    planted.     To    protect   the 

/   t 


W&^^ 


An  Indian  Village 

rights  of  England,  Grenville  left  fifteen  men  with  supplies 

for  two  years. 
Roanoke  In  the  following  spring,  the  still  hopeful  Ralegh  pre- 

Reestabhshed    p^j-g,^  ^  new  colony.     John  White  and  twelve  associates 


Westward  Ho!  333 

were   incorporated   as   the  "  Governor   and   Assistants  of  i    587 
the  City  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia."      Of  the  hundred  and    i    5   9    i 
seventeen    colonists,  seventeen  were  women ;    the    men 
were  chiefly  farmers  and  artisans.      They  were  to  aban- 
don the  settlement  at  Roanoke  and  establish  new  homes 
at    Chesapeake    Bay.       The    three    ships    reached    the 
American    coast   on    the    twenty-second    of  July,    1587. 
The  colonists  did  not  go  beyond  Roanoke,  where   they 
stopped  to  look  for  the  fifteen  men  whom  Grenville  had 
left  the  year  before.     A  ruined  fort  and  whitening  human 
bones   too   plainly   told  the   story  of  Indian  attack  and 
massacre.     All   further  trace  of  "  the   protectors  of  the 
rights  of  England  "  was  lost.     The  Indian  Manteo,  who 
had  gone  to  England  with   Barlowe  and   returned  with 
Grenville,  was  now  living  with  his  people,  the  Hatteras 
Indians,  at  Croatan.     As  the  faithful  friend  of  the  whites, 
he  received  the  rite  of  Christian  baptism  and    the   order  August  13, 
of  a  feudal  baron  as  "  Lord  of  Roanoke" — the  begin-   '^87 
ning  and  the  end  of  the  true  American  peerage.      In  the 
same  month,  Eleanor  Dare,  wife  of  one  of  the  assistants  August  18 
and  daughter  of  the  governor,  gave  birth  to  a  child  whom 
they  called  Virginia  —  the  first  Anglo-American.     After 
waiting  a  month.  Governor  White  returned  to  England 
for  assistance.     The  parting  was  forever. 

White   found    Ralegh   and    the    queen    engaged  with  a  Lost  Coiony 
plans  for  national  defense  against  the  "  invincible  arma- 
da," with  which  Philip  II.  of  Spain,  "  stung  to  the  quick 
by  heresy  and  privateering,"  was  about  to  strike.      Even 
amid  these  exciting  scenes,  the  courtier  found  opportunity 
to   send   the   governor   back   with  two   pinnaces,  fifteen  April  22, 
planters,  and  "convenient  provisions"  for  the  colonists   '^^^ 
at  Roanoke.     White  fell  in  with  Spanish  ships  and  was 
forced  to  return  to  England.      Nothing  was  done  in  1589. 
Early  in  the  following  year,  three  merchantmen  bound  February, 
for  the  West  Indies  were  released  from  the  embargo  on   1590-91 
condition  that  they  would  carry  supplies  and  passengers 
to   Virginia.      On   one   of  them  went   Governor  White,  March  20, 
unaccompanied  even  by  a  servant.      The  merchantmen   '59' 
found  plundering  prizes  so   profitable  that  Virginia  was 


3  34 


Westward  Ho ! 


1    5  9 


Croatan 


Philip  II.  of  Spain 


I    not  reached  until  August.      At  last  a  boat  was  anchored 
off  the  fort.      A  trumpet-call  and  familiar  English  tunes 

were  sounded ;  but  no  answer 
came  back.  The  colony  was 
lost;  it  was  never  found. 

It  had  been  agreed  that,  if  in 
the  governor's  absence  the  col- 
onists changed  their  habitation, 
they  would  cut  the  name  of  their 
destination  upon    door-posts  or 
trees  ;    if  they  went   in   distress 
they  were  to  add  a  cross.    Upon 
one  tree  White  found  the  letters 
CRO,  and  upon  another  tree  the 
quaintly  carved   capitals  in  full, 
CROATOAN ;  there  was  no  cross.     The  houses  within 
the  palisades  were  gone,  but  there  were  some  heavy  guns 
covered  with  grass  and  weeds,  a  rust-eaten  suit  of  armor, 
and  that  brief  message,  CROATOAN!     How  high  with 
hope  that  father's  heart  must  have  beaten  ;    what  eager 
haste  he  must  have  made  toward  the  island  home  of  the 
friendly  and  baptized  "  Lord  of  Roanoke !  "    But  supplies 
were  getting  short  and  the  sailors  were  impatient.      The 
ships  made  no  stop  at  Croatan  as  they  sailed  by.     As 
White  was  a  mere  passenger,  perhaps  he  had  no  choice ; 
perhaps  he  did  not  doubt  that  his  children  and  their  com- 
panions had  been  murdered  by  the  red  men.     "Howbeit 
Captaine    White    sought   them    no    further,  but    missing 
them  there,  and  his  company  havinge  other  practices,  and 
which  those  tymes  afforded,  they  returned  covetous  of 
some  good   successe   upon  the  Spanish  fleete  to  returne 
that  yeare  from  Mexico  and  the  Indies." 

It  has  been  generally  believed  that  the  colonists  of 
Virginia  Dare  j  ^  g  y  were  iTiassacred  soon  after  the  governor's  departure. 
But  there  are  traditions  and  records  that  throw  much 
doubt  upon  the  matter  and  leave  it  probable  that  Man- 
teo  saved  their  lives.  They  may  have  been  incorporated 
into  some  Indian  tribe,  and,  when  Jamestown  was 
founded  twenty  years  later,  Virginia  Dare  may  have  been 


The  Fate  of 


Westward  Ho 


335 


a  young  Indian  "queen."  Thus  is  the  fate  of  the  first  i  5  9  i 
family  of  Virginia  clad  in  romantic  mystery.  While  he 
had  means  and  personal  freedom,  Ralegh  did  not  cease 
to  search  for  the  lost  colony.  He  sent  on  this  quest  not 
fewer  than  five  expeditions,  but  none  of  them  found  the 
colony  left  at  Roanoke. 

The  death  of  Queen  Elizabeth  ended  the  prosperity  of  The  Fate  of 
"  the    shepherd   of   the    ocean,"    and    his    attainder    for  ^""'"^^ 
treason  terminated  his  patent.      In  the  long  years  of  his 
captivity  in  the  Tower, 
he  wrote  his  History  of 
the  IV or  Id,  while  Eng- 
lishmen at  Jamestown 

began  again  the  plant-  Autograph  of  Raiegh 

ing  of  the  seed  that  has  more  than  realized  all  that  he  fore- 
saw when  he  wrote  to  Cecil :  "  I  shall  yet  live  to  see  it 
an  Inglishe  nation."  During  a  brief  respite,  he  made  his 
voyage  to  the  Orinoco,  "  led  by  as  wild  a  dream  as  any 
which  in  that  age  of  dreams  bewildered  an  explorer." 
From  the  fabled  empire  he  brought  home  reports  of 
strange  men  and  many  wonders  — 

The  cannibals  that  each  other  eat, 

The  anthropophagi,  and  men  whose  heads 

Do  grow  beneath  their  shoulders, 

but  not  the  gold  the  hope  of  which  had  unlocked  his 
prison-doors.  On  an  October  day  of  161 8,  he  stood 
upon  the  scaffold  and,  testing  the  edge  of  the  headsman's 
ax,  said:  "This  is  a  sharp  medicine,  but  it  is  a  cure  for 
all  diseases." 

The  outlines  of  the  fort  of  1587  may  still  be  traced.  Relics  of 
The    site    is    overgrown    and    a    "live-oak,  draped   with  ^°^"°'^« 


vines,  stands  senti 
A  fragment  or  two  | 
may  be  discovered  | 
then  all  is  told  of  j 
of  the  City  of  [ 
wonderfully  pre-  i 
three  centuries,  is 
noke    Colony    Me- 


Outline  of  the  Fort  at 
Roanoke 


nel  near  the  center, 
of  stone  or  brick 
in  the  grass,  and 
the  existing  relics 
Ralegh."  The  site, 
served  for  more  than 
owned  by  the  Roa- 
morial    Association, 


33^ 


Westward  Ho 


organized  in  1893.  Between  the  waters  of  Albemarle 
and  Pamlico  sounds  lies  the  North  Carolina  county  of 
Dare.  Within  its  bounds  uneasy  lie  the  island  sands 
of  Roanoke.  On  the  island  is  the  county-seat,  Man- 
teo.  Such  memorials  to  the  lost  first-born  and  the 
dusky  faithful  friend  are  likely  to  endure.  Far  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  dirges  of  the  sea  stands,  as  it  has 
stood  since  1792,  the  city  of  Raleigh,  the  stately 
monument  to  the  "brightest  blossom  of  our  English 
renaissance." 

Title-deeds  of       From  the  foregoing  pages  of  this  volume  it  may  be 
the  United      gathered  that  heathen  lands  and  peoples  w"ere  disposed  of 
as  freely  by  European  pontiffs  and  potentates  as  if  they 
were  their  own.      But  the  attempts  of  the  pope  to  divide 
the    new    worlds    of  the    East    and    the   West  between 
Portugal    and     Spain     ended    in    dismal     failure.       No 
American  title-deeds   today  rest  upon   the   papal   bulls. 
Edmund   Burke  based  the  English  claim  for  American 
dominion  on  the  discoveries  of  Sebastian  Cabot.       And 
so  of  all;    each  rests  upon  the  principle  known  as  the 
right  of  discovery.      This  law  is  the  issue  of  two  princi- 
ples—  one  pagan,  one  Christian,  both  Roman. 
Right  of  Dis-        The  pagan  principle  is  that   of  natural  law,  by  virtue 
covery  ^f  which  E  thing  found  for  which  there  is  no  owner — 

res  nullius  —  belongs  of  right  and  in  fact  to  the  finder. 
Thus,  fish  in  the  ocean  and  game  in  the  wild-woods 
belong  to  him  who  captures  them.  The  Christian  prin- 
ciple is  born  of  the  fact  that  the  church  defined  the 
heathen  as  nulli — no  ones  —  assuming,  not  only  virtually 
but  practically  as  well,  that  a  heathen  has  no  right  that  a 
Christian  potentate  is  bound  to  respect.  The  idea  is 
clearly  placed  before  us  in  the  papal  bull  of  1493  ^"^  'i" 
the  Cabot  patent  issued  by  Henry  VII.  Granted  these 
two  premises,  there  is  no  escape  from  the  conclusion 
known  as  the  law  of  the  right  of  discovery.  The 
premises  were  assumed  and  the  conclusion  universally 
acted  upon.  The  luster  is  one  of  law  rather  than  of 
justice. 


Westward  Ho!  337 

The  ownership  of  the  discoverer  is  Hmited  by  certain 
conditions : 

(a)    The    title    rested    not    in    him    but    in    his    king.   Limitations 
Hence  Cokimbus  derived  his  authority  as   admiral    and 
viceroy,  not   from  the  fact  that   he   first   found  the  new 
Indies,  but  from  the  antecedent  fact  that  he  had  made  a 
contract  with  Christian  monarchs. 

(i^)  Possession  of  the  country  must  follow  its  discov- 
ery. The  propriety  of  this  is  evident  even  to  those  who 
see  nothing  fair  in  any  of  the  allied  features. 

These  conditions  being  complied  with,  a  right  is  validity 
thereby  established  under  the  law,  and  the  claim  holds 
against  all  other  powers.  We  have  already  noted  that 
in  England  and  France,  although  sovereigns  and  peoples 
were  good  Catholics,  the  papal  bulls  of  1493  were  waste 
parchment.  An  English  statute  of  1392  asserted  that 
no  power  stood  between  God  and  the  crown,  and  Henry 
VII,  and  Francis  I.  held  the  assumption  of  the  pope  to 
be  mere  usurpation;  but  both  countries  recognized  the 
right  of  discovery  as  binding  upon  them.  Thus,  in 
accord  with  English  law  and  policy,  the  Cabotian  patent 
of  1496  manifested  a  royal  purpose  to  respect  titles 
based  upon  discovery  and  occupancy.  No  longitudinal 
line  of  partition  was  recognized,  but  English  exploration 
was  directed  to  latitudes  that  Spaniards  had  not  reached. 


CHAPTER 


XXII 


THE       INDIANS      OF      NORTH       AMERICA 


Racial  Unity 


American 
Indians 


N 


OTWITHSTANDING  the  minor  differences 
peculiar  to  each  community,  the  thousand 
native  tribes  formerly  occupying  the  American 
continent  from  the  arctic  coasts  to  Cape  Horn  had 
certain  broad  common  characteristics  that  stamped 
them  and  stamp  their  descendants  as  one  race  distinct 
from  all  others.  Among  the  characteristics  of  the 
American  Indians  familiar  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  are,  the  cinnamon-colored  complexion, 
high  cheek-bones,  straight  black  hair,  and  a  lack  or 
scantiness  of  beard.  So  far  as  present  knowledge  goes, 
all  theories  of  a  foreign  origin  must  be  regarded  as 
purely  speculative,  without  historical,  linguistic,  or 
other  evidence  to  substantiate  them.  The  Eskimo  have 
been  thought  to  be  an  exception,  but  the  characteristics 
that  distinguish  them  from  their  southern  neighbors 
are  now  believed  to  be  the  result  of  a  long-continued 
arctic  littoral  residence.  Similarly,  an  exaggeration  of 
the  aboriginal  culture  found  in  Mexico  and  further 
south  was  once  thought  to  indicate  that  the  Aztec,  the 
Maya,  and  the  Peruvian  were  of  a  race  different  from 
the  ruder  people  further  north.  Now  there  is  an 
increasing  disposition  among  ethnologists  to  agree  that 
they  were  simply  Indians,  and  that  their  culture  was  as 
truly  native  to  the  New  World  as  was  that  of  the 
Cherokees  or  the  Mohawks.  For  all  practical  purposes, 
the   American    race    must    be    considered    as    indigenous 


The  Indians  of  North  America 


339 


and  distinct.  As  we  have  seen,  the  name  "Indian"  was  1492 
given  to  the  people  of  this  race  by  Columbus  under  the  1904 
mistaken  impression  that  he  had  reached  the  East  Indies. 
Before  their  acquaintance  with  the  whites,  few  of  the 
natives  had  any  more  distinctive  name  for  themselves  than 
"men"  or  "people;"  many  of  the  tribes  now  designate 
their  race  as  the  real  or  original  people.  The  terms 
"red  man"  and  "paleface"  are  inventions  of  the  novelist. 


Arapaho  Indians 


At  the  beginning  of  the  colonization  period,  the  terri-  classification 
tory  of  what  is  now  the  United  States  and  British  °^^''^^^ 
America  was  occupied  by  several  hundred  distinct  tribes, 
some  of  which  were  grouped  into  confederacies  of  which 
the  Iroquois  and  the  Creeks  are  the  most  prominent 
examples.  The  migratory  tendencies  of  many  of  the 
Indians  make  it  impossible  to  describe  in  general  terms 
the  tribal  occupancy  of  the  country.  A  map  that  would 
be  correct  for  a  given  date  would  probably  be  sadly 
misleading  in  the  study  of  events  that  took  place  a  few 


340 


The  Indians  of  North  America 


Northern 
Tribes 


1492   years  earlier  or  later.     In  Canada  and  in  the  northern  part 

I    9  o  4  of  the  great  plains  of  the  United   States,  the  change  of 

local  haunts  was  especially  active.     The  only  practicable 

classification  is  based  on  language,  as  is  explained  further 

in  the  latter  part  of  this  chapter. 

In  very  general  terms  it  may  here  be  said  of  the 
Indians  with  whom  the  English  colonists  in  North 
America  had  most  to  do,  that  the  most  numerous  were 
the  Algonquians  (many  tribes  of  common  linguistic  stock), 
who  held  the  greater  portion  of  the  country  from  Hud- 
son Bay  to  the  Carolinas  and  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Mississippi  and  beyond.  Like  an  Iroquoian  Island  in  an 
Algonquian  ocean  lay  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Mo- 
hawks, Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas.  To 
these  were  later  added  the  kindred  Tuscaroras  of  North 
Carolina;  thus  "The  Five  Nations"  of  the  Iroquois  be- 
came "  The  Six  Nations."  Their  palisaded  villages  were 
in  the  present  state  of  New  York,  east  and  south  of  lakes 
Erie  and  Ontario.  The  southern  Indians  were  of  a 
milder  disposition  than  the  northern  tribes.  They  were 
divided  into  five  loose  confederacies  —  the  Cherokees  (of 
Iroquoian  stock),  and  the  Chickasaws,  Choctaws,  Creeks, 
and  Seminoles  (of  Muskhogean  stock).  Occupying 
most  of  the  country  between  the  Mississippi  River  and 
the  Rocky  Mountains  were  the  fierce  nomads  of  the 
Siouan  (Dakotan)  family.  Siouan  bands  once  occupied 
northern  Illinois  and  the  greater  part  of  Wisconsin,  and, 
when  some  of  them  withdrew  to  the  west  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, they  probably  left  behind  one  of  their  tribes.  At  all 
events,  the  early  French  pioneers  found  the  Winnebagoes 
in  the  vicinity  of  Green  Bay  in  confederacy  with  their 
Algonquian  neighbors. 

At  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  there  were  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  officially  recognized  tribes  in  the 
United  States,  exclusive  of  Alaska,  gathered  upon  more 
than  fifty  reservations,  besides  others  that  occupied  state 
reservations  or  were  scattered  among  the  whites.  We 
have  no  sufficient  data  for  ascertaining  the  aboriginal 
population  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  but,  after  mak- 


Southerii 
Tribes 


Western 
Tribes 


Population 


Race 


The  Indians  of  North  America  341 

ing  all  allowances  for  exaggeration  in  the  early  estimate,  1492 
there  can  be  no  question  that  it  has  greatly  diminished.  1904 
The  popular  impression  that  the  eastern  tribes  have 
simply  been  removed  to  the  west  is  true  in  but  a  few 
cases.  In  most  instances  they  have  been  exterminated 
by  war,  disease,  and  failure  of  accustomed  food-supply, 
consequent  upon  the  advent  of  the  whites. 

A  few  examples  will  show  the  extent  of  the  diminution,  a  vanishing 
The  Powhatans  of  Virginia,  carefully  estimated  at  twenty- 
nine  hundred  warriors  or  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand  per- 
sons in  1 607,  were  reduced  to  five  hundred  and  twenty-five 
warriors  in  1669,  and  to  three  hundred  and  sixty  war- 
riors in  1700  —  all  this  within  a  century.  Most  of  the 
Virginia  tribes  are  long  since  extinct.  The  Tuscaroras, 
the  leading  tribe  of  North  Carolina,  estimated  in  1700 
at  twelve  hundred  warriors  or  more  than  four  thousand 
persons,  are  now  reduced  to  about  seven  hundred  per- 
sons, almost  all  of  mixed  blood.  The  Catawbas,  once 
the  leading  tribe  of  South  Carolina,  numbering  fifteen 
hundred  warriors  on  the  first  settlement  of  the  colony, 
had  been  reduced  in  1743  to  fewer  than  four  hundred 
warriors,  and  in  1775  to  only  one  hundred  warriors. 
These  represented  the  remnants,  not  only  of  the  Cataw- 
bas, but  also  of  more  than  twenty  smaller  tribes  that 
had  been  gradually  incorporated  with  them.  They  now 
number  about  sixty  mixed-bloods  living  on  a  small 
state  reservation,  with  a  few  more  living  among  the 
Choctaws  in  the  Indian  Territory.  Thus,  excepting  a 
body  of  Cherokees  still  residing  in  the  mountains  of 
western  North  Carolina,  and  those  now  living  in  the 
Indian  Territory,  the  aboriginal  population  of  three 
eastern  states,  once  numbering  thousands  of  warriors, 
is  reduced  to  fewer  than  a  thousand  mixed-bloods, 
with  perhaps  as  much  of  white  and  negro  as  of  Indian 
blood. 

The  Pawnees  of  Nebraska  steadily  and  rapidly 
decreased  from  eighty-four  hundred  in  1 847  to  seven 
hundred  and  ten  in  1897.  Within  the  nineteenth 
century,  the  historic   Mandans  of  North  Dakota  dwin- 


342 


The  Indians  of  North  America 


Nineteenth- 
century 
Losses 


1492  died,  chiefly  by  smallpox,  from  about  fifteen  hundred 
I  9  o  4  to  two  hundred  and  sixty-seven,  and  the  cannibal  Ton- 
kawas  of  Texas  from  about  a  thousand  to  fifty.  In 
northern  California  the  early  miners  wrought  wholesale 
slaughter  among  the  tribes,  while  in  Oregon  and  western 
Washington  the  same  result  was  accomplished  by  disease 
and  general  demoralization.  The  apparent  increase  of 
Indian  population  among  the  five  civilized  tribes  of  the 
Indian  Territory  is  illusive,  as  these  tribes  have  regu- 
larly "adopted"  some  thousands  of  whites  and  negroes, 
and  admitted  to  full  Indian  citizenship  persons  who 
have  but  one-eighth,  one-sixteenth,  or  even  less  of 
Indian  blood.  A  few  tribes  still  living  in  their  original 
territories  and  subsisting  by  their  accustomed  food- 
supply,  as  the  Hopis  and  the  Navahos,  have  held  their 
own  or  even  increased.  The  number  of  Indians  now 
in  the  United  States  is  estimated  at  about  two  hundred 
and  forty  thousand,  with  an  additional  thirty  thousand 
for  Alaska.  British  America  contains  about  a  hundred 
thousand. 

Aboriginal  house  types  varied  in  construction  and 
material  according  to  environment.  The  ordinary 
Eskimo  house  was  semi-subterranean,  walled  up  with 
stone,  logs,  or  whale-ribs,  and  covered  with  earth.  The 
door  was  at  the  side  with  a  covered  passageway;  in 
large  communal  structures  entrance  was  effected  by 
means  of  a  ladder  let  down  through  a  hole  in  the  roof. 
At  times,  the  house  was  of  stone,  logs,  or  even  blocks 
of  snow  cut  and  laid  to  form  a  dome-shaped  structure. 
Along  the  northwest  coast  and  the  lower  Columbia,  the 
prevailing  type  was  a  square-built  house  of  boards  split 
from  cedar,  elaborately  painted  in  bright  colors,  with 
tall  "  totem  poles "  or  heraldic  columns  in  front 
whereon  the  ancestral  descent  of  the  owner  was  indicated 
by  means  of  fantastic  carved  figures.  These  houses 
were  frequently  built  of  great  length,  for  communal 
purposes,  separate  fires  for  the  different  families  being 
ranged  along  a  central  passageway.  The  wikiup  of  the 
Paiutes,  Apaches,  and  other  tribes  of  the  Nevada  basin 


1900 


Houses 


The  Indians  of   North  America 


343 


and  the  Colorado  region  was  a  rounded  or  elliptical  1492 
structure  of  brush  or  reeds,  almost  entirely  open  at  the  1904 
top,  as  befitted  a  rainless  region,  and  sometimes  sur- 
rounded by  a  circular  windbreak  to  keep  off  the  winter 
blasts.  The  Nava- 
ho  hogan  of  north- 
ern Arizona  and 
New  Mexico  was 
of  a  very  similar 
pattern,  but  of 
more  permanent 
materia  1, 
being  sol- 
idly  built  jf, 
of  logs,  "  f|  |i 
chinked 
with  corn- 
stalks, and  ^  P^P^g°  "°"^« 
covered  with  earth,  with  a  low  covered  passageway 
from  the  entrance.  The  Papago  house,  south  of  the 
Gila,  was  of  grass,  sometimes  with  an  earth-covered  roof. 
In  all  the  circular  structures,  of  whatever  section,  the 
fireplace  was  in  the  center  and  the  door  faced  usually 
toward  the  east.  The  flat-roofed  and  solidly  built 
stone  or  adobe  pueblo  of  the  agricultural  tribes  of 
New  Mexico  and  i\rizona  was  the  legitimate  out-  See  page  29 
growth  of  long  sedentary  residence  in  a  region  of 
little  rain.  The  thick  walls  and  terraced  houses 
suggest  the  Orient,  with  its  architecture  developed 
under  similar  conditions.  In  the  area  of  the  plains, 
from  the  Saskatchewan  to  the  Pecos,  the  roving 
buffalo-hunter  sheltered  himself  in  the  tall  conical  tipi, 
of  dressed  buffalo-skin  or  latterly  of  canvas,  its  porta- 
bility and  capacity  for  resisting  the  prairie  winds  best 
adapting  it  to  his  needs.  In  summer,  it  was  set  up 
in  the  open  plain  to  avoid  the  mosquitoes;  in  winter, 
it  was  moved  into  the  timber  along  the  stream  and 
further  shielded  with  a  windbreak.  In  addition  to  the 
tipi,  the  semi-agricultural  tribes  along  the  Missouri  raised 


344 


The  Indians  of  North  America 


1492   for  winter  residence  large  circular  houses  of  logs,  covered 
1904  with  earth,  while  the  Wichitas  of  the  upper  Red   River 

s^^^^g  were  lodged  in  pe- 

'-Ujp     "==^J~'-'      culiar   houses   of 

grass    thatch    laid 

\^^g  over  a  framework 


of  poles.  East  of 
the  Mississippi  the 
prevailing  type 
w^as  the  wigwam, 
of  wagon-top 
shape,  built  of 
poles  and  covered 
with  bark  or  rush 
mats.  Among  the 
Iroquois    of    New 


Tipis 


York  these  houses  were  communal  and  from  eighty  to 
a  hundred  feet  in  length.  The  Jesuit  Relations  tell  of 
similar  dwellings  among  the  Hurons  in  the  region  near 
Georgian  Bay.  Some  of  these  were  two  hundred  and 
forty  feet  long,  and  shaped  "much  like  an  arbor  over- 
arching a  garden-walk.  Their  frame  was  of  tall  and 
strong  saplings  planted  in  a  double  row  to  form  the  two 
sides  of  the  house,  bent  till  they  met,  and  lashed  together 
at  the  top.  To  these,  other  poles  were  bound  trans- 
versely, and  ^-  ^^^  ^^^gr 
the  whole  was 
covered  with 
large  sheets  ot 
the    bark    of 

the     oak,    elm.  An  IroquoIs  Long-house 

spruce,  or  white  cedar."  In  the  wikiup  and  hogan  the 
occupants  slept  upon  skins  or  blankets  spread  upon  the 
earth  floor,  but  in  many  cases  raised  platforms  along  the 
walls  served  as  seats  by  day  and  beds  by  night.  The 
tipi  camp  was  usually  set  up  with  the  tents  in  a  circle 
around  a  central  "medicine-lodge,"  that  answered  to 
the  great  "town  house"  in  which  the  villagers  of  the 
eastern    tribes    had    their  councils  and   dances. 


The  Indians  of  North  America  345 

Towns     were      frequently     stockaded      for     defense,    1492 
particularly    in    the    east,    and    the    low  "sweat-lodge"    i    9  o  4 
for  sanitary    purposes    and    ceremonial    purification   was 
almost   universal.      As  war  was  a  favorite    pastime   and  villages 
an     occasional      necessity,     the      Indian     villages     were 
generally  built  at  points  of  vantage.      When  the  white 
settler  came,  his  judgment  generally  coincided  with  that 
of  his  Indian   predecessor,  and  so  we  find  that  most  of 
the  American    towns    built   by  white   men    prior  to  the 
railway  era  occupy  the  sites  of  Indian  villages. 

The  great  majority  of  tribes  depended  for  subsistence  Food 
more  upon  agriculture  and  the  spontaneous  fruits  of  the 
earth  than  upon  hunting  or  fishing.  These  latter  occu- 
pations were  indulged  in  whenever  opportunity  offered; 
but  only  in  the  arctic  regions,  along  the  salmon  streams 
of  the  Pacific,  and  on  the  great  plains  of  the  west  were 
they  the  chief  business  of  life.  The  Eskimo  were 
exclusive  meat  and  fish  eaters.  The  Indians  of  the 
northwest  coast,  from  Alaska  southward  to  California, 
may  be  fittingly  described  as  salmon-eaters,  this  fish,  with 
the  roots  and  wild  berries  of  the  woods,  forming  almost 
their  sole  dependence.  In  California  and  Nevada,  some  of 
the  tribes  were  distinctively  seed-eaters,  living  largely 
upon  acorns  and  pinons,  supplemented  by  jack-rabbits 
in  the  sage-brush  country  ;  some  of  them  were  called 
"  Diggers  "  on  account  of  their  custom  of  digging  roots 
for  food.  In  the  Sacramento  valley,  red-clover  blossoms 
were   eaten  raw  as  a  great  delicacy. 

The  pueblo  tribes  are  preeminently  agriculturists.  Agriculture 
With  close  industry  and  careful  irrigation,  the  Hopis 
cultivate  fifteen  varieties  of  native  corn  and  about  forty 
of  beans,  besides  pumpkins,  melons,  peaches,  chile,  and 
other  vegetables  and  fruits,  in  a  country  so  drv  through- 
out most  of  the  year  that  at  times  the  sand-drifts 
cover  their  corn-fields.  Their  neighbors,  the  Navahos, 
live  almost  entirely  upon  corn  and  upon  meat  from  their 
herds  of  sheep  and  goats.  Their  sheep,  like  the  peaches 
of  the  Pueblos,  were  introduced  by  the  Spanish  con- 
querors more  than  three  and  a  half  centuries  ago.     The 


346  The  Indians  of  North  America 

1492  Papagos,  on  the  southern  Arizona  border,  take  their  name 
1904  from  a  bean  of  their  own  cultivation.  In  parts  of  the  same 
southwest  section  a  sort  of  bread,  prepared  from  the 
roasted  root  of  the  maguey,  is  a  staple  article  of  diet. 
From  the  pueblo  country  southward  through  Mexico 
and  Central  America  corn,  i.e.,  maize  —  which,  as  is  well 
known,  is  of  native  American  origin  —  was  everywhere 
the  great  food  staple.  The  Indian  women  knew  fifty 
different  ways  of  preparing  it,  some  of  which  are  said  to 
have  been  excellent. 
Fish  and  For  the  nomad  hunter  of  the  plains,  the  buffalo  fur- 

^^"^  nished    food,  house,  clothing,  and    implements,  as  well 

as  exciting  occupation  for  most  of  his  waking  hours. 
In  the  cold  region  about  Hudson  Bay  and  the  upper 
lakes,  the  natives  were  necessarily  hunters  and  fishers, 
supplementing  their  food  stores  with  wild  rice  and  cran- 
berries, and  with  maple-sugar  which  they  taught  the 
whites  to  make.  Throughout  the  rest  of  the  eastern 
country  the  Indians  were  chiefly  agricultural.  In  the 
intervals  between  planting  and  harvesting,  they  hunted 
in  the  forests  and  watched  the  weirs  and  fish-traps  that 
they  set  up  at  the  mouth  of  every  large  stream.  The 
quantity  of  corn  raised  by  some  of  these  tribes  was 
great,  as  is  proved  by  the  reports  of  early  military 
expeditions  sent  against  them  and  by  the  large  supplies 
provided  for  the  struggling  colonists  in  Florida, 
Virginia,  and  New  England.  Clams,  oysters,  and  fish  • 
were  used  in  large  quantities  along  the  coast,  and  some 
of  the  shell-heaps,  the  debris  of  ancient  feasts,  are  of 
immense  size.  Before  the  Europeans  brought  the  mad- 
dening "fire-water,"  the  almost  universal  drink  was 
water,  although  a  few  intoxicants  or  stimulants  were 
sometimes  used.  Cannibalistic  ceremonies  were  found 
among  some  of  the  tribes,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  eating 
of  human  flesh  simply  for  food  was  unknown,  excepting 
perhaps  along  the  coast  of  Louisiana  and  Texas. 
Medicine  and  The  mcdical  knowledge  of  the  Indian  has  been  greatly 
Surgery  ovcrratcd.      The    native    physician   could  concoct  a  few 

vegetable  simples  with  fancied  occult  properties,  but  he 


The  Indians  ot   North  America  347 

relied  more  upon  prayers  and  songs  to  the  animal  gods  1492 
than  upon  therapeutic  remedies.  According  to  the  1904 
Indian  theory,  disease  was  caused  by  witchcraft,  or  by 
malevolent  animal  spirits  that  must  be  exorcised  by  calling 
in  the  aid  of  hostile  and  more  powerful  spirits.  Thus, 
to  cure  a  sickness  caused  by  the  deer  spirit,  the  medicine- 
man invoked  the  help  of  the  dog  spirit,  while  a  sickness 
caused  by  small  birds  was  exorcised  by  the  hawk.  Sani- 
tary regulations  for  diet,  rest,  and  cleanliness  were  prac- 
tically unknown,  and  only  active  life  in  the  open  air 
preserved  the  Indian  in  health.  He  grew  old  rapidly  and 
was  usually  short-lived.  In  the  treatment  of  wounds, 
the  doctors  were  more  successful,  surgery  being  usually 
the  special  function  of  secret  societies,  such  as  the  "  buf- 
falo doctors"  of  the  plains  tribes.  Some  of  the  reports 
of  their  healing  performances  are  almost  incredible. 

Probably  the  only  animal  regularly  domesticated  in  Domestic 
North  America  was  the  dog,  which  was  found  among  A"™^'^^ 
many  of  the  tribes.  In  some  cases  the  so-called  dog  was 
really  a  domesticated  wolf.  This  lack  of  draft  and 
milch  animals  is  sufficient  to  account  for  much  of  the 
backwardness  of  aboriginal  America.  The  Pueblos 
kept  eagles  in  cages  for  the  sake  of  the  feathers,  and 
turkeys  for  food.  Other  birds  were  caged  or  encour- 
aged to  stay  near  the  houses  for  the  same  or  other 
purposes  by  some  of  the  eastern  and  southern  tribes. 
There  is  some  evidence  that  an  animal  akin  to  the 
guanaco  was  in  use  as  a  burden-carrier  among  the  south- 
western tribes  before  the  historic  period.  Before  and 
even  after  the  introduction  of  the  horse,  the  dog,  har- 
nessed in  the  travois  of  tipi-poles,  was  the  sole  beast  of 
burden  upon  the  plains.  The  barking  of  hundreds  of 
curs  generally  made  it  impossible  for  friend  or  foe  to 
approach  an  Indian  camp  without  discovery.  On  cere- 
monial occasions,  boiled  dog  was  a  favorite  dish  with 
many  of  the  plains  tribes,  particularly  the  Arapahos,  and 
the  Iroquois  had  a  solemn  annual  sacrifice  of  a  white  dog. 

The  native  arts  were  few  and  simple  but  as  varied  as   Am 
the  modes  of  living.      Before  the  coming  of  the  whites. 


348  The  Indians  of  North  America 

1492   the  only  metal  in  considerable  use  north  of  Mexico  was 
1904  the  native  copper  of  Lake  Superior.     The  extent  of  the 
copper  industry  is  evident  from  the  ancient  mining-pits 
and  the  copper  objects  found  in  the  mounds,  as  described 
in  a  preceding  chapter.     After  the  coming  of  the  whites, 
the    Indians  were   quick  to  appropriate   iron   and   other 
metals  to   their  own   uses.      Mica  was   quarried   in   the 
Carolina    mountains    and  worked    into    mirrors,   breast- 
plates, and  pendants,  while  shells  of  various  species  were 
cut    into    beads    and    gorgets.      Along    the    north    and 
middle  Atlantic  coast  and  in  the  near-by  interior  these 
,   .      .     shell-beads,  known   popularly  as  wampum,  had 
'        t  *   an    established    value    as    an    Indian    currency. 
-?  "^   i  Woven  into  belts,  in  various  designs  and  colors, 
i  ^-'  the   wampum   beads   preserved    the    records    of 
c  J  ^-    treaties  and  the  histories  of  tribes.     Awls,  fish- 
^,  "^  -^  hooks,   and    arrow-heads    were    fashioned    from 
J  bone   and,    in    Michigan    and    Wisconsin,    from 
■-'    ^^       copper,  while  the  Eskimos  were  expert  in  carv- 
^  ing    images    and   fanciful    designs    from    walrus 
'   .<^^>i  ivory.      Stone  was  used  for  hammers,  w^ar-clubs, 
,  ^  lance  and  arrow  heads,  hatchets  or  tomahawks, 

'  y     ''   pipes,   pots,   and    metates.     The    tribes  of  the 
A  Warn-     northwcst  coast  did  creditable  carving  in  black 
pum  Belt     slate,  and  the  Navahos  and  Pueblos  quarried  and 
worked  turquoise. 
Woman's  Baskct-making,  weaving,  and  pottery  were  arts  derived 

w^ork  from  ancestors  of  the  prehistoric  time,  with  little  modi- 

fication from  contact  with  the  whites  other  than  that  due  to 
the  introduction  of  sheep  by  early  explorers  and  colonists. 
In  the  division  of  labor,  the  things  that  pertained  to  war 
and  hunting  fell  to  the  man,  while  all  that  related  to  the 
household  belonged  to  the  woman.  In  general,  it  mav 
be  said  that  with  the  Indians,  as  with  most  primitive 
peoples,  the  woman  did  the  most  and  the  hardest  of  the 
field  and  domestic  work.  Of  course,  allowance  should 
be  made  for  the  fact  that  war  and  hunting  involved  toil 
and  danger. 
Boats  Where  the  birch  was  abundant,  its  bark  was  used  for 


The  Indians  of  North  America  349 

covering  both  the  house  and  the  canoe.  The  Eskimo  1492 
kayak  was  of  skin  drawn  tightly  around  a  hght  frame-  1904 
work,  with  a  hole  in  the  top  through  which  the  hunter 
inserted  the  lower  part  of  his  body.  Along  the  north- 
west coast  the  canoe  was  hollowed  from  an  immense 
cedar  log,  while  in  the  gulf  states  the  poplar  was  gen- 
erally used  for  the  same  purpose.  Some  tribes  on  the 
upper  Missouri  made  tub-shaped  boats  by  stretching 
buffalo  hides  over  frameworks  of  willow  rods.  The 
sail  was  unknown. 

In  their  early  negotiations  with  the  English,  large  Land  Saies 
land  areas  were  transferred  by  so-called  Indian  deeds  in 
consideration  of  a  few  tools  and  trinkets  so  little  com- 
mensurate in  value  with  the  land,  of  which  the  English 
thereafter  claimed  absolute  ownership  and  the  Indians  the 
right  of  joint  occupancy,  that  the  barter  has  generally 
been  looked  upon  as  a  good  illustration  of  European 
rapacity  and  American  simplicity.  But  "  a  metal 
kettle,  a  spear,  a  knife,  a  hatchet,  transformed  the 
whole  life  of  a  savage.  A  blanket  was  to  him  a  whole  European 
wardrobe."  By  means  of  intertribal  barter  many  articles  ^°'"^^ 
of  European  manufacture  were  passed  inland  as  far  as 
the  Mississippi  in  advance  of  the  earliest  white  explorers. 
The  rival  traders  of  the  English,  i.e.,  the  French  and  the 
Dutch,  supplied  these  commodities  in  such  quantities 
that  the  aboriginal  American  finally  came  to  be  depend- 
ent upon  them  and  conformed  his  habits  to  their  use. 
In  our  day,  the  supply  has  become  a  heavy  exaction 
upon  the  national  treasury. 

As  a  rule  the  Indian  wore  but  little  clothing,  except  clothing 
on  ceremonial  occasions  or  in  very  cold  weather,  and 
children  usually  went  naked  until  about  ten  years  of  age. 
The  ordinary  dress  was  of  skins;  in  certain  sections  of 
the  Pacific  Coast  short  skirts  or  kilts  of  woven  bark-fiber 
were  worn  by  the  women;  in  the  far  south  fabrics  of 
native  cotton  were  used.  The  every-day  costume  of  the 
man  consisted  of  a  short  shirt,  leggings,  moccasins, 
and  breech-cloth ;  with  garters,  turbans,  elaborate  head- 
dresses    of    eagle     feathers,     hair-rolls     of    beaver-skin. 


350 


The  Indians  of  North  America 


1492  and  robes  or  blankets  for  state  occasions.  Women 
1904  wore  moccasins,  leggings,  and  short  skirts  or  sleeveless 
Personal  dresses  belted  around  the  waist.  Both  sexes  were  fond 
Ornaments  ^f  glittering  and  jingling  ornaments,  and  no  one  was  in 
full  dress  without  having  the  face  and  sometimes 
the  greater  part  of  the  body  elaborately  painted 
with  fanciful  designs.  Tattooing  w^as  practised 
among  some  tribes. 
Dances  ^\  There  was  abundant  leisure  in  the  In- 

dian's   life   and    a   large   part   of  it  was 
occupied  in   feasting,  dancing,  and  the 
playing  of  games.     The  termination 
of  a  successful  hunt,  the  return  of 
a   victorious  war-party,  or    the 
setting    up    of    a  new    camp, 
were  occasions  of  general  re- 
joicing   sometimes    prolonged 
for  weeks.      The   majority  of 
the  dances   were    religious    or 
ceremonial  in  their  main  pur- 
pose,    amusement     being     of 
secondary  importance.     In  the 
arid   southwest   the    principal 
dances,    including     the    cele- 
An  Indian  Chief  brated     snake-dance     of     the 

Hopis,  were  intended  as  ceremonial  prayers  to  the 
rain  gods;  with  the  agricultural  tribes  of  the  east,  the 
great  ceremony  was  the  thanksgiving  festival  ot  the 
green-corn  dance,  preliminary  to  eating  the  first  of 
the  new  crop;  on  the  Columbia  was  the  salmon-dance, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  fishing  season;  while  on  the 
plains  the  great  annual  tribal  ceremony  was  that  com- 
monly known  as  the  sun-dance,  a  solemn  invocation, 
with  prayer,  fasting,  and  sacrifice,  to  the  elemental  gods 
and  the  protecting  spirit  of  the  buffalo.  The  war-dance, 
the  scalp-dance,  and  the  dances  of  the  various  societies 
were  next  in  importance,  while  of  purely  social  dances 
there  was  a  great  variety.  In  some  of  these,  especially 
among  the  Pueblos  and  the  Navahos,  elaborate  masks 


The  Indians  of  North  America 


351 


and  head-dresses  are  worn,  and  various  tricks  of  magic  1492 
or  sleight  of  hand  are  performed  by  the  initiates  of  secret  1904 
societies. 

There  were  songs  for  war,  hunting,  medicine,  gaming,  Songsand 
and  love,  and  lullabies  for  the  little  ones.      There  were  ^^""^ 
the  drum,  rattle,  whistle,  flageolet  or  flute,  and  several 
other    crude     instru-       _ 
ments.      Foot-races         Uy-'."^ 
were     common,     and 
from     Hudson     Bay 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico   la    crosse    and 
chunki,    the    latter 
played  with   a  wheel 
and     curved     stick, 
were  favorites.      The 
women    played   foot- 
ball and  various  games 
akin  to  dice.      In  the 
long    winter     nights, 
games    of   the    hunt- 
the-button  variety, 
with    song   accompa- 
niments, were  played 


Hopi  Dancers 

in  the  tipis,  with  the  men  in  one  circle  and  the  women 
in  another.  Children  in  their  play  imitated  the  serious 
occupations  of  their  elders,  with  bows,  dolls,  and  other  toys. 

War  was  a  prevailing  passion.     In  general,  it  consisted  War 
of  a  series  of  petty  raids  and  individual  exploits,  with  few 
large  engagements  or  prolonged  sieges.      In  the  fiercely 
hostile  relations  between  different  tribes,  the  early  Euro- 
pean settlers  of  America  found  their  immunity  and  oppor- 
tunity.    Practically  every  man,  excepting  the  priest,  was  a  Military 
soldier  from  the  time  of  his  initiation  into  manhood  at  the  ^^'■^'" 
age  of  about  sixteen.      The  warriors  were  organized  into 
societies,  and  advanced   from  one  to  another   according 
to  merit  and  experience.      War  was  declared  and  peace 
concluded  in  formal  councils.       In   the  east,  the  leader 
recruited   his  party  by  making  public  declaration  of  his 


352 


The  Indians  of  North  America 


1492  purpose  beside  the  "war-post"  set  up  in  the  center  of 
1904  the  village,  after  which  each  warrior  who  wished  to 
volunteer  signified  his  intention  by  striking  his  hatchet 
into  the  post.  With  the  plains  tribes  the  promise  was 
given  by  taking  and  smoking  a  pipe  sent  around  by  the 
organizer  of  the   expedition.     Among   the    Creeks   and 

probably  other  eastern  tribes 
certain  towns  were  peculiarly 
set  apart  for  "red"  or  war 
ceremonies,  while  others  were 
known  as  "white"  or  peace 
towns.  Before  the  departure, 
the  war-dance  was  participated 
in  by  all  the  warriors  of  the 
party;  on  their  return  with 
victory,  their  wives  and  female 
relatives  rejoiced  in  the  scalp- 
\'iY  dance.  Scalping  was  practised 
by  nearly  all  the  tribes  from 
the  Eskimo  country  south  to 
Mexico,  but  was  less  prevalent 
along  the  Pacific  Coast.  A  few  tribes  practised  behead- 
ing. Captive  women  and  children  were  usually  adopted, 
but  the  men  taken  were  generally  put  to  the  torture. 
After  the  coming  of  the  Europeans,  the  Indians  learned 
that  there  was  profit  in  reserving  their  white  prisoners 
Weapons  for  ransom.  The  weapons  were  the  knife,  hatchet,  bow, 
and  war-club;  upon  the  plains  and  in  the  southwest,  the 
lance  and  the  shield  were  also  used.  The  ancient  Iroquois 
used  a  defensive  body-armor  of  light  sticks  upon  the 
chest,  while  some  of  the  Mexican  tribes  used  heavily 
quilted  cotton  for  the  same  purpose.  After  the  invasion 
of  the  Iroquois  country  by  Champlain  in  1609,  the 
Indian  quickly  learned  to  recognize  the  superiority  of 
firearms,  and  to  covet  such  weapons  almost  as  much  as 
he  did  the  demoralizing  "fire-water." 
The  Dead  The    funcral   customs    and   methods   of  burial  varied 

according    to     the     peculiar     religious     theory     of     the 
tribe  and  the   nature  of  the  country.      The  property  of 


A  Blacktoot  Warrior 


The  Indians  of  North  America  353 

the  dead  was  generally  buried  with  him  or  deposited  1492 
near  the  grave;  some  tribes  also  placed  food  near  by  i  904 
for  the  soul  during  its  journey  to  the  spirit-world.  The 
name  of  the  dead  was  never  mentioned,  and  some  tribes 
burned  or  abandoned  the  house  in  which  the  death 
occurred.  Long-continued  wailing  and  laceration  in 
token  of  grief  were  prevalent. 

The  basis  of  tribal  organization  was  the  family,  cian  and  Tribe 
families  being  grouped  generally  into  clans  or  gentes, 
and  these  again  into  phratries  and  tribes.  Tribes,  of 
linguistic  stock  sometimes  diverse  but  more  often 
cognate,  sometimes  united  to  form  confederacies. 
The  clan  or  gens  was  a  peculiar  kinship  institu- 
tion found  among  nearly  all  the  tribes,  by  which 
certain  persons,  not  otherwise  related,  were  considered 
as  members  of  one  large  family  by  virtue  of  descent 
from  some  traditional  mythic  ancestor,  usually  an 
animal.  The  emblem  of  this  mythic  ancestor  was 
known  among  the  northern  Algonquian  tribes  as  the 
totem,  and  was  frequently  depicted  upon  the  dress, 
tattooed  upon  the  body,  carved  upon  a  post  near  the 
grave  or,  along  the  northwest  coast,  upon  a  tall  column 
or  "totem  post"  set  up  in  front  of  the  house.  The 
civil  head  of  the  clan  was  the  "sachem;"  the  military  Sachem  and 
leader  was  the  "chief."  The  number  of  chiefs  depended  ^'^'^* 
somewhat  on  the  population  ot  the  clan.  Sachems 
and  chiefs  were  generally  elected,  and  the  power  that 
made  could  unmake,  although  council  deliberations  and 
tribal  ceremonies  were  generally  ruled  by  hereditary  chiefs 
descending  in  the  female  line  and  in  a  particular  clan. 
Members  of  a  clan  being  considered  as  closely  akin,  a 
man  might  not  marry  a  woman  of  his  own  clan.  As  a 
rule,  children  belonged  to  the  clan  of  the  mother,  but 
with  some  tribes  this  was  reversed,  and  in  a  few  the  boys 
belonged  to  the  clan  ot  the  father  and  the  girls  to  that 
of  the  mother.  The  system  had  the  practical  advantage 
of  assuring  to  every  individual,  when  necessary,  help 
and  protection  outside  of  his  immediate  family. 

Besides   the    regular  warrior  organization    there  were,  Societies 


The  Indians  of  North  America  355 

among  both  men  and  women,  medicine  societies,  shield  1492 
societies,  and  dance  societies,  many  of  them  secret.  1904 
There  was  also  a  recognized  brotherhood  system, 
by  which  two  young  men  became  comrades,  having 
common  interests  and  pledging  to  each  other  mutual 
fidelity  under  all  circumstances.  Generally,  the  tribe 
was  the  highest  form  of  social  structure.  The  unwrit- 
ten law  of  the  tribe  was  ancient  custom  as  voiced  by  the 
chiefs,  heads  of  clans,  and  old  men  in  council.  There 
was  seldom  a  recognized  supreme  chief  for  a  large  tribe, 
excepting  as  he  was  able  to  make  and  maintain  his  posi- 
tion through  preeminent  ability.  The  government  was 
usually  democratic.  There  is  traditional  and  other 
evidence  that,  in  ancient  times,  the  chiefs  of  certain  tribes 
exercised  despotic  power,  but  the  authority  which,  in 
the  Old  World,  hedged  about  a  king  was  little  known 
among  the  Indians  of  North  America. 

Although  woman  was  generally  regarded  as  inferior,  the  Marital  Reia- 
wife  was  recognized  as  the  mistress  of  household  affairs  *'°"^ 
and  the  owner  of  her  separate  property.  In  the  league 
of  the  Iroquois,  the  women  had  a  veto  power  in  the  council; 
in  other  tribes,  we  find  frequent  instances  of  woman 
chiefs.  Marriage  was  usually  arranged  through  negotia- 
tion between  the  parents  of  the  girl  and  a  friend  of  the 
young  man,  after  the  would-be  husband  had  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  girl  herself  was  willing.  Polygamy 
was  common  and  the  husband  of  the  eldest  daughter  of 
a  family  had  a  potential  claim  upon  her  sisters.  The 
union  was  long  or  short  according  to  the  convenience 
and  compatibility  of  the  parties,  but  often  endured 
through  life.  In  case  of  separation  there  was  no  formal 
divorce,  the  woman  simply  taking  her  children  and 
property  and  going  back  to  her  parents,  when  she  was 
free  to  marry  again.  Among  the  Iroquois  and  in  some 
other  tribes,  she  drove  the  husband  out  and  kept  the 
lodge.  Infidelity  was  punished  upon  both  offenders  at 
the  will  of  the  injured  husband,  no  one  else  having  the 
right  to  interfere. 

The    Indians  were   animists   and   polytheists.     There  Reiigbn 


3  5^  The  Indians  of  North  America 

1492   was   no   supreme    overruling   spirit,  but   every  object  in 

1904  nature,  animate  and  inanimate,  had  its  resident  spirit, 
to  be  propitiated  and  implored  for  help  and  protection. 
Right  and  wrong  were  matters  of  property,  ownership, 
and  tribal  custom,  rather  than  of  abstract  morality. 
There  was  no  heaven  or  hell,  no  terror  of  death,  and 
no  necessity  of  preparation  for  a  future  life.  The  spirit- 
world  was  a  shadowy  counterpart  of  this ;  death  was  a  short 

Prayers  farcwell  to  accustomcd  things.      Prayers  were  for  direct 

temporal  benefits  such  as  long  life  or  success  in  hunt- 
ing, and  not  for  growth  in  spiritual  grace  or  for  pardon 
for  sins,  excepting  where  the  Indian  believed  that  he 
had  directly  offended  one  of  the  gods  —  as  when  the 
hunter  asked  pardon  of  the  bear  for  having  been  under 
the  necessity  of   killing    him,  or  of  the  rattlesnake  for 

Gods  having  disturbed  him.     The  relative  importance  of  the 

gods  depended  upon  the  particular  needs  of  the  tribe  or 
individual.  The  agricultural  tribes  invoked  oftenest 
the  rain  gods  and  their  animal  messengers,  the  snakes, 
whereas  those  of  the  plains  prayed  most  to  the  sun  and 
its  animal  representative,  the  buffalo.  The  hunters 
prayed  to  the  chiefs  of  the  animal  tribes,  and  the 
doctors  to  the  plant  gods,  while,  as  in  other  parts  of  the 
world,  fire  was  held  sacred.  Every  warrior  had  his 
special  protecting  genius,  the  secret  of  which  was  never 
to  be  betrayed  to  another.  There  were  religious  dances, 
fasts,  sacrifices,  and  purification  rites,  and  innumerable 
taboos  for  individuals,  societies,  and  clans.  Dreams 
were  interpreted  as  omens  or  commands  from  the  gods 
or  as  actual  experiences  of  the  soul  while  temporarily 
absent  from  the  body.  The  religious  idea  dominated 
every  important  act  in  life,  and  the  priests  were  of  far 
more  influence  and  authority  than  the  chiefs.  Fairies 
and  kindred  spirits  peopled  the  woods,  the  hills,  and 
the  waters,  and  there  was  a  whole  world  of  folk-lore 
beliefs  and  practices. 

Language  Thc  knguagcs  of  Mcxico  and  Central  America  are  still 

imperfectly  classified,  but  investigation  has  shown  that 
the  hundreds  of  dialects  north  of  Mexico  are  reducible 


Map  of  t 

(Showing  the  distribution  of  Indian  ]ingi(- 


< 


vXif* 


:r 


f%nSJ^.~.y^<^ 


'\l' 


.»•' 


l^ 


'J    '■'""      Z''     /.   .  .'ll"-" 


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^^    / 


H  a  K 


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y         \J]  ^.._    \    /;     ^./, 


^!«i. 


•,'3  0\ 


lO 

The  Indians  of   North  America  357 

to  fifty-seven  linguistic  stocks.  The  number  will  prob-  1492 
ably  be  further  reduced  by  closer  study  with  more  ample  1904 
material.  Of  these  stocks,  the  Algonquian,  Iroquoian, 
Muskhogean,  Siouan,  and  Athapascan  may  be  consid- 
ered the  most  important,  covering  as  they  do  more 
than  half  the  geographic  area  and  embodying  more  than 
four-fifths  of  the  linguistic  literature.  The  only  native 
alphabet  is  the  Cherokee,  a  syllabary  invented  early  in 
the  nineteenth  century  by  a  mixed-blood  of  the  tribe, 
and  so  well  adapted  to  its  purpose  that  it  is  now  in  gen- 
eral use  among  the  Cherokees  for  official  publication 
and  personal  correspondence.  The  Sioux,  Creeks, 
Choctaws,  Winnebagoes,  Chippewas,  and  Sauks  have 
also  a  written  and  printed  literature  in  alphabets  arranged 
for  them  by  the  missionaries  and  based  upon  the  ordinary 
Roman  alphabet,  while  several  Canadian  tribes  have 
pictographic  and  shorthand  systems  also  devised  by  the 
missionaries. 

The  veneration  of  the  aborigines  for  the  first  Euro-  Reciprocal 
pean  comers  as  creatures  of  supernatural  origin  was  ^"""osities 
soon  dispelled,  and  kidnappings  and  outrages  provoked 
distrust  and  hatred.  When  the  Indian  was  unable  to 
punish  the  individual  offender,  he  felt  justified  in  even- 
ing up  the  score  with  any  member  of  the  hated  race. 
Not  all  of  the  white  borderers  were  exemplary  Christians 
and  retaliation  was  altogether  orthodox.  With  fire  and 
flax  thus  side  by  side,  it  was  never  difficult  to  stir  up 
trouble. 


A 


N 


D 


X 


SOME       STATISTICS       REGARDING        INDIANS       AND 
INDIAN      RESERVATIONS      IN     THE      UNITED      STATES 


POPULATION 

THWAITES  states  that  "while  it  is  difficult  to 
arrive  at  a  definite  conclusion  regarding  the 
Indian  population  at  the  time  of  the  European 
conquest,  say  the  year  1600,  yet  as  near  as  can  be  con- 
cluded from  reports  of  early  travelers  and  traditions  of 
the  Indians  themselves  it  would  seem  that  there  were 
upon  the  North  American  continent  exclusive  of  Mexico 
and  Central  America  between  two  hundred  thousand  and 
three  hundred  thousand  Indians,  which  is  approximately 
about  the  same  number  that  exists  today." 

A  report  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior  accom- 
panying the  eleventh  census  (1890)  says  that  "it  is  not 
probable  that  the  present  area  of  the  United  States  since 
the  white  man  came  has  contained  at  one  time  more  than 
five  hundred  thousand  Indians." 

The  total  Indian  population  of  the  United  States  in 
1900  was  226,760.  According  to  the  census  of  that 
year,  the  states  and  territories  showing  a  population  of 
fewer  than  one  hundred  Indians  each,  are  as  follows: 


Maryland 3 

Vermont 5 

Delaware 9 

West  Virginia 12 

Illinois 16 

Georgia       ....             ...  19 


District  of  Columbia 22 

New  Hampshire 22 

Rhode  Island         35 

Ohio 42 

New  Jersey 63 

Arkansas  66 


360  Appendix 

The  largest  enumerations,  from  10,000  upwards,  are 
found  in 

Indian  Territory 52,500  California '5)377 

Alaska 29,536  New  Mexico 13,144 

Arizona 26,480  Oklahoma 11,945 

South  Dakota 20,225  Montana '1,343 

Washington 10,039 

In  states  east  of  the  Mississippi  there  are  shown  to' 
be  in 

Minnesota 9, '82  North  Carolina 5,687 

Wisconsin 8,372  New  York 5,^57 

Michigan 6,354  Mississippi ^,^03 

Pennsylvania ',639 

No  other  state  east  of  the  Mississippi  has  so  many  as 
1,000. 

For  several  reasons,  it  is  thought  probable  that  the 
numbers  of  Indians  enumerated  by  the  census  will,  during 
the  coming  half-century,  be  very  materially  diminished. 


TREATIES 

Treaties  between  our  national  government  and  the 
Indian  tribes  have  generally  looked  to  the  extinguish- 
ment of  the  Indian  titles  to  lands,  and  the  transference  of 
the  Indians  to  reservations  and  territories  specifically  set 
aside  from  the  public  domain  for  their  occupancy. 

The  first  treaty  was  made  with  the  Delaware  Indians, 
September  17,  1778.  The  next  was  made  with  the  Six 
Nations,  October  22,  1784, 

Senate  Executive  Document  No.  95  of  the  forty- 
eighth  congress,  second  session,  page  132,  gives  the  total 
number  of  treaties  up  to  1871  as  645.  In  that  list  the 
treaties  were  arranged  alphabetically  by  tribes  —  the  cause 
of  much  duplication.  According  to  the  1903  report  of 
the  commissioner  of  Indian  affairs,  a  careful  count  shows 
only  370  treaties  in  the  ninety  years,  1778  — 1868. 

By  an  act  approved  March  3,  i  871,  congress  prohib- 
ited the  making  of  any  Indian  treaty.  Since  that  time, 
agreements  have  been  made  with  the  Indians  subject 
to    the    approval    of    congress.      The    number   of    such 


Appendix  361 

agreements,  including  one  made   March   21,    1902,  with 
the  Choctaws  and  the  Chickasaws,  is  74. 

EDUCATION 

From  the  time  of  John  Ehot  in  1650  to  the  present 
day  the  pohcy  of  the  government  has  been,  through  the 
influence  of  education  and  in  other  ways,  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  forsake  the  nomadic  Hfe  common  under  their 
tribal  system,  and  to  become  a  farming  and  mechan- 
ical population  with  the  ordinary  rights  and  privileges  of 
citizens.  Government  training-schools  have  had  an  im- 
portant bearing  in  this  educational  work.  The  more 
important  of  these  schools  are  located  at  the  following 
places : 

Carlisle,  Pennsylvania.  Fort  Mohave,  Arizona. 

Lawrence,  Kansas.  Chillocco,  Indian  Territory. 

Albuquerque,  New  Mexico.  Genoa,  Nebraska. 

Fort  Stevenson,  North  Dakota.  Grand  Junction,  Colorado. 

Pierre,  South  Dakota.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico. 

In  addition  to  these  are  many  government  boarding 
and  day  schools,  and  some  church  schools  which,  by  con- 
tract, receive  aid  from  the  government. 

The  total  attendance  at  these  schools  for  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June,  1903,  was  between  twenty  and  thirty 
thousand,  and  the  total  cost  thereof  was  more  than  three 
million  dollars. 

COST 

The  expenditures  of  the  United  States  for  these  wards 
of  the  nation,  in  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1902, 
aggregated  $10,049,584.86.  From  July  4,  1776,  to 
June  30,  1890,  the  civil  expenditures  of  the  government 
on  account  of  the  Indians  aggregated  a  little  more  than 
1250,000,000. 

The  Indian  wars  of  the  United  States  have  been  more 
than  forty  in  number.  It  is  estimated  that  they  have 
cost  the  lives  of  some  19,000  white  men,  women,  and 
children,  and  of  more  than  30,000  Indians.  For  these 
wars  the  Indians  have  not  alwavs  been  to  blame. 


362  Appendix 

The  military  expenditures  have  exceeded  the  civil 
expenditures  doubtless  more  than  four  to  one.  It  is 
impossible  to  get  at  thoroughly  trustworthy  statistics, 
but  it  is  estimated  that  something  like  two-thirds  of  the 
total  expense  of  the  army  of  the  United  States  from  1789 
to  1890,  save  during  periods  of  foreign  and  civil  wars,  is 
directly  or  indirectly  chargeable  to  the  Indian  account. 
Upon  this  basis,  the  total  is  more  than  $800,000,000. 
Add  thereto  the  civil  list,  and  we  have  more  than  a 
billion  dollars  expended  on  account  of  the  Indians  within 
the  century  and  a  quarter  of  our  national  existence  —  not 
a  large  sum  when  we  consider  that  the  entire  domain 
of  the  United  States,  amounting  to  two  billion  acres, 
formerly  belonged  to  them.  A  comparison  of  the  mili- 
tary and  the  civil  expenditures  as  above  stated  would 
indicate  that  it  was  much  cheaper  to  support  the  Indian 
than  to  fight  him. 

RESERVATIONS 

AREAS    AND     NAMES    OF    TRIBES,   FROM    THE     I9O2    ANNUAL 
REPORT    OF    THE    COMMISSIONER    OF    INDIAN    AFFAIRS 

This  report  furnishes  the  latest  official  information  on 
this  subject.  Some  of  these  reservations  are  now  mere 
remnants  of  their  former  size. 

Square  Miles  Acres 

In  1880 241,800  154,741,349 

In  1902         117,420  75,148,643 


ARIZONA 

Reservation                                         Name  of  Tribe                             Square  Miles  Acres 
Colorado  River    .      .      Chemehuevi  Walapai,  Kawia,  Cocopa, 

(partly  in  state  of  California)  Mohave,  Yuma 376  240,640 

Fort  Apache  .  .  Arivaipa,  Chillion,  Chiricahua,  Covo- 
tero,  Mimbreno,  MogoUon,  Mohave, 
Pinal,  San  Carlos,  Tonto,  Yuma- 
Apache       2,628  681,920 

Papago  (partly  roaming)        ....  35  ^2,391 

Maricopa,  Pima 558  357,120 

Havasupai  (roaming) 60  38,400 

Hopi  (  Moqui ;  seven  pueblos  )      .      .  3,863  2,472,320 

Navaho 14, 753 '2  9>442',240 


Gila  Bend 
Gila  River 
Havasupai 
Hopi   . 
Navaho    . 

(partly  in  New  Mexico) 
Papago 
Salt  River 


Papago  (  partly  roaming  )      ....  43  27,566 

Maricopa,  Pima 73  46,720 


Appendix 


363 


ARIZONA  —  Continued 
Reservation 

San  Carlos 


Name  of  Tribe 


Walapai 


Arivaipa,  Chillion,  Chiricahua,  Coyo- 
tero,  Mimbreno,  Mogollon,  Mohave, 
Pinal,  San  Carlos,  Tonto,  Yuma- 
Apache        

Walapai     (Hualpai  ;    roaming) 


Square  Miles 


2,866 
1,142 


Total 26,397j 


CALIFORNIA 

Hoopa  Valley 


Mission     . 

(22  Reserves) 
Round  Valley 


Tule  River 
Yuma 


Hunsatung,  Hoopa,  Klamath  River, 
Miskut,  Redwood,  Saiaz,  Sermalton, 
Tishtanatan 

Diogenes,  Kawia,  San  Luis  Rey,  Ser- 
ranos,  Temecula 

Clear  Lake,  Concow,  Little  Lake, 
Nomelaki,  Pit  River,  Potter  Valley, 
Redwood,  Wailaki,  Yuki 

Kawia,  King's  River,  Moache,  Tule, 
Tehon,  Wichumni 

Yuma-Apache 


154^ 


5° 'a 

76 

71^ 


Total 


COLORADO 

Ute Capote,  Moache,  Wiminuche  Ute 


63s 


755^ 


IDAHO 

Cceur  d'Alene 

Fort  Hall 

Lapwai 

Lemhi 


Coeur    d'Alene,    Kutenai,     Pend    d'O- 

reille,  Spokan 

Bannock,  Shoshone 

Nez  Perce 

Bannock,  Sheepeater,  Shoshone 


Total 


INDIAN 
Cherokee 
Chickasaw 
Choctaw- 
Creek 
Modoc 
Ottawa 
Peoria 

Quapaw 
Seminole 
Seneca 
Shawnee 

Wyandot 


TERRITORY 

Cherokee 


Chickasaw 

Choctaw 

Creek 

Modoc 

Ottawa 

Kaskaskia,     Miami,     Peoria,    Pianka- 

shavv,  Wea 

Quapaw 

Seminole 

Seneca        

Seneca,  Eastern  Shawnee      .      .      .      . 
Wyandot 


1,834,240 
730,880 

16,894,437 


99,051 
180,623 


48,551 
45.889 

406,396 

483,750 


632 

404,480 

700 

447,940 

50 

32,020 

100 

64,000 

948,440 


Total 


6,906 

4,420,071 

7,271 

4,653,146 

10,871 

6,957,460 

4,811 

3,079,086 

(>H 

*3,976 

2'A 

1,587 

10^ 

6,851 

88 

**56,245 

57ij4^ 

365,851 

40 14: 

26,086 

4 

2,543 

I 

535 

30,489^ 

19,513,216 

Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 
♦Allotted  to    6S  Indians. 
**Allotted  to  247  Indians. 


3^4 


Appendix 


IOWA 

Resenation 
Sac  and  Fox 


Name  of  Tribe 


Square  Miles 


Potawatomi,  Sac  and  Fox,  Winnebago  . 


Acres 
H  ^.965 


KANSAS 

Chippewa  and  Munsee  Chippewa  and  Munsee     . 

Iowa Iowa 

Kickapoo       .      .      .      Kickapoo 

Potawatomi   .             .  Prairie  band  of  Potawatomi  . 

Sac  and  Fox  .      .      .  Sac  and  Fox  of  the  Missouri 
(partly  in  Nebraska) 

Total 


Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 

*Allotted  to  100  Indians. 
**Allotted  to  143  Indians. 


6>4 
18X 
12 

*4,i95 

**ii,768 

7,604 

2934- 

19.059 
985 

43X 


27,648 


MICHIGAN 

Isabella     . 
L'Anse     . 


Ontonagon 


Total 


MINNESOTA 

Bois  Fort 
Deer  Creek    . 
Fond  du  Lac 
Grand  Portage 
Leech  Lake  . 

Mdevvakanton 
Mille  Lac 
Red  Lake 
Vermilion  Lake 
White  Earth 


White  Oak  Point  and 
Chippewa  . 


Chippewa,  Swan  Creek,  Black  River  . 
L'Anse    and    Vieux    Desert    bands     of 

Chippewa 

Ontonagon  band  of  Chippewa     . 


Winibi- 


iK 


13 


86 


Bois  Fort  Chippewa  . 
Bois  Fort  Chippewa   . 
Fond  du  Lac  Chippewa   . 
Grand  Portage  Chippewa 
Cass     Lake,    Pillager,    Lake 

goshish 

Mdewakanton  Sioux  .... 
.Mille  Lac,  Snake  River  Chippewa  . 
Red  Lake  and  Pembina  Chippewa  . 

Bois  Fort  Chippewa i  ^ 

Chippewa   of  Mississippi,    Gull    Lake, 

Pembina,    Otter    Tail    and    Pillager 

Chippewa 1,099'/^^ 

Lake  Winibigoshish  and    Pillager  Chip-        22 ',-2 

pewa.  White  Oak  Point  Chippewa  .        59X 


365.^ 


59 


95M 
50 


^,373 

5,266 
678 


** 


8,317 


*55,2ii 

**295 

***23,283 

24,191 


I 


Total -,447; 


*****37,683 

1,101 

61,014 

800,000 

1,080 


703,512 

»  j  14,389 
(  38,090 

1,566,707 


Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 
*Allotted  to  693  Indians. 
**Allotted  to      4  Indians. 
***Allotted  to  351  Indians. 
****Allotted  to  304  Indians. 
*****Allotted  to  536  Indians. 
deiUfie**  (Allotted  to  iSo  Lake  Winibigoshish  Indians. 
(Allotted  to  479  Chippewa  Indians. 


Appendix 


365 


MONTANA 

Reservation 
Blackfeet 
Crow 

Fort  Belknap 
Fort  Peck 


Name  of  Tribe 


Jocko 


Northern     Cheyenne 


Blackfeet,  Blood,  Piegan      .... 

Mountain,  River  Crow 

Grosventre,  Assiniboin 

Assiniboin,  Brule,  Santee, Teton,  Hunk- 
papa,  Yanktonai  Sioux      .... 

Bitter  Root,  Carlos  Band,  Flathead, 
Kutenai,  Lower  Kalispel,  Pend 
d'Oreille 

Northern  Cheyenne 


Square  Miles 
1,500 

5,475 


■^,ns 


,240 
765 


NEBRASKA 

Niobrara  . 
Omaha 
Ponca 
Sioux  . 
Winnebago 


Santee  Sioux 
Omaha 
Ponca  . 
Oglala  Sioux 
Winnebago 


Total 


Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 
31,87;  acres  selected  as  homesteads. 
*j8,go8  acres  allotted. 
**Allotted  to  167  Indians. 


NEVADA 

Duck  Valley 

(partly  in  Idaho) 
Moapa  River 

Pyramid  Lake 
Walker  River 


Palute,  Western  Shoshone   .... 

Chemehuevi,  Kaibab,   Pawipit,  Paiute, 

Shivwit 

Paiute         

Paiute 


116}^ 


503  X 

498X 


960,000 
3,504,000 

497,600 

1,776,000 


1,433,600 

489,500 


Total 13,532/^        8,660,700 


IIZ 

*7i,783 

^Z% 

15,097 

42K 

**27,202 

50 

32,000 

43 

27,495 

74,59^ 


Total 


1,49' 


312,320 


1,000 
322,000 
318.815 

954,135 


NEW    MEXICO 
Jicarilla  Apache  . 
Mescalero  Apache 
*I9  Pueblos  . 


447  J 

741 


1,081 
336 


286,400 

474,240 


Jicarilla  Apache 

Mescalero  and  Mimbreno  Apache   . 

Jemez,  Acoma,  San  Juan,  Picuris,  San 
Felipe,  Pecos,  Cochiti,  Santo  Do- 
mingo, Taos,  Santa  Clara,  Tesuque, 
St.  Ildefonso,  Pojoaque,  Sia,  Sandia, 
Isleta,  Nambe,  Laguna,  Santa  Ana  . 
Zuni Pueblo 

Total 2,605^4        1,667,485 

*Size  of  pueblos  varies  from  13,520  acres  to  125,225  acres;   many  of  them   are  about  17,000  acres. 


691,805 
215,040 


NEW    YORK 

Allegany  . 
Cattaraugus    . 
Oil  Spring 
Oneida 


Onondaga,  Seneca 
Cayuga,  Onondaga,  Seneca 

Seneca        

Oneida 


^VA 

30,469 

34 

21,680 

I 

640 

% 

350 

366 


Appendix 


NEW   YORK  — Continued 

Reservation  Name  of  Tribe  Square  Miles  Acres 

Onondaga       .      .      .  Oneida,  Onondaga,  St.  Regis    .      .      .                9^  6,100 

St.  Regis        ...      St.  Regis 23  14,640 

Tonawanda    .      .      .  Cayuga  and  Tonawanda  Seneca        .      .              ^^H  7»549 

Tuscarora       .      .      .      Onondaga,  Tuscarora gV"  6,249 

Total 137  87,677 

NORTH    CAROLINA 

^ualla  (on  Tennessee 

boundary)and  other  f  78  50,000 

lands     ....      Eastern  Band  North  Carolina  Cherokee  -\  24  15,211 

yS^yi  33,000 

Total 153/^  98,211 

NORTH    DAKOTA 

Devils  Lake  .      .      .      Assiniboin,   Cuthead,   Santee,   Sisseton, 

Yankton  and  Wahpeton  Sioux    .      .  153/^  9^,224 

Fort  Berthold       .      .      Arikara,  Grosventre,  Mandan    .      .      .         1,382^  884,780 

Standing  Rock    .      .      Blackfeet,    Hunkpapa    and    Yanktonai 

Sioux 4,176  2,672,640 

Turtle  Mountain       .      Chippewa 72  46,080 

Total 5,784  3,701,724 

OKLAHOMA    TERRITORY 

Cheyenne  and  Arapaho  Arapaho,  Cheyenne 827^  *52o,682 

Iowa Iowa,  Tonkawa 13^  **8,685 

Kansa       ....      Kaw  (or  Kansa) 156/^  100,137 

Kickapoo       .      .      .      Mexican  Kickapoo 35/4^  ***22,529 

Kiowa  and  Comanche    Apache,  Comanche,  Delaware,  Kiowa  750  480,000 

Oakland    ....      Tonkawa,  Lipan i?/^  ****ll,273 

Osage        ....      Osage,  Quapaw 2,2197  1,470,058 

Oto Oto,  Missouri 99  63,419 

Pawnee     ....      Pawnee '^l^/'i  *****!  12,859 

Ponca       ....      Ponca 41  26,328 

Potawatomi    .      .      .      Shawnee,  Potawatomi 447/^  ******286,470 

Sac  and  Fox  .      .      .      Ottawa,  Sac  and  Fox 138^^  *******87,683 

Wichita    ....      loni,    Caddo,     Comanche,     Delaware, 

Towakoni,  Waco,  Wichita   .      .      .  239  ********i 52,991 
Chickasaw  and  Choc- 
taw      ....      Unoccupied 2,362  1,511,576 

Total S.705K  3.65i)Si8 

Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 

*Allotted  to  3,194  Indians. 

**Allotted  to      109  Indians. 

***Allotted  to      28}  Indians. 

**'**Allotted  to        75  Indians. 

*****Allotted  to      821  Indians. 

******  J  2i5i<'79  acres  alloted  to  1,489  Potawatomi. 

/    70,791  acres  allotted  to      56J  absentee  Shawnees. 
*******Allotted  to  548  Indians. 
********Allotted  to  965  Indians. 


Appendix 


367 


OREGON 

Reservation 

Grande  Ronde 


Name  of  Tribe 


Kalapuya,  Clackamas,  Cow  Creek 
Lakmiut,  Mary's  River,  Molala 
Nestucca,  Rogue  River,  Santiam 
Shasta,  Turn  water,  Umpqua,  Wa 
pato,  Yamhill 

Klamath,  Modoc,  Paiute,  Pito  River 
Walpape,  Yahuskin  Snake    . 

Siletz Alsea,     Coquille,     Kusan,      Kwatami 

Rogue  River,  Skoton,  Shasta,  Sai 
ustkea,  Siuslaw,  Tututni,  Umpqua 
and  thirteen  others       .... 

Cayuse,  Umatilla,  Wallawalla    . 

Des  Chutes,  John  Day,  Paiute,  Tenino 
Warm  Springs,  Wasco 


Klamath  . 


Umatilla  . 
Warm  Springs 


Total 


Square  Miles  Acres 

40^  26,111 

1,362^  872,186 


74>^  *47,7i6 

^^4-H  79.820 

503X  322,108 


^f°3^/4        1)300)2^5 


Starred  item  not  included  in  total. 
♦Allotted  to  551  Indians. 


SOUTH    DAKOTA 
Crow  Creek  and  Old 
Winnebago 

Lake  Traverse     . 
Cheyenne  River 

Lower  Brule  . 
Pine  Ridge  . 
Rosebud    . 


175 
484J4: 


Yankton  . 


Lower  Yanktonai,  Lower  Brule,  Mini- 
conjou.  Two  Kettle  Sioux 

Sisseton,  Wahpeton  Sioux     .... 

Blackfeet,     Miniconjou,     Sans     Arcs, 

Two  Kettle  Sioux 4>48i 

Lower  Brule,  Lower   Yanktonai  Sioux  3 '3/4 

Brule,  Northern  Cheyenne,  Oglala  Sioux        4,930 

Loafer,  Miniconjou,  Oglala,  Two  Ket- 
tle, Upper  Brule,  Wahzhazhe  Sioux  3>52.5 

Yankton  Sioux A-^9/4 


1 12,031 
*309,904 

2,867,841 

200,694 

3,155,200 

2,256,100 
**268,567 

Total 13,424;^        8,591,865 


Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 
♦Allotted  to  1,339  Indians. 
♦♦Allotted  to  2,649  Indians. 


UTAH 

Uinta  Valley 

Uncompahgre 


Gosiute,  Pavant,  Uinta,  Yampa, 
Grande  River,  Uncompahgre,  White 
River  Ute 

Tabequache  Ute 


3,186  2,039,040 

Formerly  *i, 933, 440 


♦Not  included  in  total.     Reservation  restored  to  public  domain  save  for  allottments  to  83  Indians. 


WASHINGTON 

Chehalis  . 
Columbia 
Colville     .      .      . 


Hoh  River 


Chinook,  Clatsop,  Chehalis        ...  }^ 

Chief  Moses  and  his  people        ...  38 

CoBur  d'Alene,  Colville,  Kalispel, 
Okinagan,  Lake,  Methow,  Nes- 
pelim,  Pend  d'Oreille,  Sanpoil,  Spo- 

kan 2,03114^ 

Hoh I 


471 
24,220 


1,300,000 
640 


368 


Appendi: 


X 


1 


WASHINGTON  —  Continued 

Reservation  Name  of  Tribe 

Lummi  ....  Dwamish,  Etakmur,  Lummi,  Snoho- 
mish, Sukwamish,  Swiwamish 

Makah     ....      Makah,  Quileute 

Muckleshoot  Muckleshoot 

Nisqualli  ....  Muckleshoot,  Nisqualli,  Puyallup, 
Skwawksnamish,  Stailakoom,  and 
five  others 

Osette       ....      Osette 

Port  Madison  Dwamish,    Etakmur,   Lummi,    Snoho- 

mish, Sukwamish,  Swiwamish 

Puyallup  ....  Muckleshoot,  Nisqualli,  Puyallup, 
Skwawksnamish,  Stailakoom,  and 
five  others 

Quileute    ....      (Quileute 

(^uinaielt  ....      Hoh,  Quaitso,  Quinaielt        ... 

Shoalwater     .      .      .      Shoalwater,  Chehalis 

Skokomish     .  Clallam,  Skokomish,  Twana 

Snohomish  or  Tulalip  Dwamish,  Etakmur,  Lummi,  Snoho- 
mish, Sukwamish,  Swiwamish     . 

Spokan     ....      Spokan       

Squaxon  Island  .  .  Nisqualli,  Puyallup,  Skwawksnamish, 
Stailakoom,  and  five  others    . 

Swinomish  .      .      Dwamish,    Etakmur,    Lummi,    Snoho- 

mish, Sukwamish,  Swiwamish     . 

Yakima  ....  Klikitat,  Paloos,  Topnish,  Wasco, 
Yakima 

Total 

Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 
♦Allotted  to  JO  Indians. 
♦♦Allotted  to  23  Indians. 


Square  Miles 

3 
36 

5 

7K 


23,040 
3,367 


*4,7i8 
640 

2,015 


I 

599 

^  IK 

837 

350 

224,000 

'A 

335 

Y^ 

276 

14 

8,930 

240 

153,600 

^% 

**i,494 

zU 

1,710 

917 

587,010 

3,646X 

2,333,574 

WISCONSIN 

Lac  Court  Oreille     .  Lac  Court  Oreille  band  Chippewa    .      .               3 1  5^  20,096 
Lac  du  Flambeau       .  Lac  du  Flambeau  band  Chippewa           .               S'^%  33,666 
La  Pointe  (Bad  River)  La  Pointe  band  Chippewa     ....  131  83,816 
Red  ClifF       .      .      .  La  Pointe  band    (Buffalo  Chief)  Chip- 
pewa                    2.2'4^  *i4,ioi 

Menominee    .  Memominee 362  231,680 

Oneida      ....  Oneida ^o^X  **65,402 

Stockbridge    .             .  Stockbridge,  Munsee 18  j^  11,803 

Total 595/^  381,061 

Starred  items  not  included  in  total. 

*2,5}5  acres  allotted  to  j;  Indians;   11,566  acres  allotted  to  169  Indians. 
♦♦Allotted  to  1,501  Indians. 

WYOMING 

Wind  River  .      .      .      Northern  Arapaho,  Eastern  band  Shosh- 
one   2,742  1,754,960 

Grand  Total 117,420  75,148,643 


I 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  APPENDIX 


THE  following  lists  are  not  intended  to  be  complete,  either  as 
citations  of  authorities  consulted  or  as  references  for  further 
study.  They  are,  however,  intended  to  be  helpful  to  the 
reader  who,  on  any  topic,  desires  fuller  information  than  is  possible  in  a 
work  limited  in  scope  as  is  this.  Such  a  reader  will  find  valuable  informa- 
tion in  the  general  cvclopedias,  and  such  works  as  Larned's  History  for 
Ready  Reference  and  Topical  Reading  (Springfield,  Massachusetts,  1894, 
5  vols.),  and  the  Appletons'  and  other  cyclopedias  of  American  biography; 
and  wise  direction  in  the  Critical  Essays  on  the  Sources  of  hformation 
following  the  several  chapters  of  Justin  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America  (  Boston  and  New  York,  i  884  —  89,  8  vols. ).  No  one 
who  is  anxious  to  secure  the  best  results  from  a  liberal  course  of  reading 
on  this  subject  can  afford  to  ignore  Poole's  Index  to  Periodical  Literature 
(Boston,  1882,  with  supplements),  Channing  and  Hart's  Guide  to  the 
Study  of  American  History  (Boston,  1896),  or  Larned's  The  Literature 
of  American  History  (Boston,  1902,  with  supplements).  This  work 
last  named  is  an  annotated  bibliography,  including  several  thousand  titles 
in  political,  constitutional,  economic,  educational,  and  religious  history,  and 
giving  expert  information  as  to  the  character  and  quality  of  books  concerning 
which  readers  and  students  of  history  need  most  to  be  informed.  Addi- 
tional help  may  be  found  in  Paul  L.  Ford's  Check  List  of  Bibliographies , 
Catalogues,  Reference-lists,  and  Lists  of  Authorities,  of  American  Books 
and  Subjects  (Brooklyn,  New  York,  1889).  Descriptive  lists  of  govern- 
mental archives,  Canadian  and  American,  national  and  state,  may  be 
found  in  the  report  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,  printed  in 
the  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  vol.  I  (  1896), 
p.    48^.      Other  "sources"   are   indicated   in    later  reports   of    the   same 


3  70        Bibliographical   Appendix 

commission.  From  the  lists  herewith  given,  many  valuable  works  have 
been  omitted  for  the  reason  that  they  are  practically  inaccessible  to  the 
general  reader.  After  the  first  mention  of  a  book,  it  may  be  referred  to  by 
its  short  title  or  by  its  section  (marginal)  number. 

CHAPTER  I  — THE  FIRST  AMERICANS 

1  Abbott,  Charles  C.  Antiquity  of  Man  in  the  Delaware  River 
\'alley,  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  Annual  Reports  of  the  Peabody 
Museum  (Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  1877  —  78) — the  first  full 
account  of  traces  of  paleolithic  man  in  America.  See  also  his  articles 
in  Proceedings  of  the  Boston  Society  of  Natural  History,  vol.  22 
(1888),  p.  96,  and  vol.  23(1889),  pp.  421-447;  Proceedings 
ot  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  vol. 
37(1888),  pp.  293-315  ;  and  Popular  Science  Monthly,  vol.  55 
(1899),  p.  326. 

2  Abbott,  Charles  C.  Primitive  Industry.  (With  chapter  by 
H.  C.  Lewis  on  "The  Trenton  Gravel.")      Salem,  1^81. 

3  Abbott,  Charles  C.  Recent  Explorations  in  the  Delaware 
\"alley.      Boston,  1892. 

4  Agassiz,  Louis.  America,  the  Old  World,  in  Atlantic 
Monthh,  vol.  11(1863),  P-  373- 

5  Agassiz,  Louis.  The  Formation,  Structure,  and  Progression 
OF  Glaciers,  in  Atlantic   Monthh,  vol.   12(1863),  PP*  5^8,  751. 

6  Babbit,  Miss  Franc  E.  Articles  in  Proceedings  of  the  American 
Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  vol.  32(1883),  p. 
385  ;  in  American  Naturalist,  vol.  18(1884),  PP-  594'  697  ;  and 
in  American  Antiquarian,  vol.   3(1880),  p.   18. 

7  Bancroft,  Hubert  H.  Native  Races  OF  the  Pacific  States  (New 
York,   1874  —  76,  5  vols.),  vol.  4,  pp.  699  —  707. 

8  Brinton,  Daniel  G.  Alleged  Mongolian  Affinities  of  the 
American  Race,  in  Science,  vol.   12(1888),  p.   121. 

9  Brower,  J.  V.  The  Early  Appearance  of  Man  in  the  Basin 
OF  THE  Mississippi,  in  his  The  Missouri  River  and  its  Utmost 
Source  (Saint  Paul,  1897),  pp.   14—30. 

10  Bryant,  William  C,  and  Gay,  Sydney  H.  Popular  History 
OF  THE  United  States  (New  York,  1876  —  81,  4  vols.),  vol.  i, 
chap.    I . 

11  Chamberlin,  Thomas  C.  On  the  Extent  and  Significance  of 
THE  Wisconsin  Kettle  Moraine,  in  Transactions  of  the  Wisconsin 
Academy  of  Sciences,  Arts,  and  Letters,  vol.  4(1876  —  77),  pp. 
201  —  234.  Professor  Chamberlin  is  one  of  the  foremost  exponents 
of  glacial  theories  that  differ  materially  from  those  set  forth  in 
Chapter  i .  See  his  articles  in  the  third  Annual  Report  of  the  United 
States  Geological  Survey  (1881—82),  pp.  291—402;  sixth 
Annual  Report  of  U.  S.  Geol.  Survey  (1884-85),  pp.  205-258; 


J 


Bibliographical   Appendix         371 

Proceedings  of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science,  vol.  35(1886),  pp.  195  — 211 ;  \\\z  America?;  Geologist, 
vol.  8(1891),  pp.  267  —  275;  the  Journal  of  Geology,  vol.  i 
(1893),  p.  47,  vol.  3(1895),  p.  270,  vol.  7(1899),  pp.  545, 
667,  75  I;  the  American  Journal  of  Science,  third  series,  vol.  45 
(1893),  pp.   I  7  I  —  200,  and  vol.  47  (  1894),  pp.  247-283,  483. 

12  Dawkins,  W.  Boyd.  Early  Man  in  America,  in  North 
American   Reviezv,  vol.   137(1883),  p.   338. 

13  Encyclopedia  Britannica  (ninth  edition)  under  America,  vol.  i, 
pp.  669  —  717.  See  Geology  and  Antiquity  in  table  of  contents,  p. 
717;  also  Anthropology,  vol.  2,  p.   107. 

14  Geikie,  James.  The  Great  Ice  Age  and  its  Relations  to 
THE  Antiquity  of  Man.      London,  1894. 

15  Gilbert,  G.  K.  The  Place  of  Niagara  Falls  in  Geological 
History,  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Association  for  the 
Advancement  of  Science,  vol.  35(1886),  p.  222,  Also  see  his 
monograph  in  Physiography  of  the  United  States  (New  York, 
I  896),  p.   203. 

16  Haven,  Samuel  F.  ArchyT-ology  of  the  United  States,  in 
Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  vol.  8  (Washington, 
1856)  article  ii;   also  New  York,   1856. 

17  Haynes,  Henry  W.  Prehistoric  Archeology  of  North 
America,  in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.   i,  chap.  6. 

18  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  The  First  Americans,  in  Harper's 
Magazine,  vol.  65 (  1882),  p.  342. 

19  Holmes,  William  H.  Are  there  Traces  of  Glacial  Man  in 
THE  Trenton  Gravels?  in  Journal  of  Geology,  vol.  1(1893), 
pp.  15  —  37.  Mr.  Holmes  dissents  from  the  conclusiveness  of  the 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  glacial  man  in  America.  Among  his 
other  publications  relating  to  early  man  in  America  are  Modern 
Quarry  Refuse  and  the  Paleolithic  Theory,  in  Science,  vol. 
20(1892),  p.  295;  Distribution  of  Stone  Implements  in  the 
Tidewater  Country,  in  American  Anthropologist,  vol.  6(1893), 
p.  I ;  Gravel  Man  and  Paleolithic  Culture,  in  Science,  vol. 
21(1893),  p.  29;  Vestiges  of  Early  Man  in  Minnesota,  in 
American  Geologist,  vol.  11(1893),  P-  219;  Traces  of  Glacial 
Man  in  Ohio,  in  Journal  of  Geology,  vol.  1(1893),  p.  147; 
Natural  History  of  Flaked  Stone  Implements,  in  Memoirs  of 
the  Congress  of  Anthropology,  World's  Columbian  Exposition 
(Chicago,  1894),  p.  120;  Order  of  Development  of  the  Primal 
Shaping  Arts,  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Association  for  the 
Advancement  of  Science,  vol.  42(1894),  p.  289;  Stone  Imple- 
ments of  the  Potomac-Chesapeake  Tidewater  Province,  in  the 
fifteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology 
(1897),  pp.  13—  152  (of  prime  importance);  Primitive  Man  in 
THE  Delaware  Valley,  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Association 
for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  vol.  46(1897),  p.  364;     Review 


37  2         Bibliographical   Appendix 

OF  THE  Evidence  Relating  to  Auriferous  Gravel  Man  in  Cali- 
fornia, in  the  Smithsonian  Report  tor  1899,  p.  419. 

20  Lansing  Skeleton,  The.  See  articles  in  Records  of  the  Past,  vol.  I 
(1902),  p.  273,  and  vol.  2(1903),  p.  119;  Journal  of  Geology, 
vol.  10(1902),  p.  745;  American  Geologist,  vol.  30(1902), 
p.  135,  and  vol.  31(1903),  pp.  25,  263,  and  vol.  32(1903), 
p.  353,  and  vol.  33(1904),  p.  205;  American  Anthropologist, 
vol.  4(  1902  ),  p.  743  ;  and  N.  H.  Winchell's  Presidential  Address 
to  the  Geological  Society  of  America,  January,  1903. 

21  McGee,  W  J.  Paleolithic  Man  in  America,  in  Popular 
Science  Monthly,  vol.  34(1888),  p.  20;  in  American  Journal  of 
Science,  vol.  35(1888),  p.  416;  and  seventh  Annual  Report  of 
the  United  States  Geological  Survey    (1885  —  86),  pp.    537  —  646. 

22  Mason,  Otis  T.  The  Aborigines  of  the  District  of  ColuiMBia 
and  the  Lower  Potomac,  in  the  American  Anthropologist,  vol.  2 
(1889),  p.    193. 

23  Mills,  W.  C,  and  Wright,  George  Frederick.  Discovery  of 
A  Paleolithic  Implement  at  Newcomerstovvn,  Ohio,  in  Western 
Reserve  Historical   Society  Tract  No.  75.      Cleveland,   1890. 

24  Overman,  H.  W.  Fort  Hill,  Ohio,  in  Ohio  Archaological  and 
Historical  ^carter l\,  vol.    I(  1887),  p.   260. 

25  Payne,  Edward  John.  History  of  America  (Oxford  and  New 
York,   1892  —  99,  2   vols.),  vol.  2,  pp.  vi,  66  —  76. 

26  Powell,  John  W.  Are  there  Evidences  of  Man  in  the 
Glacial  Gravels?  in  Popular  Science  Monthly,  vol.  43(1893), 
p.  316.  Here  and  elsewhere  Major  Powell  takes  about  the  same 
view  as  does  Mr.  Holmes;  see  third  Annual  Report  of  the  United 
States  Geological  Survey  (Washington,   1882  —  83). 

27  Powell,  John  W.  Prehistoric  Man  in  America,  in  The  Forum, 
vol.  8(  1890),  p.  489. 

28  Proudfit,  S.  V.  Collection  of  Stone  Lmplements  from  the 
District  of  Columbia,  in  Proceedings  ot  the  United  States  National 
Museum,  vol.   13(1890),  pp.   187—194. 

29  Putnam,  Frederick  W.  A  Problem  in  Anthropology,  in  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 
vol.  48(  1899),  p.    1. 

30  Shaler,  Nathaniel  S.  Nature  and  Man  m  America.  New 
York,  1891. 

31  Shaler,  Nathaniel  S.  Time  of  the  Mammoths,  in  American 
Naturalist,  vol.  4(  1870),  p.   148. 

32  True,  H.  L.  The  Cause  of  the  Glacial  Period.  Cincinnati, 
1903. 

33  Tylor,  Edward  B.  American  Aspects  of  Anthropology,  in 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  vol.  26(1884),  p.    152. 

34  Tylor,  Edward  B.  Anthropology  :  An  Introduction  to 
the  Study  of  Man  and  Civilization.  London  and  New  York, 
1888. 


Bibliographical  Appendix        373 

35  Waddington,  Samuel.  The  Cradle  of  the  Human  Race,  in 
Niactt'i'/ith  Centurs,  vol.  48(1900),  p.  801. 

36  Wallace,  Alfred  Russell.  Antiquity  of  Man  in  America,  in 
JSiiictccnth  Crnturs,  vol.   22(1887),  P-  667. 

37  Winchell,  Newton  H.,  and  Upham,  Warren.  In  Geology  of 
Mi/me sota.      Final  report  (Saint  Paul,   1888),  vol.  i,  p.   337. 

38  Winsor,  Justin,  editor.  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America  (Boston  and  New  York,  1884  —  89,  8  vols.),  vol.  i, 
pp.  329-444. 

39  Wright,  George  Frederick.  The  Glacial  Boundary  in  West- 
ern Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  with 
introduction  by  T.  C.  Chamberlin,  in  Bulletin  No.  58  of  the 
United  States  Geological  Survey  (1890).      See  section  23. 

40  Wright,  George  Frederick.  The  Ice  Age  in  North  America. 
New  York,  1891. 

41  Wright,  George  Frederick.  Man  and  the  Glacial  Period 
(New  York,   1892),  pp.  66-127,   193  —  374. 

42  Wright,  George  Frederick.  The  Nampa  Image,  in  Proceedings 
of  the  Boston  Society  of  Natural  History,  vol.  24(  1890),  p.  424; 
and  in  Scribner'' s  Magazine,  vol.   7(1890),  p.   235. 

43  Wright,  George   Frederick.      Preglacial  Man   in  Ohio,  in 

Ohio    Archtsological    and     Historical     Quarterly,     vol.     1(1887), 

P-    257- 

44  Articles  relating  to  this  chapter  and  to  the  following  chapter  may  be 
found  in  nearly  all  the  numbers  of  the  Archaologist  (Waterloo, 
Indiana),  the  American  Antiquarian  (Chicago),  the  American 
Anthropologist  (Washington,  D.  C),  and  the  Papers  of  the 
Archsological  Institute  of  America,  American  series,  1881, 
continued  as  the  American  Journal  of  Archaology  (1885).  More 
elaborate  articles  are  given  in  the  Smithsonian  Contributions  to 
Knowledge,  and  in  the  Reports  of  the  United  States  Geological 
Survey,  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  the  National  Museum,  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  and  the  Peabody  Museum  of 
American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology. 


CHAPTER    II  — THE    NEOLITHIC    AMERICANS 

Note. —  Concerning  the  subject  matter  of  this  chapter,  additional 
information  may  be  found  in  the  works  previously  cited  in  this  bibli- 
ographv  and  indicated  by  the  marginal  numbers  (sections)  2,  7> 
10,  16,  25,  29,  32,  44.      Consult  the  indexes  of  such  works. 

45  Baldwin,  John  D.      Ancient  America.      New  York,   1872. 

46  Baldwin,  John  D.      Prehistoric   Nations.      New  York,    1872. 

47  Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe.      Essays   and   Miscellany  (San   Fran- 
cisco,  1890),  pp.    1  —  39. 

48  Brinton,  Daniel  G.      American  Race.      New  York,  1891. 


3  74        l^ibliographical  Appendix 

49  Brower,  J.  V.  Kathio.  Saint  Paul,  1901.  This  is  vol.  4  of 
Memoirs  of  Exploration  in  the  Basin  of  the  Mississippi,  and  relates 
to  an  ancient  settlement  ot  that  name  on  the  shore  of  Mille  Lac  in 
Minnesota. 

50  Brower,  J.  V.,  and  Bushnell,  D.  I.  Mille  Lac.  Saint  Paul, 
1900.  This  is  vol.  3  ot  Memoirs  of  Exploration  in  the  Basin  of 
the  Mississippi. 

51  Carr,  Lucien.  Mounds  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  in  Report  of 
the  Smithsonian  Institution,   I  89 1,  p.   503. 

52  Carr,  Lucien.  Observations  on  the  Crania  from  the  Stone 
Graves  in  Tennessee,  in  eleventh  Annual  Report  of  the  Peabody 
Museum  of  Archeology  and  Ethnology.      Cambridge,   1878. 

53  Chapin,  Frederick  H.  The  Land  of  the  Cliff  Dwellers. 
Boston,    1892. 

54  Conant,  A.  J.  Foot-prints  of  Vanished  Races.  Saint  Louis, 
1879.      A  fair  presentation  of  an  abandoned  theory. 

55  Dellenbaugh,  Frederick  S.  The  North  Americans  of  Yester- 
day.     New  York,   1901. 

56  Fewkes,  J.  W.  Archeological  Expedition  to  Arizona  in 
1895,  in  seventeenth  Annual  Report  of  Bureau  of  American  Eth- 
nologv  (Washington,   1898),  p.   527. 

57  Figuier,  Louis.  Primitive  Man  (New  York,  1870),  p.  125 
et  seq. 

58  Fisher,  George  P.      Colonial  Era  (New  York,   1892),  chap.  i. 

59  Foster,  J.  W.      Prehistoric  Races  of  America.     Chicago,  1887. 

60  Fowke,  Gerard.  Archeological  History  of  Ohio.  Colum- 
bus,  1902.      Valuable,  but  unfortunately  vituperative. 

61  Grote,  A.  R.  The  Peopling  of  America,  in  American  Natural- 
ist, vol.   11(1877),  ?•  221. 

62  Holmes,  William  H.  Archaeological  Studies  among  the 
Ancient  Cities  of  Mexico.      Chicago,  1895  —  97,  2  vols. 

63  Jones,  Charles  C.  Antiquities  of  the  Southern  Indians. 
New  York,  1873. 

64  Jones,  Joseph.  Explorations  of  the  Aboriginal  Remains  of 
Tennessee,  in  the  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knozu ledge,  vol.  22 
(1880),  p.   259.      See  also  articles  on  pp.  287,  318. 

65  Lapham,  Increase  A.  The  Antiquities  of  Wisconsin,  in  the 
Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knozv ledge,  vol.   7(1855),  article  4. 

66  Lubbock,  Sir  John.  Prehistoric  Times  (New  York,  1872), 
chap.  8. 

67  Mindeleff,  Cosmos.  The  Cliff  Ruins  of  Canyon  de  Chelly, 
Arizona,  in  sixteenth  Annual  Report  of  Bureau  of  American  Eth- 
nology (Washington,  1897),  p.  79. 

68  Mindeleff,  Cosmos.  Navaho  Houses,  in  seventeenth  Annual  Report 
of  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  (Washington,   1898),  p.  475. 

69  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Sand  Mounds  of  the  St.  John's 
River,  Florida  (Philadelphia,   1894),  2  parts.      In    1902,  W.  H. 


Bibliographical  Appendix        375 

Holmes,  the  acting  director  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
said  of  Mr.  Moore  that  "he  may  well  be  accorded  first  place  among 
archaeological  explorers  within  the  area  of  the  United  States,  if  not, 
indeed,  in  all  America." 

70  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Sand  Mounds  of  Duval  County, 
Florida.       Philadelphia,   1895. 

71  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Aboriginal  Mounds  of  the 
Georgia  Coast.      Philadelphia,   1897. 

72  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Aboriginal  Mounds  of  the 
Coast  of  South  Carolina  (including  mounds  of  Savannah  and 
Altamaha  rivers).      Philadelphia,   1808. 

73  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Aboriginal  Remains  of  the 
Alabama  River.      Philadelphia,   1899. 

74  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Antiquities  of  the  Florida  West 
Coast.      Philadelphia,   1900. 

75  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Aboriginal  Remains  of  the 
Northwest  Florida  Coast  and  Certain  Aboriginal  Remains  of 
the  Tombigbee  River.      Philadelphia,  1901. 

76  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Sheet  Copper  from  the  Mounds,  in  the 
American  Antliropologist,  vol.   5(1903),  p.   27. 

77  Moore,  Clarence  B.  Certain  Shell  Heaps  of  the  St.  John's 
River,  Florida,  in  the  American  Naturalist,   1902  —  03. 

78  Mdorehead,  Warren  K.  Prehistoric  Implements.  Cincinnati, 
1900. 

79  Moorehead,  Warren  K.  Primitive  Man  in  Ohio.  New  York, 
1892.  "" 

80  Morgan,  Lewis  H.  Montezuma's  Dinner,  in  North  American 
Review,  vol.   122(1876),  p.  263. 

81  Nadaillac,  Marquis  de.  Prehistoric  America  (New  York, 
1884),  chap.    10  et  seq. 

82  Ohio  Arch^ological  and  Historical  Quarterly.  Contains 
many  articles  relating  to  this  chapter.  An  index  to  the  first  eleven 
volumes  is  printed  in  vol.   11(1902),  pp.  267  —  486. 

83  Peet,  Stephen  D.  The  Peopling  of  America,  in  American 
Antiquarian,  vol.  22(1900),  p.  229.  Other  articles  by  the  same 
author  will  be  found  in  the  same  publication. 

84  Powell,  John  W.,  director.  Annual  Reports  of  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology.      Washington,   1879— 1902. 

85  Putnam,  Frederick  W.,  editor.  Arch^ological  and  Eth- 
nological Collections,  in  Wheeler's  Survey,  Reports,  vol.  7. 
Washington,   1879. 

86  Putnam,  Frederick  W.  Arch^ological  Explorations  in  Ten- 
nessee, in  eleventh  Annual  Report  (1878)  of  the  Peabody  Museum. 

87  Short,  John  T.  North  Americans  of  Antiquity.  New  York, 
1880.      Upholds  the  theory  of  a  vanished  race. 

88  Smith,  Harlan  I.  The  Great  American  Pyramid  [Cahokia], 
in  Harper'' 5  Magazine,  vol.   104(1902),  p.   199. 


3  7^        Bibliographical   Appendix 

89  Squier,  Ephraim  G.,  and  Davis,  Edward  H.  Ancient  Mon- 
uments OF  THE  Mississippi  Valley,  in  S?nithsonian  Contributions  to 
Knowledge,  vol.  1(1848).  Supplementary  to  this  is  Charles 
Whittlesey's  Description  of  Ancient  Works  in  Ohio,  in  Smith- 
sonian Contributions  to  Knowledge,  vol.  3(1852). 

90  Thomas,  Cyrus.  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  North 
American  Archaeology.      Cincinnati,  1898. 

91  Thruston,  Gates  P.  Antiquities  of  Tennessee  and  Adjacent 
States.      Cincinnati,  1890. 

92  Wilson,  Daniel.      Prehistoric  Man.      London,  1876,  2  vols. 

93  Winchell,  Alexander.  Preadamites  (Chicago,  1880),  chap.  24. 

94  Winchell,  Newton  H.  Ancient  Copper  Mines  of  Isle  Royal, 
in  Popular  Science  Monthly,  vol.   19(1881),  p.  601. 

95  Winsor,  Justin.  The  Antiquity  of  Man  in  America,  in  Win- 
sor's  America  (38),  vol.  i,  pp.  369  —  412  ;  see  p.  413  for  bibli- 
ography of  aboriginal  America. 

96  A  special  bibliography  of  the  Pueblo  remains  is  given  in  Bancroft's 
Native  Races  (7),  vol.  i,  pp.  552,  559,  vol.  4,  p.  662  ;  and  in 
Papers  of  the  Archsological  Institute  of  America,  American  series, 
vol.   1(1881). 

97  The  first  scientific  treatise  concerning  the  "mounds"  was  that  of 
Caleb  Atwater  of  Ohio,  which  appeared  (  1820)  in  the  first  volume 
of  Archeeologia  Americana,  the  publication  ot  the  newly  organized 
American  Antiquarian  Society.  A  summary  of  the  different  theories 
regarding  the  origin  of  the  mounds  will  be  found  in  J.  P.  MacLean's 
Mound-builders  (Cincinnati,  1887),  and  in  Fowke's  Archaological 
History  of  Ohio  (60).  Special  bibliographies  relating  to  the  mound- 
builders  and  their  relics  are  given  in  Winsor' s  America  (38),  vol.  i, 
p.  397  ;  in  the  Smithsonian  Reports,  1881  ;  and  in  Rau's  Catalogue 
of  the  Archaeological  Collection  of  the  National  Museum  (Wash- 
ington, 1876). 


CHAPTER  III  — MAZE  AND  MYTH 
Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  7>  10,  25,  87. 

98  Beazley,  C.  Raymond.      Dawn  of  Modern  Geography  (Lon- 
don,  1897  and  1 90 1,  2  vols.),  chaps.  5  and  7. 

99  Bowen,  Benjamin   F.       America   Discovered   by  the   Welsh 
(Philadelphia,  1876),  pp.   17-145. 

100  Brinton,  Daniel  G.  Myths  of  the  New  World.  New  York, 
1868. 

101  De  Costa,  Benjamin  F.  Pre-Columbian  Voyages  of  the 
Welsh  to  America,  in  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register,  vol.  45(1891),  p.   15. 

102  De  Roo,  P.  History  of  America  before  Columbus  (Philadel- 
phia,  1900,  2  vols.),  vol.   2,  chaps.    1—5. 


Bibliographical   Appendix         377 

103  Donnelly,  Ignatius.  Atlantis,  the  Antediluvian  World. 
New  York,   1882. 

104  Fiske,  John.  Discovery  of  America  (Boston  and  New  York, 
1892,  2  vols.),  vol.    I,  chap.   2. 

105  Fryer,  John.  The  Buddhist  Discovery  of  America,  in 
Harper's  Magazine,  vol.   103(1901),  p.  251. 

106  Glover,  Alfred  Kingsley.  Was  America  Discovered  by  the 
Chinese?  in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  27(1892), 
p.  30. 

107  Goldsmid,  Edmund,  see  Hakluyt  (109). 

108  GrifRs,  William  E.  Romance  of  Discovery  (Boston,  1897), 
chaps.  5,  6. 

109  Hakluyt,  Richard.  The  Principal  Navigations,  Voiages, 
Traffiques,  and  Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation.  Origin- 
ally issued  in  a  single  volume,  London,  1589  ;  reissued,  London, 
1598— 1600,  3  vols.,  folio.  Of  the  Edmund  Goldsmid  edition 
(Edinburgh,  1884-90,  16  vols.),  vols.  12-16  relate  to  America. 
The  MacLehose  edition  (Glasgow,  1903-05,  12  vols.)  is  a  more 
faithful  reprint  of  the  edition  of  I  598 -1 600.  See  Goldsmid's 
edition  of  Hakluyt' s  Voyages  of  the  English  Nation  to  America  before 
the  year  160O  (Edinburgh,  1889-90,  4  vols.).  Hakluyt's  Divers 
Forages  touching  the  Discover ie  of  America  and  the  Hands  adiacent 
(London,  1582),  has  been  edited  by  John  Winter  Jones  and  pub- 
lished by  the  Hakluyt  Society  (London,  1850).  Its  contents  are 
included  in  Goldsmid's  edition.  The  most  important  contemporary 
narratives  of  English  exploration  given  in  the  Hakluyt  collection 
constitute  Edward  John  Payne's  Voyages  of  the  Elizabethan  Seamen 
to  America  (London,   1880  and  1890). 

110  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  Tales  of  the  Enchanted  Islands 
OF  THE  Atlantic.      New  York,   1898. 

111  Irving,  Washington.  Life  and  Voyages  of  Christopher 
Columbus  (New  York,  1868,  3  vols.),  book  i,  chap.  4,  and 
appendix. 

112  Leland,  Charles  G.  Fu  Sang,  or  the  Discovery  of  America 
BY  Chinese  Buddhist  Priests  in  the  Fifth  Century.  London 
and  New  York,   1875. 

113  Lucas,  Fred  W.  Annals  of  the  Voyages  of  the  Brothers 
NicoLO  and  Antonio  Zeno.  London,  1898.  Critique  by  De 
Costa,  in  American  Historical  Review,  vol.  4(1899),  p.   726. 

114  Mackey,  iEneas  J.  G.  St.  Brendan  of  Clonfert  and  Clon- 
fert  Brendan,  xxv Blackwood'' s  Magazine,  vol.  162(1897),  p.  135. 

115  Mather,    Samuel.       Attempt   to    show    that    America    must 

HAVE   BEEN    KNOWN   TO   THE   AnCIENTS.        BoStOn,     I  773- 

116  Mooney,  James.  The  Growth  of  a  Myth,  in  American 
Anthropologist,  vol.  4(1891),  p.   393. 

117  Moore,  M.  V.  Did  the  Romans  Colonize  America.?  in  Maga- 
zine of  American  History,  vol.   12(1884),  PP-   ^^3'  3  54- 


3  7^        Bibliographical  Appendix 

118  Mulhall,    Mrs.    M.      The    Hiberno-Danish    Predecessors    of 
Columbus,  in  Dublin  Review,  vol.   122(1898),  p.  22. 

119  Old  America,  Legends  of,  in  Cornhill  Magazine,  vol.  26(1872), 
p.  452,  and  in  LitteW s  Living  Age,  vol.   i  19(1873),  p.  761. 

120  Ropes,  Arthur.      Early  Explorations  of  America,  Real  and 
Imaginary,  in  English  Historical  Review,  vol.  2(1887),  P-  1^- 

121  Stephens,  Thomas.      Madoc.      London  and  New  York,  1893. 

122  Vining,  Edward  P.      An  Inglorious  Columbus.      New  York, 
1885. 

123  Weise,    Arthur    J.      Discoveries   of   America   to    1525    (New 
York,   1884),  chap,    i . 

124  Wilson,   Sir  DanieL       The   Lost  Atlantis  and   other   Eth- 
nographic Studies  (New  York,   1892),  pp.   1—36. 

125  Winsor,    Justin.      Pre-Columbian   Explorations,    in   Winsor's 
America  (38),  vol.    i,  chap.   2. 


CHAPTER  IV  — THE  NORTHMEN 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  102, 
104,   108,   118,   122,   123,   125. 

126  American  History  Leaflets.  Edited  by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart 
and  Edward  Channing.      New  York,   1892  —  96,  30  numbers. 

127  Anderson,  Rasmus  B.  America  not  Discovered  by  Colum- 
bus. Chicago,  1883.  The  third  edition  contains  bibliography 
(by  P.  B.  Watson)  of  pre-Columbian  discoveries. 

128  Anderson,  Rasmus  B.  Viking  Tales  of  the  North.  Chi- 
cago,  1877. 

129  Ballantyne,  Robert  M.  The  Norsemen  in  the  West,  or 
America  before  Columbus.      New  York,   1870. 

130  Baxter,  James  Phinney.  The  Present  Status  of  Pre- 
Columbian  Discovery  of  America  by  Norsemen,  in  Annual 
Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,   189^,  p.    loi. 

131  Blind,  Karl.  Forerunners  of  Columbus,  in  LittclP s  Living 
Age,  vol.   195(1892),  p.  387. 

132  Boggild,  F.  The  Ante-Columbian  Discovery  of  America  by 
THE  Northmen,  in  Historical  Magazine,  vol.  15(1869),  pp. 
170-  I  78. 

133  Bull,  Sara  C.  Leif  Ericson,  in  Magazine  of  American  History, 
vol.   I9(  1888  ),  p.  217. 

134  De  Costa,  Benjamin  F.  The  Northmen  in  Maine.  Albany, 
1870. 

135  De  Costa,  Benjamin  F.  Pre-Columbian  Discovery  of  Amer- 
ica by  the  Northmen.      Albany,  1868  and  1889. 

136  Du  Bois,  B.  H.  Did  the  Norse  Discover  America.?  in  Maga- 
zine of  American  History,  vol.  27(1892),  p.  369. 


Bibliographical   Appendix         379 

137  Du  Chaillu',  Paul  B.  Viking  Age  (New  York,  1889,  2  vols.), 
vol.   2,  chap.   3  3. 

138  Eden,  Richard.  The  Decades  of  the  New  World  or  West 
India.  London,  1555.  Reprinted  in  Edward  Arber's  The  First 
three  English  Books  on  America  (London,   1885  ),  pp.   346,  389. 

139  Elton,  Charles.  The  Career  of  Columbus  (New  York, 
1  892),  chap.    10. 

140  ENCYCLOPiT.DiA  Britannica  (ninth  edition).  See  index  under 
Geography,  Discovery,  and  Northmen. 

141  Fischer,  Joseph.  The  Discoveries  of  the  Norsemen  in  Amer- 
ica. Translated  into  English  by  Basil  H.  Soulsby.  London  and 
Saint  Louis,   1 903. 

142  Fowke,  Gerard.  Norse  Remains  near  Boston,  in  American 
Naturalist,  vol.  28(1894),  p.  623. 

143  Fowke,  Gerard.  Points  of  Difference  between  Norse 
Remains  and  Indian  Works,  in  American  Anthropologist,  vol.  2 
(1900),  p.   550. 

144  Haliburton,  R.  G.  Lost  Colonies  of  Northmen  and  Portu- 
guese, in  Popular  Science  Monthly,  vol.   27(1885),  p.  40. 

145  Hart,  Albert  B.  American  History  told  by  Contemporaries 
(New  York,   1  898  -  1901,  4  vols. ),  vol.   i,  pp.  28  —  34. 

146  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  Book  of  American  Explorers  (Bos- 
ton,  1877),  pp.   I  -  I  2. 

147  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  The  Visit  of  the  Vikings,  in  Har- 
per''s  Magazine,  vol.  65(1882),  p.   515. 

148  Horsford,  Eben  N.  Discovery  of  America  by  Northmen. 
Boston,  1888. 

149  Howley,  M.  F.  Vinland,  in  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Society 
of  Canada,  new  series,  vol.  4(1899),  sec.  2,  p.  77. 

150  Kohl,  John  G.  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  East  Coast 
of  North  America,  990—1578,  in  Maine  Historical  Society 
Publications,  second  series,  vol.    i   (Documentary  History). 

151  LiljencrantZ,  Ottilie  A.  The  Thrall  of  Leif  the  Lucky. 
Chicago,  1902.      A  story  of  viking  days. 

152  Longfellow,  Henry  W.  The  Skeleton  in  Armor,  in  Com- 
plete IVorks  (Boston  1895,  Cambridge  edition),  p.    i  i . 

153  MacLean,  J.  P.  Norse  Discovery  of  America.  Chicago, 
1892. 

154  Neukomm,  Edmond.      Rulers  of  the  Sea.      Boston,   1896. 

155  Old  South  Leaflets.  Edited  bv  Edwin  D.  Mead.  Boston, 
1890— 1902,   125  numbers;    5  vols. 

156  Olson,  J.  E.  Problem  of  the  Northmen  and  the  Site  of 
NoRUMBEGA,  in  The  Dial,  vol.   11(1890),  p.   112. 

157  Reeves,  Arthur  M.  Finding  of  Wineland,  the  Good.  London 
and  New  York,  1890. 

158  Sagas,  Extracts  from,  in  American  History  Leaflets  (126),  No. 
3.      Also  see  Voyage  to  Vinland  (1 64). 


380        Bibliographical   Appendix 

159  Slafter,  Edmund  F.  Voyages  of  Northmen  to  America, 
Boston,   1877.      A  Prince  Society  Publication. 

160  Sparks,  Edwin  E.  The  Expansion  of  the  American  People 
(Chicago,    1900),  chap.    I. 

161  Storm,  Gustav.  Studies  on  the  Vineland  Voyages.  Copen- 
hagen,  1889. 

162  White,  John  S.      The    Viking    Ship,   in   Scribner'' s    Magazine, 

vol.    2(   1887),    p.    604. 

163  Whittier,  John  G.  The  Norsemen,  in  Poetical  Works  (New 
York  and  Boston,   1892,  4  vols.),  vol.   I,  p.   37. 

164  Voyage  to  \'inland.  The,  from  the  Saga  of  Eric,  the  Red,  in 

Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  No.  31. 

CHAPTER  V— EARLY  GEOGRAPHICAL  KNOWLEDGE 

Note. —  See   the  note  on  page    T)Jt,,  and   sections  25,  38,  98, 
99,  III,  138. 

165  Ancient  Chinese  Geography,  in  Nature, \o\.  31(1884— 85),  p.  58. 

166  Anthon,  Charles.  System  of  Ancient  and  Medieval  Geog- 
raphy.     New  York,  1850. 

167  Barrows,  W.  America,  the  World's  Puzzle  in  Geography, 
in  Magazine  of  American  Historf,  vol.  21  (  1889),  p.   208. 

168  Bevan,  William  L.  Students'  Manual  of  Ancient  Geog- 
raphy.     London,   1875. 

169  Beazley,  C.  Raymond.  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  (New 
York,   1895  ),  pp.   I  — 120. 

170  Bunbury,  E.  H.  History  of  Ancient  Geography  (London, 
1879,  2  ^'°^-'^-  )»  ^'°^-  ^»  P-  209. 

171  Dufferin,  Marquis  of.  John  Cabot,  in  Scribner's  Magazine, 
vol.  22(1 897),  p.  62. 

172  Encyclopedia  Britannica  (ninth  edition).  See  table  of  contents 
to  article  on  America,  vol.  i,  p.  717  ;  Ancient  Geography,  vol.  15, 
p.  516;  Ptolemy,  vol.  20,  p.  91  ;  Strabo,  vol.  22,  p.  581  ; 
Marco  Polo,  vol.   19,  p.  408. 

173  Falconer,  H.  C,  and  Hamilton,  W.,  translators.  The  Geog- 
raphy OF  Strabo  (London,  1854,  3  vols.),  vol.   i. 

174  Fiske,  John.  Europe  and  Cathay,  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol. 
68(1891  ),  p.  369. 

175  Irving,  Washington.  The  Enchanted  Island  ;  a  Legend  of 
St.  Brandan,  in  his  Wolferf  s  Roost  and  Miscellanies. 

176  Johnson,  W.  H.  The  World's  Discoverers  (Boston,  1900), 
chap.    I ,  Marco  Polo. 

I'J'J  Keltie,  J.  Scott.  Applied  Geography,  in  LitteW s  Living  Age, 
vol.    179  (  1888),  p.  67. 

178  Marco  Polo.  Account  of  Japan  and  Java,  in  Old  South  Leaf- 
lets (155),  No.  32.  A  two-volume  translation  of  his  Book 
(revised  edition)  was  published  in  London,   1903. 


Bibliographical   Appendix        381 

179  Maury,  M.  An  Examination  of  the  Claims  of  Columbus,  in 
Harper'' 5  Magaxine,  vol.  42(1871),  pp.  425,  527. 

180  PresCOtt,  William  H.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  (Philadelphia, 
1875,  3  vols.),  vol.  2,  pp.   109— 117. 

181  Strabo.  Introduction  to  Geography  (with  maps),  in  Old 
South  Leaflets  (155),  No.   30.      Also  see  above  (173). 

182  Strachey,  R.  Lectures  on  Geography  (London  1888),  lec- 
ture 2. 

183  Tillinghast,  William  H.  Geographical  Knowledge  of  the 
Ancients,  in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  I,  chap.  1.  Critical 
essay  by  Winsor,  in  his  America  (38),  vol.   i,  pp.  33  —  58. 

184  Winsor,  Justin.  The  Early  Descriptions  of  America,  in  his 
America  (38),  vol.   i,  p.  xix. 


CHAPTER    VI  — PRINCE    HENRY    THE    NAVIGATOR 

Note.  —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  104, 
108,  III,  123,  176. 

185  Beazley,  C.  Raymond.  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator.  New 
York,   1895. 

186  Beazley,  C.  Raymond.  Translation  of  Azurara's  Chronicle 
OF  THE  Discovery  and  Conquest  of  Guinea  (London,  1896  —  99, 
2  vols.),  in  Hakluyt  Society  Publications. 

187  Bourne,  Edward  G.  Prince  Henry,  the  Navigator,  in 
Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  1893,  pp. 
I  I  I  -  I  23,  and  in  Tale  Review,  vol.  3  (  1 894),  p.   187. 

188  Helps,  Arthur.  Life  of  Columbus  (London,  1869),  pp. 
8-46. 

189  Lamb,  Martha  J.  Prince  Henry,  the  Navigator,  in  Maga- 
zine of  American  History,  vol.  27(1892),  p.  37. 

190  Major,  Richard  H.  Discoveries  of  Prince  Henry,  the 
Navigator.      London,   1877. 

191  Major,  Richard  H.  Prince  Henry,  the  Navigator,  in  EJin- 
hurgh  Reviezv,  vol.   128(1868),  p.   102. 

192  Markham,  Clements  R.  The  Sea  Fathers  (London,  1884), 
pp.    I  -  2  I . 

193  Stephens,   H.   Morse.       Portugal     (New    York,     1893),    pp. 

140-157. 

194  Vogel,  Theodor.  Century  of  Discovery  (Boston,  1877), 
p.  6. 

195  Winsor,  Justin.  Christopher  Columbus  (New  York  and 
Boston,  1892  ),  p.  92.  This  book  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  of 
the  many  written  on  the  subject.  I  gladly  acknowledge  my  great 
obligation  to  it. 


382         Bibliographical  Appendix 


CHAPTER    VII  — COLUMBUS   AND  HIS  GREAT   IDEA 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  104, 
108,  109,  III,  123,  138,  I39>  146,  176,  180,  188,  192,  195. 

196  Abbott,  J.  S.  C.  Christopher  Columbus,  in  Harper' s  Maga- 
zine, vol.  38 (1869),  p.  721. 

197  Adams,  H.  B.,  and  Wood,  Henry.  Columbus  and  His  Dis- 
covery, in  Joh?is  Hopkins  University  Studies,  series  10,  Nos.  10, 
I  I .      Baltimore,  i  892. 

198  Adams,  Charles  Kendall.  Christopher  Columbus  (New 
York,  1892),  pp.   1  —  73. 

199  Alden,  W.  L.  Christopher  Columbus  (New  York,  1881), 
pp.   1-74. 

200  Bancroft,  George.  History  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica (New  York,  1886,  6  vols.),  vol.   i,  pp.  7-13. 

201  Castelar,  Emilio.  Christopher  Columbus,  in  Century  Maga- 
zine, vol.  22(1892),  pp.   122,  280,  351,  584,  683,  921. 

202  Columbus,  Christopher.  His  Own  Book  of  Privileges,  i  502. 
Translated  by  George  F.  Barwick  ;  introduction  by  Henry  Harrisse  ; 
edited  by  B.  F.  Stevens.  London,  1893.  This  is  a  photographic 
facsimile  of  the  old  manuscript  mentioned  on  page  204  of  this 
volume,  and  often  spoken  of  as  The  Columbus  Codex.  An  inter- 
esting review  of  the  book  and  the  story  of  the  four  original  copies 
are  printed  in  The  Nation,  vol.  59(1896),  p.  68.  Since  then, 
what  is  believed  to  be  one  of  the  four  copies  ( the  one  that  Edward 
Everett  obtained)  has  been  secured  (  1901)  by  the  Library  of  Con- 
gress at  Washington.     See  section  283* 

203  Columbus,  Christopher.  His  Signature,  in  Magazine  of 
American  History,  vol.  9(1883),  p.   55. 

204  De  Mosley,  Otto.  Memoir  on  the  Discovery  of  America,  in 
Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  28(1892),  p.  358. 

205  Dunlop,  A.  P.  The  Real  Character  of  Columbus,  in  The 
Arena,  vol.  6(1892),  p.  603. 

206  DuttO,  L.  A.  The  Birth-place  of  Columbus,  in  Catholic 
World,  vol.   54(1891-92),  pp.  478-652. 

207  DuttO,  L.  A.  Las  Casas'  Narrative,  in  Catholic  World,  vol. 
56(  1892-93),  p.  40. 

208  Ford,  Paul  L.     The  Writings  of  Columbus.    New  York,  1892. 

209  Harrison,  Frederic.  The  Meaning  of  History.  New  York, 
1896. 

210  Harrisse,  Henry.  Diplomatic  History  of  America  :  Its 
First  Chapter  (London,  1897),  chap.  1.  At  the  end  of  the 
book  is  a  list  of  Harrisse' s  works,  many  of  which  are  written  in 
French.  Of  all  the  investigators  in  the  study  of  the  Columbian 
era,  Harrisse  has  been  the  most  indefatigable.  No  earnest  student 
of  that  history  can  afford  to  ignore  these  contributions. 


Bibliographical   Appendix        383 

211  Harrisse,  Henry.  Discovery  of  North  America  (London, 
1892),  pp.  77-101,651—661.  Monumental  and  almost  indis- 
pensable. 

212  Humboldt,  Friedrich  H.  A.  von.  Cosmos  (New  York, 
1863,  5  vols.),  vol.  2,  pp.  228-301. 

213  Lawrence,  Eugene.  The  Mystery  of  Columbus,  in  Harper'' s 
Magaxine,  vol.  %\{  1892),  p.  728. 

214  Major,  Richard  H.  Select  Letters  of  Columbus  with  other 
Original  Documents,  in  Hakluvt  Society  Publicatiotis,   1870. 

215  Markham,   Clements    R.      Columbus    (London,    1892),    pp. 

1-63. 

216  O'Shea,   J.  J.      The  Apotheosis  of  Christopher  Columbus,  in 

Catholic  World,  vol.  57(1893),  p.   151. 

217  Ruge,  S.  Columbus,  in  //^r/i^r' J-  Magazine,  \o\.  85(1892), 
p.  681. 

218  Thacher,  John  B.  The  Continent  of  America.  New  York, 
1896. 

219  Thacher,  John  B.  Christopher  Columbus  :  His  Life,  His 
Work,  His  Remains.  New  York,  1903  — 1904,  3  vols.  A  store- 
house of  the  raw  materials  that  throw  light  upon  the  career  of  Co- 
lumbus. 

220  Vignaud,  Henry.  Toscanelli  and  Columbus.  New  York 
and  London,   1902. 

221  Winsor,  Justin.  Columbus  and  his  Discoveries,  in  Winsor's 
America  (38),  vol.  2,  chap.    i. 

222  Bibliography  of  the  Discovery  of  Columbus.  The  principal 
guides  to  the  original  and  secondary  sources  for  the  study  of  the 
career  of  Columbus  are  as  follows  : 

(<7)  Bump,  Charles  W.  Bibliographies  of  the  Discovery  of 
America,  in  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  series  10,  appendix 
to  Nos.   I o  and  11,  pp.  519  —  532. 

(^)  Fumagalli,  Giuseppe.  Bibliografa  degli  scritti  italiani  e 
stampati  in  Italia  sopra  Cristoforo  Colombo.      Rome,  1893. 

(f)  Fumagalli,  Giuseppe.  Cataloghi  di  Biblioteche  e  In  did 
Bibliografica.      Florence,  1887. 

(d')      Harrisse,  Henry.    Christophe  Colomb.    Paris,  1884,  2  vols. 

(^)      Harrisse,  Henry.     Notes  on  Columbus.     New  York,  1866. 

(/")  Winsor,  Justin.  Columbian  Bibliography,  in  The  Nation, 
vol.  49(1889),  p.   397,  and  vol.   52(1891),  p.  297. 

{.S)      Winsor,  Justin,  in  Winsor's  Columbus  (1 95),  chaps.  1,2. 

{h')  Winsor,  Justin,  in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  i,  intro- 
duction, and  vol.  2,  introduction  and  chap.   i. 

Note. —  Some  of  the  works  just  mentioned  are  rare,  but  all  of 
them  are  in  the  Lenox  Library  Building  of  the  New  York  Public 
Library.  Among  the  other  "sources"  relating  to  Columbus  and 
to  be  found  in  the  same  rich  collection  of  Americana  are  the 
ponderous  tome.  Cartas  de   Indias   (Madrid,    1877);   Martin  F. 


384        Bibliographical   Appendix 

Navarrete's  Coleccion  de  los  Viagcs  (Madrid,  1825  —  37,  5  vols.;  a 
French  edition  was  printed  at  Paris  in  1828);  the  two  large  vol- 
umes published  by  the  duchess  de  Berwick  y  de  Alba,  containing 
valuable  manuscripts  in  her  archives,  viz.,  Autografos  de  Cristobal 
Colon y  Papeles  de  America  (Madrid,  1892),  and  Kuevos  Autografos 
de  Cristobal  Colon  y  Relaciones  de  Ultramar  (Madrid,  1902  ;  this 
series  contains  several  of  Columbus's  letters  which  had  been  consid- 
ered as  lost  since  their  sudden  disappearance  in  the  sixteenth 
century)  ;  and  the  fine  series  of  folio  volumes  entitled  Raccolta  di 
Documenti  e  Studi ;  pubblicati  dalla  R.  Commissione  Columbiana  pel 
quarto  Centenario  dalla  Scopcrta  deW  America  (Rome,  1892  — 96  j, 
published  under  the  auspices  of  the  Italian  minister  of  public  instruc- 
tion. This  series  includes,  among  others,  the  Writings  of  Columbus  ; 
Diplomatic  Documents  ;  Narration  of  the  Discovery  ;  Documents 
relative  to  Columbus  and  his  Family  ;  Life  of  Toscanelli  ;  Naval 
Construction  of  the  Fifteenth  Century  ;  and  a  treatise  on  the  mag- 
netic needle.  The  writings  ot  Columbus  here  brought  together 
from  various  places  are,  of  course,  of  first  importance.  In  1842, 
Navarrete  began  the  long  series  entitled  Coleccion  de  Documentos 
ineditos  (continued  after  his  death  two  years  later),  in  which  Las 
Casas's  Historia,  another  leading  source-book,  first  appeared  in  print. 
See  section  219. 


CHAPTER  VIII  — COLUMBUS'S  FIRST  VOYAGE 

Note. — See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  25,  104, 
III,  123,  146,  176,  180,  195,  198,  199,  215,  219,  220, 
221. 

223  Adams,  Charles  K.  Some  Recent  Discoveries  concerning 
Columbus,  in  Annual  Report  ot  the  American  Historical  Association, 
1 891 ,  p.  89,  and  in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  27(1892), 
p.  161. 

224  Blake,  H.  A.  \^'here  did  Columbus  First  Land  in  1492  r  in 
Ninettcntli   Century,  vol.  32(  1892),  p.   536. 

225  Brinton,  D.  G.,  Curtis,  William  E.,  and  Luce,  S.  B.  Reports 
on  Columbian  Historical  Exposition  at  Madrid,  1892  (Washing- 
ton,  1895  ),  p.   244. 

226  Brooks,  W.  K.  On  the  Lucayan  Indians,  in  the  Memoirs  of 
the  National  Academv  of  Sciences  (Washington,  1889),  vol.  4, 
part  2,  p.  215. 

227  Columbus,  Christopher.  Journal  of  Columbus  during  his 
First  \'oyage.  Translation,  Clements  R.  Markham,  editor,  Hakluyt 
Societv  Publications.  London,  1893.  Navarrete  found  an  abridg- 
ment of  the  journal  kept  bv  Columbus  on  his  first  voyage.  This 
abridgment,  which  was  in  the  handwriting  of  Las  Casas,  he  printed 
in   his    Coleccion    de    los    Viages    (222,    note).      The  best  English 


Bibliographical   Appendix        385 

version  is  that  here  cited.  For  an  extract  relating  to  Cuba,  see  Old 
South  Leaflets  (155),  vol.  5,  No.  102,  p.  25,  and  Hart's  Co?i- 
temporaries  (145),  vol.    i ,  p.   35. 

228  Columbus,  Christopher.  Letter  to  Gabriel  Sanchez,  in 
Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  No.  33.  Fully  fifteen  contemporary 
printed  editions  of  this  letter,  nine  in  Latin,  five  in  Italian  verse,  and 
a  German  version,  are  known.  Most  of  these  are  represented  by 
several  extant  copies  and  nearly  all  of  them  are  obtainable  in  reprint 
or  facsimile.  The  only  perfect  copy  of  the  Basel  (Latin)  illustrated 
edition  is  in  the  Lenox  Library  Building  of  the  New  York  Public 
Library. 

229  Columbus,  Christopher.  Letter  to  Luis  de  Sant  Angel,  in 
American  History  Leaflets  (126),  No.  i.  Also  see  Higginson's 
Explorers  (146),  pp.  ig-26,  and  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol. 
2,  pp.  46—51.  Two  contemporary  Spanish  editions  of  this  letter 
are  known,  one  in  folio  and  one  in  quarto.  Only  one  copy  of  each 
is  extant,  the  former  in  the  Lenox  Library  Building  of  the  New 
York  Public  Library,  and  the  latter  in  the  Ambrosian  Library  at 
Milan,  Italy. 

230  Cooper,  James  F.      Mercedes  of  Castile.      New  York,   1883. 

231  Cronau,  Rudolf.  Amerika  (Leipsic,  1892,  2  vols.),  vol.  i,  pp. 
209  —  222.  Concerning  the  location  of  the  landfall.  Also  see 
Thacher's  Columbus  (219),  chaps.   58,  59. 

232  Curtis,  William  E.  Christopher  Columbus  —  His  Portraits 
AND  Monuments.      Chicago,   1893. 

233  DuttO,  L.  A.  Columbus  in  Portugal,  in  Catholic  World,  vol. 
55(1892),  p.  44;  Columbus  in  Spain,  p.  210;  and  Columbus 
and  La  Rabida,  p.  639. 

234  Fox,  Capt.  G.  V.  An  Attempt  to  Solve  the  Problem  of  the 
First  Landing  Place  of  Columbus  in  the  New  World  (with 
map),  in  Report  of  United  States  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey  for 
1880-81,  p.  346. 

235  Hart,  Albert  B.  Source  Book  of  American  History  (New 
York,  1899  ),  p.   I. 

236  Harvey,  Arthur.  The  Enterprise  of  Christopher  Colum- 
bus, in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  27(1892),  pp.  I,  98. 

237  Mackie,  Charles  P.  With  the  Admiral  of  the  Ocean  Sea. 
Chicago,   I  89  I. 

238  Paton,  William  A.  The  Lost  "Landfall"  of  Columbus,  in 
Lippincott' s  ALigazine,  vol.  48(1891),  p.  502. 

239  Scaife,  Walter  B.  America  ;  Its  Geographical  History 
(Baltimore,   1892),  lecture  i. 

240  Story  of  the  Discovery  of  America,  The,  from  the  life  of 
Columbus  by  his  son,  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  No.  29. 

241  Bibliographical  Account  of  the  Voyages  of  Columbus,  in 
Historical  Magazine,  vol.  5(1861),  p.  33.  Also  see  Bibliography 
of  the  Discovery  of  Columbus  (222). 


386         Bibliographical   Appendix 


CHAPTER  IX  — DIPLOMACY  AND   PREPARATION 

Note.  —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  25    104,  108, 
III,   139,   180,   195,   199,  210,  221. 

242  Alexander  VI.  The  Bull  of  Demarcation  (English  trans- 
lation), in  Hart's  Co7itcmporaries  (145),  vol.   I,  p.  40. 

243  Bourne,  Edward  G.  The  Line  of  Demarcation,  in  Annual 
Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  1891,  p.  103  ;  and 
in   Tale  Rei'iezv,  vol.    i,  No.    i(  1892). 

244  Columbus,  Christopher.  Memorial  to  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella ON  HIS  Second  Voyage,  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (l55)»  No.  7  i. 

245  Dawson,  Samuel  E.  The  Line  of  Demarcation  and  the 
Treaty  of  Tordesillas,  1494,  in  Proceedings  and  Transactions 
of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada  (Ottawa,  1899),  second  series, 
vol.   5,  sec.  2,  p.  467. 

246  Doyle,  J.  A.  English  Colonies  in  America  (New  York,  1889, 
3  vols.),  vol.  I,  pp.  33,  407.  Concerning  the  casa  de  contra- 
tacion. 

247  Moses,  Bernard.  The  Casa  de  Contratacion  of  Seville,  in 
Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  i  894,  p.  93. 

248  Moses,  Bernard.  The  Establishment  of  the  Spanish  Rule  in 
America  (New  York  and  London,   1898),  chap.  2. 

249  Scaife,  Walter  B.  The  Development  of  International  Law, 
in  Papers  oi  i\\Q  American  Historical  Association,  vol.  4(1890), 
p.   269. 

250  Toner,  J.  M.  Colonies  of  North  America,  in  Annual  Report 
of  the  American  Historical  Association,  1895,  p.  515  ;  text  of  the 
treaty  of  Tordesilhas,  p.  524. 


CHAPTER  X  — COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  25,  104,  III, 
123,  139,  146,  176,  180,  188,  195,  198,  199,  208,  214,  215, 
221. 

251  Chanca,  Doctor  (physician  to  the  fleet  on  this  voyage).  Letter 
Addressed  to  the  Chapter  of  Seville,  in  Major's  Select  Letters 
of  Columbus  (214).  The  text  was  first  printed  in  Navarrete 
(  222,  note). 

252  The  original  sources  for  Columbus's  second  voyage  are  few  and 
some  of  them  are  not  easily  accessible.  The  following  may  be 
found  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building): 

(,«)  Bernaldez,  Andres.  Chronica  de  los  Reyes  Catolieos  (460 
leaves,  folio).  Bernaldez  was  a  friend  of  the  great  admiral.  After 
his  return  from  his  first  voyage,  Columbus  was  his  guest  and  related 
to  him  the   particulars   of  his   discovery.       Ternaux   says   that   the 


Bibliographical  Appendix        387 

"chronicle  contains  a  mass  of  information  relating  to  this  great 
man  which  would  be  in  vain  sought  for  elsewhere."  Two  papers 
at  the  end  of  this  work,  called  Prologo  and  Addiciones,  seem  to 
relate  to  it,  but  they  do  not  appear  in  the  first  printed  edition 
(1856)  next  mentioned.  Historia  de  los  Reyes  CatoUcos. 
Granada,  1856,  2  vols.  Edited  by  Miguel  Lafuente  y  Alcantara. 
Reprinted  at  Seville  in  1870.  Extracts  from  the  original  manu- 
scripts are  printed  in  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  third  series,  vol.  8  (Boston,  1843),  pp.  5  —  68. 

{b)  Scillacio,  Niccolo.  De  Insults  Meridian!  atque  Indici 
Maris  ntiper  inventis  (printed  probably  in  1494  or  1495).  This 
is  one  of  the  chief  sources  for  the  history  of  the  second  voyage. 
Only  five  copies  are  known  to  be  extant.  Mr.  James  Lenox  issued 
privately  a  reprint  and  translation  of  it  in  1859.  The  facsimile 
page  printed  on  page  165  of  this  volume  is  fi-om  the  Lenox  original. 
The  Scillacio  tract  was  for  the  first  time  issued  in  facsimile  a  few 
years  ago  by  Leo  S.  Olschki  of  Florence,  Italy.  Another  facsimile 
is  given  with  translation  and  critical  apparatus  in  Thacher's  Colum- 
bus (219),  vol.  2,  pp.  223-242. 

(f)  Navarrete,  Martin  F.  de.  The  Coleccion  de  los  P'iages 
(222,  note)  contains  some  contemporary  documents,  including  a 
Memorial  .  .  .  jo  de  Enero  de  I4<)4,  a  Antonio  de  Torres. 
The  Raccolta  di  Documenti  e  Studi  (222,  note),  vol.  i,  part  i, 
pp.  139  —  268,  contains  the  Journal  of  Columbus  in  his  second 
voyage.  The  Fonti  Italiane  per  la  Storia  della  scoperta  del  Nuovo 
Mondo  (Rome,  1893,  folio),  vol.  2,  contains  various  letters  from 
Peter  Martyr.  Las  Casas's  Historia  (222,  note)  refers  to  some 
points  in  the  account  of  the  second  voyage. 


CHAPTER    XI  — DA    GAMA    AND    CABOT 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  104, 
108,   109,  123,  146,  171,  176,   192,  195,  211,  215,  244. 

253  Beazley,  C.  Raymond.  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot.  New 
York,  1898. 

254  Bourinot,    Sir   John   G.      The    Makers  of  the   Dominion   of 

Canada,  in  Canadian  Magazine,  vol.    10(1897),  p.  7. 

255  Cabot,  John.  Contemporary  Correspondence  Relating  to 
his  Discovery  of  America,  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  No. 
115,  vol.  5,  p.  301. 

256  Dawson,  Samuel  E.  The  Voyages  of  the  Cabots,  in  Pro- 
ceedings and  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada  (Ottawa, 
1897),  second  series,  vol.  3.  Also  similar  papers  similarly  published 
in  I  894  and  1896. 

257  Dawson,  Samuel  E.  Memorandum  upon  the  Cabot  Map, 
in  Report  on  Canadian  Archives  (Ottawa,  1898),  pp.   102-105. 


388        Bibliographical  Appendix 

258  Deane,  Charles.  The  \'oyages  of  the  Cabots,  in  Winsor's 
America  (38),  vol.  3,  chap.  i.  Also  see  references  to  the  Cabot 
map  in  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  second 
series,  vol.  6,  pp.  305-339. 

259  Documents  Describing  the  Voyage  of  John  Cabot  in  1497,  in 
America?i  History  Leaflets  (126),  No.  9.  Also  see  Old  South 
Leaflets  (155),  No.  37,  and  Hart's  Contemporaries  (145),  vol. 
I,  p.  69.  The  letters  patent  from  Henry  VII.  to  the  Cabots  are 
given  in  Jones's  Hakluyt  (IO9),  pp.   18-27. 

260  Harrisse,  Henry.  The  Cabots,  in  Proceedings  and  Trans- 
actions of  the  Royal  Society  of^  Canada  (Ottawa,  1898),  second 
series,  vol.  4,  p.   103. 

261  Harrisse,  Henry.  Did  Cabot  Return  from  his  Second 
Voyage?  in  American  Historical  Review,  vol.  1(1896),  p.  717  ; 
vol.  3(1898),  p.  449;  vol.  4(1898),  p.  38. 

262  Harrisse,  Henry.  John  Cabot,  the  Discoverer  of  North 
America,  and  Sebastian,  his  Son.      London,  1897. 

263  Harrisse,  Henry.  The  Outcome  of  the  Cabot  Quater- 
Centenary,  in  American  Historical  Review,  vol.  4(  i8g8),  p.  38. 

264  Harrisse,  Henry.  When  did  John  Cabot  Discover  North 
America?  in  The  Forum,  vol.  23(1897),  p.  463. 

265  Harrisse,  Henry.  The  Discovery  of  North  America  by 
John  Cabot.      London,  1897. 

266  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  The  Old  English  Seamen,  in  Har- 
per s  Magazine,  vol.  66(1883),  p.  217. 

267  Hildreth,  Richard.  History  of  the  United  States  (New 
York,  1877,  6  vols.),  vol.   i,  p.  34. 

268  Howley,  M.  F.  Cabot's  Landfall,  in  Magazine  of  American 
History,  vol.  26(1891),  p.   267. 

269  Howley,  M.  F.  Cabot's  Voyages.  Saint  Johns,  Newfound- 
land, 1897.  • 

270  Lodge,  Henry  C.  The  Cabots  and  the  Discovery  of  America. 
London  and  Bristol,  1897. 

271  Lodge,  Henry  C.  The  Home  of  the  Cabots,  in  Nineteenth 
Centurs,  vol.  41(1897),  p.  734.  Answered  by  George  M. 
Wrong  in  Review  of  Historical  Publications  relating  to  Canada 
(Toronto,  1898),  p.  35. 

272  Major,  Richard  H.  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  Date  of 
their  Discovery,  in  Archaologia,  vol.  43(1871),  p.   17. 

273  Pope,  J.  The  Cabot  Celebration,  in  Canadian  Magazine, 
vol.  8(1896),  p.   158. 

274  Porter,  Edward  G.  The  Cabot  Celebrations  of  1897,  in 
Netv  England  Magazine,  vol.    17(1898),  p.  653. 

275  Prowse,  D.  W.  The  Discovery  of  Newfoundland  by  John 
Cabot,  1497.      Saint  Johns,  Newfoundland,  1897. 

276  Ravenstein,  E.  G.  A  Journal  of  the  First  \^oyage  of 
Vasco  da  Gama.    London,  1898.     A  Hakluyt  Sodcty  Publication. 


Bibliographical  Appendix        389 

277  Weare,  G.  E.  Cabot's  Discovery  of  North  America. 
London,   1897. 

278  Winship,  George  P.  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  Gt'ographical  Jour- 
nal, vol.   I3(  1899 J,  p.  204. 

279  Bibliographies  of  the  Cabotian  Literature  are  numerous  and 
exhaustive.  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  Bump's  Cabot 
Bibliography  (222,  a);  Winsor's  Cabotiana  to  18^4,  in  The 
Nation,  vol.  57(1893),  p.  433;  George  P.  Winship's  Cabot 
Bibliography,  in  the  Publications  of  the  Providence,  Rhode  Island, 
Public  Library,  1897  (published  separately  in  1898);  and  the  list 
given  in  the  appendix  to  Harrisse's  John  Cabot  (262).  The 
most  complete  of  these  works  is  George  P.  Winship's  Cabot 
Bibliography  with  an  Introductory  Essay  on  the  Careers  of  the 
Cabot s  (New  York  and  London,  1900).  In  this  book,  the  whole 
literature  of  the  subject  is  thoroughly  threshed  out. 

CHAPTER  XII  — COLUMBUS'S  THIRD  VOYAGE 

Note. —  See  the   note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  IO4, 
III,   123,   146,   176,    180,   188,   195,   199,  208,  215,  221. 

280  Batalha-Reis,  J.  The  Supposed  Discovery  of  South  America 
before  1448,  in  Geographical  Journal,  [London,]  vol.  9(1897), 
p.   185. 

281  Columbus,  Christopher.  Letter  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
is  printed  in  Navarrete's  Coleccion  de  los  Viages  (222,  note),  and 
also  by  Major  (214)  who  accompanied  the  text  by  an  English 
translation.  The  manuscript  from  the  archives  of  the  Duke  del 
Infantado  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Las  Casas. 

282  Columbus,  Christopher.  Letter  to  the  Nurse  of  Prince 
John.  One  manuscript  copy  is  in  the  archives  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  History  at  Madrid  ;  another  is  extant  in  the  Columbus 
Custodia  at  Genoa  —  included  in  the  Columbus  Codex  mentioned 
below  (283).  This  letter  is  also  printed  with  the  one  above  men- 
tioned (281).  This  "nurse"  was  Dona  Juana  de  la  Torre, 
sister  of  Pierre  de  Torres,  one  of  the  royal  secretaries,  and 
of  Antonio  de  Torres,  a  companion  of  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyage. 

283  Columbus  Codex,  A.  An  illustrated  article  by  Herbert  Putnam, 
the  librarian  of  congress,  in  The  Critic,  vol.  42(1903),  p.  244. 
It  tells  the  story  of  the  four  sets  of  transcripts  and  discusses 
the  probability  that  the  copy  now  in  the  library  of  congress 
is  one  of  the  three  parchment  volumes  prepared  under  the  personal 
supervision  of  the  great  discoverer.  See  section  202.  The 
fullest  account  of  the  "Book  of  Privileges,"  in  its  various  manu- 
scripts and  ramifications,  is  given  in  Thacher's  Columbus  (219), 
vol.  2,  pp.   530—565. 


3 go        Bibliographical  Appendix 

284     Gilliam,  E.  W.      The  Frenxh   Colony  of  San  Domingo,  in 

Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  20(1888},  p.  471. 

Note. — A  letter  of  Jaime  Ferrer,  a  lapidary  of  Blanes,  a  sea- 
port of  Spain,  dated  August  5,  1495,  and  addressed  to  Columbus, 
is  printed  in  Navarrete  (222,  note),  and  (with  an  English  transla- 
tion) in  Thacher's  Columbus  (219),  vol.  2,  pp.  365  —  369.  Las 
Casas  gives  an  unusually  full  narrative  of  the  third  voyage  in  his 
His  tor  ia  (222,  note).  For  an  annotated  English  translation,  col- 
lated from  different  manuscripts,  see  Thacher's  Columbus  (219), 
vol.  2,  pp.  374  —  408.  A  very  rare  publication  relating  to  the 
third  voyage  is  known  briefly  as  "The  Libretto,"  from  its  title 
which  reads :  Libretto  de  tutta  la  Navigatio?ie  de  Re  de  Spagna  de 
le  hole  et  Terreni  novamente  trovati,  printed  at  Venice  in  i  504. 
It  is  a  tract  of  twenty-nine  unnumbered  pages,  and  the  only  known 
copy  belongs  to  the  San  Marco  Library  of  Venice.  The  first 
facsimile  ever  issued  is  given  with  an  English  translation  in 
Thacher's  Columbus  (219),  vol.  2,  pp.  439-514. 

CHAPTER  XIII  — VOYAGES  OF  THE  CORTEREALS 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  104, 
109,    123,    138,    211,    215,    227. 

285  Dexter,  George.  Cortereal,  in  Winsor's  America  (38},  vol. 
4,  p.   I. 

286  Patterson,  George.  A  Lost  Chapter  in  American  History, 
in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  25(1891),  p.  375. 

287  The  Sources  for  the  Cortereal  voyages  are  in  a  way  summarized 
in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  4,  p.  12,  The  best  modern 
works,  based  upon  a  critical  and  scholarly  examination  ot  the 
original  materials,  are  three  by  Henry  Harrisse,  as  follows: 

(tf)  Les  Corte-Real et  leurs  Foyages au  Nouveau-Monde.  Paris, 
1883.      The  Cantino  map  is  here  reproduced  for  the  first  time. 

(^)  Caspar  Corte-Real  la  Date  exact e  de  sa  dernier e  Ex- 
pedition au  Nouveau-Monde.      Paris,  1883. 

(r)  Voyages  of  the  Corte-Reals,  ijOO-Ij02  and  before. 
This  covers  pp.  59  et  seq.  of  his  Discovery  of  North  America 
(211).      The  Cantino  map  is  repeated  in  this  volume,  reduced. 

288  The  Cantino  Map,  1502.  This  important  map,  named  from 
Alberto  Cantino,  envoy  of  Hercules  d'Este,  duke  of  Ferrara,  to 
the  court  of  Portugal,  measures  86^4  by  390/^  inches.  We  are 
indebted  to  Harrisse  for  interpreting  and  first  publishing  it,  although 
its  existence  was  previously  known.  The  English  reader  can  find 
an  account  of  it  in  Thacher's  America  (2l8),  pp.  205,    206. 

289  The  Voyage  of  Miguel  Cortereal  in  search  of  his  brother, 
Caspar,  is  dependent  principally  upon  the  following  sources: 

(^)  Damian  de  Goes.  Chronica  do  Rei  dom  Emanuel, 
chap.  66. 


Bibliographical  Appendix        391 

(^)  Galvao,  Antonio.  Tratado  que  compos  o  iiobre  e  notauel 
capitao  Antonio  Gahao  [Lisbon,  1563].  There  is  a  copy  of"  this 
verv  rare  original  in  the  John  Carter  Brown  collection  at  Providence, 
Rhode  Island.  The  work  was  reprinted  at  Lisbon  in  173  i.  A 
copy  of  this  edition  is  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox 
Building) .  An  English  translation  was  published  under  the  auspices 
of  Richard  Hakluyt  at  London  in  1601.  A  new  edition  of  this 
translation  with  the  original  text  added  was  edited  for  the  Hakluyt 
Society,  London,  1862,  by  Vice-admiral  Bethune. 

CHAPTER  XIV  — COLUMBUS'S  FOURTH  VOYAGE 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  25,  104,  III, 
123,  146,   176,  188,  195,   198,  215,  221,  248. 

290  Belloy,  Marquis  de.  Christopher  Columbus  and  the  Dis- 
covery OF  THE  New  World.  Philadelphia,  1889.  Favors  the 
canonization  of  Columbus. 

291  Brevoort,  J.  Carson.  Where  are  the  Remains  of  Columbus  ? 
in  Magaz.ine  of  American  History,  vol.  2(1878),  p.   157. 

292  Bump,  Charles  W.  Public  Memorials  to  Columbus,  in 
Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  series  10,  p.  53^. 

293  Columbian  Fruition,  The,  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  78(  1896), 
p.  557.      A  discussion  of  sources. 

294  Columbus,  Christopher.  Letter  to  the  Christian  Kings 
(Februarv  6,  1502),  in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  9 
(1883),' p.   53. 

295  Columbus,  Christopher.  Letter  to  the  King  and  Qiieen 
OF  Spain  —  The  Thirst  for  Gold,  in  Hart's  Contemporaries 
(145),  vol.   I,  p.  44. 

296  Columbus  Memorial  Volume.  New  York,  Cincinnati,  and 
Chicago,  1893.  Published  bv  the  Catholic  Club  of  New  York 
and  the  United  States  Catholic  Historical  Society. 

297  LombrosO,  C.  Was  Columbus  Morally  Irresponsible  ?  in 
The  Forum,  vol.  27(1899),  p.  537. 

298  The  direct  extant  contemporary  sources  for  Columbus's  fourth  voy- 
age are  ie\N.  A  relation  by  Columbus,  mentioned  by  him  in  a 
letter  that  he  wrote  on  December  27,  1504,  has  been  lost;  and 
several  other  letters  that  he  wrote  at  Dominica  and  other  points 
during  his  voyage  cannot  be  traced.  Columbus  set  sail  on  his 
return  voyage  September  12,  1504,  and  arrived  at  San  Lucar  on 
November  7  of  that  year.  In  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,  he  gives  details  of  his  voyage  up  to  July  7,  i  503. 
The  original  Spanish  manuscript  is  no  longer  extant,  but  Navarrete 
found  an  early  transcript  of  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. It  is  printed  in  his  Coleccion  (222,  note),  vol.  i,  pp. 
296  —  313,  and,  in  better  form  with  notes,  as  document  xxxxi 
(p.   175)  of  Scritti  di  Colombo,  edited  by  Cesare  de  Lollis  (Rome, 


392         Bibliographical  Appendix 

1894),  vol.  2.  Major  inserted  the  Spanish  text  and  an  English 
translation  in  his  Select  Letters  of  Columbus  (214J.  No  contem- 
porary printed  edition  of  the  Spanish  text  is  known  ;  but  an  Italian 
translation  was  published  at  Venice  in  1505,  a  small  quarto  tract 
of  eight  leaves  (the  last  being  blank)  printed  in  Gothic  characters. 
The  only  known  copy  is  in  the  Marciana  in  Venice.  It  is  entitled 
Copia  de  la  lettera  per  Columbo  ma7idata  all  Sere""'  Re  £3'  Regina 
di  Spagna.  The  librarian  of  Saint  Mark's,  Venice,  reproduced  it 
in  18 10  with  valuable  comments  as  Lettera  rarissima  di  Chris- 
toforo  Colombo.  By  this  title  it  has  since  been  best  known  and  most 
often  quoted.  A  complete  facsimile,  accompanied  by  an  English 
translation  and  notes,  is  given  in  Thacher's  Columbus  (219),  vol. 
2,  pp.  669  —  699. 

299  Other  sources  for  the  fourth  voyage  are  : 

((7)  A  valuable  document  of  Diego  de  Porras,  in  Navarrete, 
vol,  I,  pp.  277  —  296;  English  in  Thacher's  Columbus  (219), 
vol.  2,  pp.  640  —  646. 

{b')  Relacion  of  Diego  Mendez,  in  Navarrete,  vol.  i,  pp. 
314  —  329;  English  in  Thacher's  Colum.bus  (219),  vol.  2,  pp. 
647-668. 

(f)  D'Anghiera's  (i.e.,  Peter  Martyr's)  Decades,  15 16, 
which  is  reprinted  in  Scritti  di  Colombo,  vol.  2,  p.  206,  where 
other  documents  on  this  voyage  are  given. 

(^)      Fernando  Columbus's  His  tor  ie. 

l^e)      Las  Casas's  Historia. 

CHAPTER  XV  — VESPUCIUS  AND  "AMERICA" 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  104, 
108,   109,   III,   123,  138,  180,  195,  211,  215,  219,  237. 

300  Gay,  Sydney  H.  Amerigo  Vespucci,  in  Winsor's  America 
(38),  vol.  2,  chap.  2. 

301  Gay,  Sydney  H.  How  America  was  Named,  in  Scribner^s 
Mofithly,  vol.  12(1876),  p.  222,  and  in  Bryant  and  Gay's 
United  States  (lO),  vol.   i,  p.   122. 

302  Marcou,  J.  Amerriques,  Amerigho  Vespucci  and  America, 
in  Report  of  Smithsonian  Institution,  1888,  p.  647. 

303  Marcou,  J.  Origin  of  the  Name  America,  in  Atlantic  Monthly, 
vol.  35(1875),  p.  291.      justifies  name  "America." 

304  Oldham,  E.  A.  America  must  be  Called  Columbia,  in 
Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  27(1892),  p.  427. 

305  Santarem,  Viscount  of.  Researches  respecting  Americus 
Vespucius  and  his  Voyages.      Boston,  1850. 

306  Varnhagen,  F.  A.  de.  Nouvelles  Recherches  (Vienna, 
1869),  and  other  works  on  Vespucius.  See  Fiske's  Discovery  of 
America  (104),  vol.  2,  p.  26,  note,  and  Winsor's  America  (38), 
vol.  2,  p.  156. 


Bibliographical  Appendix        393 

307  Vespucius,  Americus.  First  Four  Voyages  of  Amerigo 
Vespucci,  in  facsimile  and  with  translation.  Quaritch.  London, 
1893.  Tlie  Soderini  letter.  Anotlier  edition  of  the  Letters  of 
Amerigo  Vespucci  and  other  Documents,  translated  by  Clements  R. 
Markham,  was  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  London,  1894. 
For  an  account  of  his  alleged  first  voyage,  see  Old  South  Leaflets 
(155),  No.  34  ;  for  an  account  of  his  third  voyage,  see  No.  90  of 
the  same  series. 

308  Wilson,  W.  S.  Autograph  Manuscript  of  Vespucius,  in 
Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  29(1893),  p.   169. 

309  Winsor,  Justin.  Notes  on  Vespucius  and  the  Naming  of 
America,  in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  2,  pp.    153—  179. 

310  Winsor,  Justin.  A  Vespucian  Fraud,  in  The  Nation,  vol.  56 
(1893),  p.  234. 

CHAPTER  XVI  — BALBOA  AND   MAGELLAN 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  the  sections  indicated 
under  the  subheads  below. 

BALBOA 

See  sections  10,  lOQ,  III,  215. 

311  Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe.  Central  America  (San  Francisco, 
1882,  3  vols.),  vol.   I,  chaps.  8,  9,  and  12. 

312  Harwell,  Francis.  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  in  LitteWs 
Living  Age,  vol.  46(1855),  p.  492. 

313  Headley,  J.  T.  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  in  Harper'' s  Maga- 
zine, vol.   i8(  1859),  p.  467. 

314  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  The  Spanish  Discoverers,  in 
Harper  s  Magazine,  vol.  65(1882),  p.  736. 

315  Simms,  W.  Gilmore.  The  Damsel  of  Darien.  Philadelphia, 
1839,  2  vols. 

316  Warburton,  E.  B.  G.     Darien.     Leipsic,  1853. 

317  Watson,  R.  G.  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  America  during 
the  Colonial  Period  (London,   1884,  2  vols.),  chaps.  2,  3. 

MAGELLAN 

318  Guillemard,  Francis  H.  H.  Life  of  Ferdinand  Magellan. 
New  York,   1890,  and  London,  1891. 

319  Hale,  Edward  E.  Magellan  and  the  Pacific,  in  Harper"" s 
Magazine,  vol.  81(1890),  p.  357. 

320  Hale,  Edward  E.  Magellan's  Discovery,  in  Winsor's  America 
(38),  vol.  2,  chap.  9. 

321  Hinsdale,  B.  A.  The  First  Circumnavigation  of  the  Earth, 
in  Ohio  Archaological  and  Historical  (Quarterly,  vol.  1(1887), 
p.   164. 

322  Stanley  of  Alderley.      First  Voyage   round  the  World,  by 


394        Bibliographical  Appendix 

Magellan.  Translated  from  the  accounts  of  Pigafetta  and  other 
contemporary  writers.  London,  1874.  A  Publication  of  the 
Hakluyt  Society. 

323  Stevens,   Henry.      Historical    and    Geographical    Notes    on 
THE  Early  Discoveries  in  America.      New  Haven,  1869. 

324  Stevens,  Henry.     Johann  Schoener.      London,  1888. 


See  sections  25,  104,  123,  237. 

325  Channing,     Edward.       The     Companions    of    Columbus,    in 

Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  2,  chap.   3. 

326  Encyclopaedia     Britannica     (ninth     edition).      See    articles    on 
Globe,  Balboa,  and  Magellan. 


CHAPTER    XVH  — CORTES,   PONCE  DE  LEON, 
AND  LAS  CASAS 

Note. —  See    the   note  on  page  373,  and  the  sections  indicated 
under  the  subheads  below. 

CORTES 

327  Abbott,  J.  S.  C.      Hernando  Cortez.      New  York,  1856. 

328  Bancroft,  Hubert  H.  Mexico  (San  Francisco,  1883,  5  vols.), 
vol.    I ,  chap.  4. 

329  Bancroft,  Hubert  H.  North  Mexican  States  (San  Francisco, 
1884,  2  vols.),  vol.    I,  chaps.    1—3. 

330  Cortes,  Hernando.  Account  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  from 
his  second  letter  to  Charles  V,,  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (155), 
No.  35. 

331  Eggleston,  Edward.      Montezuma.      New  York,  1880. 

332  Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de.  How  Cortes  Took  Monte- 
zuma  Prisoner,  in   Hart's    Contemporaries  (145),  vol.   i,  p.  49. 

333  Hale,  Susan.      Mexico  (New  York,  1889),  chap.   13. 

334  Helps,  Arthur.      Hernando  Cortez.      New  York,  1871. 

335  Winsor,  Justin.  Cortes  and  his  Companions,  in  Winsor's 
America  (38),  vol.  2,  chap.  6. 

PONCE    de    LEON 

See  sections  108,  200,  211,  246,  267. 

336  Brower,  J.  V.  The  Mississippi  River  and  its  Source  (Min- 
neapolis, 1893),  pp.  14—37.  This  work  constitutes  vol.  7  of 
the  Minnesota  Historical  Collections. 

337  Fairbanks,  George  R.  The  History  and  Antiquities  of  St. 
Augustine  (New  York,  1855),  p.  557.  Republished  at  Jack- 
sonville, Florida,  in  1868,  under  the  title  of  The  Spaniards  in 
Florida. 


Bibliographical  Appendix        395 


LAS    CASAS 


338  Clinch,    Bryan    J.      Bartholomew    Las    Casas,    in    American 
Ciitho/ic  (Quarterly,  vol.   24(1899),  No.   3,  p.    102. 

339  Ellis,  George  E.      Las   Casas,    in   Winsor's   America  (38),  vol. 
2,  chap.   5. 

340  Helps,  Arthur.      Life  of  Las  Casas.      Philadelphia,   1868. 


See    sections    10,    25,    47,    58,    104,    III,  123,    239,    311, 
317- 

341  Bandelier,  Adolph  F.  A.  The  Gilded  Man  (El  Dorado) 
and  other  Pictures  of  the  Spanish  Occupancy.  New  York, 
1893  and  1905. 

342  Blackmar,  F.  W.  Spanish  Colonial  Policy,  in  Publications 
of  American  Economic  Association,  third  series,  vol.  1(1900),  pp. 
500-516,  531. 

343  Blackmar,  F.  W.  Spanish  Colonization  in  the  Southwest, 
in  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  eighth  series.  No.  4. 

344  Blackmar,  F.  W.  Spanish  Institutions  of  the  Southwest, 
in   Johns   Hopkins    University  Studies,    extra  vol.   10(1891),   pp. 

49-77- 

345  Cutler,  H.  G.  Romance  of  the  Map  of  the  United 
States,  in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  23(1890), 
p.    288. 

346  Helps,  Arthur.  The  Spanish  Conquest  of  America.  Lon- 
don, I  goo  — 04,  4  vols. 

347  Lummis,  Charles  F.  Spanish  Pioneers  in  the  American 
Colonies  OF  Spain.      Chicago,  1893. 

348  Ogg,  Frederic  A.  The  Opening  of  the  Mississippi.  New 
York,  1904. 

349  Parkman,  Francis.  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World 
(Boston,   1886),  chap.   i. 

350  Shea,  J.  G.  Ancient  Florida,  in  Winsor's  America  (38), 
vol.  2,  pp.  231  —238. 

CHAPTER    XVIII  — EAST    COAST    EXPLORATION 

Note. —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  10,  25,  104, 
109,  123,  146,  176,  195,  200,  211,  246,  350. 

351  Brevoort,  J.  Carson.  Verrazano,  the  First  Explorer  of 
THE  Atlantic  Coast,  in  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  8 
(1882),  p.  481. 

352  Brevoort,    J.    Carson.      Verrazano,    the    Navigator.      New 

York,  1874. 


39^        Bibliographical   Appendix 

353  De  Costa,  Benjamin  F.  Explorations  of  the  North  Ameri- 
can Coast,  in  Natio/ial Magazine,  vol.  i  5(  i  891  ),  p.  i .  Also  see 
his  article  under  a  similar  title  in  Wilson's  Memorial  History  of  the 
City  of  Nezv-Tork   (New  York,  1892,  4  vols.),  vol.   i,  chap.   i. 

354  De  Costa,  Benjamin  F.  Verrazano,  the  Explorer.  New 
York,   1880. 

355  De  Costa,  Benjamin  F.  The  Verrazano  Voyage,  in  Maga- 
zine of  American  History,  vol.  2(1878),  p.  257;  the  Verrazano 
Map,  p.  449. 

356  Dexter,  George.  Cortereal,  Verrazano,  Gomez  and  Thevet, 
in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  4,  pp.  4  —  9. 

357  Fiske,  John.  Dutch  and  Quaker  Colonies  (Boston  and  New 
York,  1899,  2  vols.),  vol.   i,  pp.  56—80. 

358  Kohl,  J.  G.  Discovery  of  Maine,  in  the  Maine  Historical 
Society  Publications,  second  series,  vol.  i  (Documentary  History), 
chap.  4.      See   Earned' s   History  for  Ready  Reference,  vol.    i,  pp. 

51-54- 

359  Lescarbot,  Marc.  The  Myth  of  Norumbega,  in  Hart's  Con- 
temporaries (145),  vol.    I,  p.    118. 

360  Murphy,  Henry  C.  Voyage  of  Verrazano.  New  York, 
1875. 

361  Verrazano,  John.  Relation  of  his  Voyage  to  the  North 
American  Continent,  in  Collections  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society  (1841),  second  series,  vol.  i,  p.  37.  Also  see  Hart's 
Contemporaries  (145),  vol.  i,  p.  102,  and  Old  South  Leaflets 
(155),  No.  17,  and  Asher's  He?iry  Hudson  (London,  i860), 
appendix. 

362  Winsor,  Justin.  Cartography  of  the  Northeast  Coast  of 
North  America,  1535  —  1600,  in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  4, 
chap.  2,  pp.  81-103. 

CHAPTER    XIX  — SPANISH    EXPLORATIONS 

Note.  —  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  the  sections  indicated 
under  the  subheads  below. 

cabeza  de  vaca 

363  Bandelier,  Adolph  F.  A.  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  in  Magazine  of 
Western  History,  vol.  4(1886),  p.  327.  Also  see  his  Contribu- 
tions TO  THE  History  of  the  Southwestern  Portion  of  the 
United  States,  in  Papers  of  the  Archseological  Institute  of 
America,  vol.  5,  American  series.  New  York,  1890. 

364  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  Relacion  ;  translated  by  Buckingham  Smith, 
New  York,  1891.  Extracts  are  given  in  Old  South  Leaflets 
(I55)>  No.  39. 

365  CoopWOOd,  BetheL  The  Route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  in  Texas 
State  Historical  Association  Quarterly,  vol.  3(1899),  Nos.  2,  3, 
4,  and  vol.  4(1900),  No.   i. 


Bibliographical   Appendix        397 

DE    SOTO 

366  Abbott,  J.  S.  C.      Df.  Soto.      New  York,  1873. 

367  Biedma,  Luis  Hernandez  de.     Narrative  of  the  Expedition 
OF  Hernando  de  Soto,  in  B.  F.  French's  Historical  Collections  of 
Louisiana  (  New  York,  1846  —  53,  first  series,  5  vols.),  vol.  2, p.  97. 

368  De  Soto,  Hernando.  Letter  on  the  Conquest  of  Florida,  in 
French's   Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana   (367)>  vol.  2,  p.  91. 

369  Gentleman  of  Elvas,  The.  Narrative  of  the  Expedition 
OF  Hernando  de  Soto  into  Florida.  Published  at  Evora,  1557. 
Translated  from  the  Portuguese  by  Richard  Hakluyt,  London, 
1609.  Printed  in  French's  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana 
(367),  vol.  2,  p.  113.  Also  see  Hart's  Contemporaries  (145), 
vol.  I ,  p.  57,  and  Old  South  Leaflets  ( 155 ),  No.  36  ;  Peter  Force's 
Tracts  and  other  Papers  (Washington,  1836,  4  vols.),  vol.  4, 
No.  I  ;  and  Hakluyt  (  IO9),  vol.  14.  A  relation,  previously 
overlooked,  was  recently  found,  in  Oviedo,  by  Prof.  Edward  G. 
Bourne. 

370  Irving,  Theodore.  The  Conquest  of  Florida  by  Hernando 
de  Soto.      New  York,  1851. 

371  King,  Grace.  De  Soto  and  his  Men  in  the  Land  of  Florida. 
New  York,   1888. 

372  Lewis,  T.  H.  Route  of  De  Soto's  Expedition,  in  Publications 
of  the  Mississippi  Historical  Society,  vol.  6(1902),  p.  449. 

373  Mooney,  James.  Myths  of  the  Cherokees,  in  nineteenth 
Annual  Report  ot  the  United  States  Bureau  ot  American  Ethnology. 
Washington,   1901.      The  historical  sketch  and  the  notes  thereon. 

374  Shipp,  Bernard.  The  History  of  Hernando  de  Soto  and 
Florida.      Philadelphia,  1881. 

coronado 
See  sections  109,  329,  343,  344. 

375  Bancroft,  Hubert  H.  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  (San  Fran- 
cisco, 1889),  chaps.   1  —  3. 

376  Brower,  J.  V.  Harahey.  Saint  Paul,  1899.  This  is  vol.  2  of 
Memoirs  of  Explorations  in  the  Basin  of  the  Mississippi.  It  con- 
tains a  valuable  bibliography  relating  to  Coronado,  and  indicates 
the  location  of  Quivira  accepted  by  each  writer. 

377  Brower,  J.  V.  Quivira.  Saint  Paul,  1898.  This  is  vol.  i  of 
Memoirs  of  Explorations  in  the  Basin  of  the  Mississippi.  It 
locates  the  ancient  village  sites  of  Quivira  at  the  great  chert-beds 
south  of  the  Kansas  River. 

378  Coronado,  Francisco  de.  Letter  to  Charles  V.,  translated 
from  the  Spanish  by  George  P.  Winship,  in  American  History 
Leaflets  (126),  No.    13. 

379  Coronado,  Francisco  de.     Letter  to  Mendoza,  August  3, 

1540,  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  No.  20. 

380  CoRONADo's  Journey,  in  Hart's  Source  Book  (235),  p.  6. 


39^        Bibliographical  Appendix 

381  Coues,  Elliott,  translator  and  editor.  On  the  Trail  of  a 
Spanish    Pioneer  :      The    Diary    and    Itinerary  of  Francisco 

Garces.      New  York,   1900,  2  vols. 

382  Dellenbaugh,  Frederick  S.  The  True  Route  of  Corona- 
Do's  March,  in  Bulletin  of  the  American  Geographical  Society, 
vol.  29(1897),  p.  399. 

383  Hale,  Edward  E.  Coronado's  Discovery  of  the  Seven 
Cities,  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  April, 

1881. 

384  Haynes,  Henry  W.  Answer  to  Hale's  Coronado's  Discovery 
(383),  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
October,  1881.  Appended  to  this  essay  is  a  very  full  account  of 
the  literature  of  the  subject. 

385  Haynes,  Henry  W.  Early  Explorations  of  New  Mexico, 
in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  2,  chap.  7. 

386  Hodge,  F.  W.  Coronado's  March  to  Quivira,  in  Brower's 
Harahey  (376),  pp.  29  —  73.  Mr.  Hodge  accepts  Mr.  Brower's 
identification  of  the  site  of  the  first  village  of  Quivira,  which  they 
locate  about  half  a  mile  northeast  of  the  mouth  of  Walnut  Creek 
and  about  four  miles  east  of  the  city  of  Great  Bend  in  Barton 
County,  Kansas. 

387  Jaramillo,  Juan.  First  Expedition  to  Kansas  and  Nebraska, 
in  Hart's  Contemporaries  (145),  vol.   i,  p.  60. 

388  Mooney,  James.  Quivira  and  the  Wichitas,  in  Harper's 
Magazine,  vol.  99(1899),  p.   126. 

389  Morgan,  Lewis  H.  The  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola,  in  North 
American  Review,  vol.   108(1869),  P-  457- 

390  Simpson,  J.  H.  Coronado's  March,  in  Report  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  1869,  p.  300. 

391  Thomas,  Cyrus.  Quivira  ;  A  Suggestion,  in  Magazine  of 
American  History,  vol.   10(1883),  P-  49°- 

392  Winship,  George  P.  The  Coronado  Expedition,  in  four- 
teenth A?inual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology,  part  i,  pp.  339  —  613.  Translation  of  the  account  of 
the  journey  to  Cibola,  with  an  elaborate  bibliography  of  the  subject. 
A  revised  translation  (by  the  same  editor)  has  been  separately 
printed  :   New  York,  1 904. 

393  Winship,  George  P.  Why  Coronado  Went  to  New  Mexico 
IN  1540,  in  Annual  Report  o'l  iht  American  Historical  Association, 
1894,  pp.  83-92. 

general 
See   sections   10,    IO4,    I08,    IO9,  146,  200,  211,  239,  246, 
267,  347»  349.  350. 

394  Bandelier,  Adolph  F.  A.  The  Discovery  of  New  Mexico 
BY  Fray  Marcos,  in  Magazine  of  Western  History,  vol.  4 
(1880),  p.  659. 


Bibliographical  Appendix        399 

395  Bandelier,  Adolph  F.  A.  Historical  Introduction  to 
Studies  among  the  Sedentary  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  in 
Papers  of  the  Archsological  Institute  ot  America,  American  series. 
No.   I,  Boston,  1881. 

396  Crafts,  W.  A.  Pioneers  in  the  Settlement  of  America 
(Boston,  1876),  vol.   I,  chaps.  2,  3. 

397  Davis,  W.  H.  H.  Spanish  Conquest  of  New  Mexico. 
Dovlestown,  Pennsylvania,  1869. 

398  Johnson,  William  H.  Pioneer  Spaniards  in  North  America. 
Boston,   1903. 

399  Jones,  Charles  C.     History  of  Georgia.     Boston,  1883,  2  vols. 

400  Lowery,  Woodbury.  The  Spanish  Settlements  within  the 
Present  Limits  of  the  United  States.      New  York,  1901. 

CHAPTER  XX  — THE  PIONEERS  OF  NEW  FRANCE 

Note. — See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  the  sections  indicated 
under  the  third  subhead  below. 


401  Bell,  Andrew.  History  of  Canada  (Montreal,  1866,  2  vols.), 
vol.   I ,  pp.  50—70. 

402  Biggar,  H.  P.  Early  Trading  Companifs  of  New  France 
(Toronto,   1901),  pp.    i  — 17. 

403  Bourinot,  John  G.  French  Discoveries  of  Canada,  in 
Canadian  Magaxine,  vol.  10(1898),  pp.  218,  226,  229,  387, 
505. 

404  Bourinot,  John  G.  The  Story  of  Canada  (New  York,  1896), 
chaps.   I  —4,  and  bibliographical  notes. 

405  Cartier,  Jacques.  The  Discovery  of  the  Saint  Lawrence,  in 
Hart's  Contemporaries  (145),  vol.   I,  p.    107. 

406  De  Costa,  Benjamin  F.  Jacques  Cartier  and  his  Successors, 
in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  4,  chap.  2. 

407  Hannay,  James.  History  of  Acadia  (Saint  Johns,  1879), 
chap.    I. 

40S  How  Cartier's  Voyage  in  1541  was  Regarded  in  Spain  and 
Portugal,  in  Historical  Magazine,  vol.  6(  1862),  p.   14. 

409  Lighthall,  W.  D.  Montreal,  in  Nezv  England  Magazine, 
vol.   19(1898),  p.  233. 

410  Longrais,  Francois.      Jacques  Cartier.      Paris,   1888. 

411  Roberts,  Charles  G.  D.  History  of  Canada  (Boston, 
1  897),  chap.   1 . 

412  Shea,  John  G.  Charlevoix's  History  of  New  France 
(New  York,   1 866,  6  vols. ),  vol.   i,pp.   111—338. 

413  Stephens,  H.  B.     Jacques  Cartier.      Montreal,  1890. 

414  Walker,  Annie.  A  Forgotten  Hero,  in  LittelPs  Living  Jge, 
vol.   I48(  1881 ),  p.   102. 


400        Bibliographical   Appendix 

415  Winsor,  Justin.  Cartier.  to  Frontenac  (  Boston  and  New- 
York,   1894J,  chap.   2. 

ribault  and  laudonniere 

416  Letter  on  the  Settlement  of  the  First  Colony  of  Huguenots 
IN  New  France,  1564,  in  French's  Historical  Collections  of  Loui- 
siana (185 1),  vol.  3,  p.  197.  In  the  original  French.  This 
letter  is  followed  by  an  account  of  Ribault's  last  expedition  and  the 
fate  of  the  French  colony.      Also  in  the  original  French. 

417  Lowery,  Woodbury.  Jean  Ribaut  and  Queen  Elizabeth,  in 
American  Historical  Review,  vol.  9(1904),  p.  456. 

418  Sparks,  Jared.      Life  of  Ribault.      New  York,   1854. 

419  Laudonniere,  Rene.  A  French  Huguenot  Colony,  in  Hart's 
Contemporaries  (145J,  vol.   I,  p.   112. 

general 
See   sections    10,    IO4,    108,    109,    123,   I46,   200,  211,  239, 
267,  284,  349>  350,  373. 

420  Baird,  Charles  W.  History  of  the  Huguenot  Emigration 
to  America  (New  York,   1885,  2  vols.  ),  vol.    i,  pp.  21  —  77. 

421  Grajales,  Francisco  Lopez  de  Mendoza.      Founding  of  St. 

Augustine,  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (  155J,  No.  89. 

422  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  The  French  \'oyageurs,  in  Harper^ s 
ISlagazine,  vol.  66 (  1883),  p.   505. 

423  Parkman,  Francis.  The  Fleur-de-lis  at  Port  Royal,  in 
Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  12(1863),  P-  3°  5  T"^  Fleur-de-lis  in 
Florida,  p.  225  ;  The  Spaniard  and  the  Heretic,  p.  537. 

424  Simms,  W.  Gilmore.  The  Lily  and  the  Totem.  New 
York,  1850. 

CHAPTER    XXI  — WESTWARD  HO! 

Note.  —  See  the  note  on  page   373,  and  the  sections  indicated 
under  the  third  subhead  below. 

HAWKINS    AND     DRAKE 

425  Hawkins,  John.  An  English  Free-booter's  Adventures,  in 
Hart's  Contemporaries  (I45),  vol.   i ,  p.   75. 

426  Bancroft,  Hubert  H.  California  (San  Francisco,  1884, 
7  vols.  ),  vol.    I,  pp.  80  —  94. 

427  Bancroft,  Hubert  H.  Northwest  Coast  (San  Francisco, 
1884,  2  vols.  ),  vol.    I,  chaps.  5,  6. 

428  Barnes,  James.      Drake  and  his  Yeomen.      New  York,  1899. 

429  Corbett,  Julian  S.      Sir  Francis  Drake.      London,   1890. 

430  Corbett,  Julian  S.  Sir  Francis  Drake  and  the  Tudor 
Navv.      London  and  New  York,  1898,  2  vols. 

431  Corbett,  Julian  S.  The  Successors  of  Drake.  London  and 
New  York,   i  900. 

432  Davidson,  George.       Identification    of    Sir    Francis    Drake's 


Bibliographical   Appendix        401 

Anchorage    on    the    Coast    of    California.      Publication  of  the 
California  Historical  Society,   1890. 

433  Drake,  Sir  Francis.  The  Piety  of  a  Sea  Rover,  in  Hart's 
Cofitemporaries  (  145),  vol.    i,  p.  88. 

434  Fletcher,  Francis.  The  World  Encompassed  by  Sir  Francis 
Drake  (London,  1628J,  in  Purves's  English  Circumnavigators 
(473)  5  ^^^°  ^"  Hakluyt  Society  Publications,  1854.  An  extract 
from  this  work  relating  to  Drake  on  the  California  Coast,  and  other 
extracts  of  like  tenor,  are  given  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  vol. 
5,  No.    116,  pp.   313-332. 

435  Hale,  Edward  E.  Hawkins  and  Drake,  in  Winsor's  America 
(38),  vol.  3,  chap.  2  ;  also  in  Archaologia  Americana,  vol.  4 
(i860).      Transactions  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society. 

436  Jenner,  G.  A  Spanish  Account  of  Drake's  Voyage,  in 
English  Historical  Review,  vol.   16(1901),  p.  46. 

437  Pretty,  Francis.  The  Famous  Voyage  of  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
in  Hart's  Contemporaries  (145),  vol.   i,  p.  81. 

gilbert    and    RALEGH 

438  Brymner,   Douglas.      Death    of    Sir    Humphrey   Gilbert,  in 

Proceedings  ot  the   Royal  Society  ot  Canada,  vol.    2(1896),  sec. 

2.  P-  II- 

439  Drake,  Samuel  G.      Last  Letters  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert, 

in    New    England   Historical  and   Genealogical  Register,  vol.    1 3 
(1859),  p.   197. 

440  Barlowe,  Captain  Arthur.  First  Voyage  to  Virginia,  in 
Hart's  Contemporaries  (145),  vol.  i,  p.  89,  and  in  Old  South 
Leaflets  (155),  No.  92. 

441  Charter  to  Ralegh,  i  ^S^,  in  American  History  Leaflets  (126), 
No.   16. 

442  Bruce,  Edward  C.  Loungings  in  the  Footprints  of  the 
Pioneers,  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  20(1860),  p.  721. 

443  Creighton,  Louise.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  London  and  New 
York,  1 89 1. 

444  Gardiner,  S.  R.  The  Case  against  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  in 
Fortnightly  Review,  vol.  7(1867),  p.  602. 

445  Gosse,  Edmund.   Life  of  Raleigh.    London  and  New  York,  1886. 

446  Guiney,  Louise.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  of  Youghal,  in 
Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  66(1890),  p.   779. 

447  Hale,  Edward  E.,  editor.  Original  Documents  from  the  State 
Paper  Office,  London,  and  the  British  Museum,  illustrating  the 
History  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  First  American  Colony  and  the 
Colony  at  Jamestown,  in  Transactions  of  American  Antiquarian 
Society,   i860. 

448  Hayes,  Edward.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  Voyage  to  New- 
foundland, in  Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  vol.  5,  No.  118,  pp. 
349  —  380.      Hayes  was  the  commander  of  one  of  the  vessels. 


40  2         Bibliographical   Appendix 

449  Henry,  William  W.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  in  W'insor's  America 
(38),  vol.   3,  chap.  4. 

450  Hume,  Martin  A.  S.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  ;  the  British 
Dominion  of  the  West.      London,   1897. 

451  Lane,  Ralph.  Raleigh's  First  Roanoke  Colony,  in  Old 
South  Ldiflets  (155),  vol.  5,  No.   119,  p.  381. 

452  Ralegh,  Sir  Walter.  Expedition  to  El  Dorado,  in  Hart's 
Contemporaries  (145J,  vol.    i,  p.  96. 

453  Raleigh's  Poetry  and  Life,  in  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  168 
f  1889),  p.  482. 

454  Stebbing,  W.      Sir  Walter  Ralegh.      Oxford,  1891. 

455  Tarbox,  Increase  N.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  and  his  Colony 
in  America.      Boston,  1854.      A  Prince  Society  Publication. 

456  Weeks,  Stephen  B.  The  Lost  Colony  of  Roanoke  ;  Its 
Fate  and  Survivals,  in  Papers  of  the  American  Historical  Associa- 
tion, vol.   5(  1890),  p.  441. 

457  Whipple,  Edwin  P.  Sidney  and  Ralegh,  in  Atlantic  Monthly, 
vol.  22(  I  868  ),  p.  304. 

458  Williams,  TalCOtt.  The  Surroundings  of  the  Site  of 
Ralegh's  Colony,  in  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical 
Association,   1895,  p.  47. 


See   sections   10,    58,    108,    109,    146,    176,    192,  200,   235, 
246,  267,  400. 

459  Bourne,  Henry  R.  F.  English  Seamen  under  the  Tudors 
(London,  1868,  2  vols.),  vol.  i,  chap.  7  ;  vol.  2,  chaps.   12,  13. 

460  Calendar  of  State  Papers  (English),  Colonial  Series,  1574  — 
1660,  p.  4.  Although  but  ten  papers  prior  to  the  accession  of 
James  I.  in  1603  are  calendared  in  this  volume  (and  forty-seven  in 
an  appendix  to  the  fourth  volume),  they  are  included  in  this  list  as 
they  constitute  the  introduction  to  the  richest  and  most  authentic 
source  of  our  information  concerning  the  early  history  of  the  English 
colonies  in  America. 

461  Christy,  Miller.  The  Silver  Map  of  the  World.  London, 
1900. 

462  Creighton,  Mandell.  Age  of  Elizabeth  (New  York,  1876), 
pp.   167-200. 

463  Creighton,  Mandell.  Queen  Elizabeth.  New  York  and 
Bombay,   1899. 

464  Fiske,  John.  Virginia  in  the  Colonial  Period,  in  Harper'' s 
Magazine,  vol.  65(1883),  p.  895. 

465  Fiske,  John.  Old  Virginia  and  her  Neighbours  (Boston  and 
New  York,   1898,  2  vols.),  vol.   i,  chap.   i. 

466  Frith,  Henry.  Romance  of  Navigation  (London,  1893), 
pp.  203-249. 


I  I 


Bibliographical   Appendix        403 

467  Froude,  James  A.    English  Seamen  in  the  Sixteenth  Century. 

New  York,   1895. 

468  Froude,  James  A.  History  of  England  (New  York,  1868-70, 
12  vols.),  vol.    II,  pp.  94,  369  —  403,  441. 

469  Hakluyt,  Richard.  Discourse  on  Western  Planting,  1584, 
in  Collections  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society,  vol.  2  (Docu- 
mentary History).  Two  chapters  relating  to  E/igland^ s  Title  to 
North  America,  and  accompanied  by  a  sketch  of  the  author,  are 
given  in  Old  South  Leaflets  (155),  vol.  5,  No.  122,  pp.  437  — 
452.  Robertson  speaks  of  Hakluyt  as  one  •'  to  whom  England  is 
more  indebted  for  its  American  possessions  than  to  any  other  man 
of  that  age."      See  section  109. 

470  Higginson,  Thomas  W.  The  Old  English  Seamen,  in  Har- 
per''s  Magazine,  vol.  66(1883),  p.  217. 

471  Kingsley,  Charles.  Westward  Ho  !  London,  1855,  3  vols., 
and  numerous  American  reprints.  There  is  an  interesting  review 
of  this  interesting  novel  in  North  American  Revietv,  vol.  8 1 
(1855),  p.   289. 

472  Payne,  Edward  J.,  editor.  Voyages  of  the  Elizabethan  Sea- 
men.     London,   1880,  2  vols.      See  section  109. 

473  Purves,  D.  Laing,  editor.  English  Circumnavigators.  New 
York,  no  date. 

474  Southey,  Robert.  Lives  of  the  British  Admirals  (London, 
1833-40,  5  vols.),  vol.  3,  pp.  67-327. 

475  Stevens,  Henry.  Thomas  Hariot,  the  Mathematician, 
the  Philosopher  and  the  Scholar.      London,  1900,  2  vols. 

476  Thomas,  C3rrus.  Right  to  the  Soil  dependent  on  Discovery, 
in  eighteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Ameri- 
can Ethnology  (Washington,   1900),  pp.   527  —  538. 

477  Winsor,  Justin.  Earliest  English  Publications  on  America, 
in  Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.  3,  pp.   199—208. 

Note,  — See  P.  Lee  Phillips's  List  of  Books  relating  to  America 
in  the  Register  of  the  London  Company  of  Stationers,  from  Ij62 
to  j6j8,  which  is  printed  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  American 
Historical  Association  for  1896,  vol.  i,  pp.  1249— 1 261.  Also 
see  his  List  of  Maps  of  America  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  Wash- 
ington, 1 90 1. 

CHAPTER   XXII  — THE    INDIANS    OF    NORTH    AMERICA 

Note. — ^  See  the  note  on  page  373,  and  sections  7>  25,  29, 
55,    83,    124,    200,    246,    267. 

478  Brinton,  Daniel  G.      The  American  Race.      New  York,  1891. 

479  Brooks,  E.  S.  The  Story  of  the  American  Indians.  Boston, 
1887. 


404         Bibliographical   Appendix 

480  Campbell,   John.      The  Ancient  Literature  of  America,   in 

Proceedings  o[  the   Royal   Society  of  Canada,  vol.   2(1896),    sec. 
2,  p.  41  ;   vol.   3(  I  897),  sec.  2,  p.   i  1 1. 

481  Catlin,  George.  North  American  Indians.  London,  1876, 
2  vols. 

482  Colden,  Cadwallader.  A  History  of  the  Five  Indian 
Nations  of  Canada  [i.e.,  the  Iroquois].  London,  1727. 
Reprinted  at  New  York,   1866  and  1902. 

483  Drake,  Samuel  G.  The  Aboriginal  Races  of  North  Amer- 
ica.     Revised  by  H.  L.  Williams.      New  York,   1880. 

484  Ellis,  George  E.  The  Red  Man  and  the  White  Man  in 
North   America.      Boston,   1882. 

485  Ellis,  George  E.  The  Red  Indian  of  North  America,  in 
Winsor's  America  (38),  vol.    i,  chap.   5. 

486  Fiske,  John.  Myths  and  Mythmakers  (Boston,  1873), 
chap.    7. 

487  Frazer,  J.  G.  Origin  of  Totemism,  in  Fortnightly  Reviezv, 
vol.  71(1899),  pp.  648,  835. 

488  Goodwin,  John  A.  The  Pilgrim  Republic  (Boston,  1888), 
chap.    10. 

489  Irving,  J.  T.  Indian  Sketches.  New  York  and  London, 
1888. 

490  Jackson,  Helen  Hunt.  A  Century  of  Dishonor.  Boston, 
1885. 

491  James,  J.  A.  English  Institutions  and  the  American  Indian, 
in  'Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  series  12,  pp.  461  —  519. 

492  Lechford,  Thomas.  An  Account  of  the  New  England 
Indians  (1642),  in  Hart's  Contemporaries  (l^^^,vo\.   i,  p.  318. 

493  McKenny,  Thomas  L.  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of 
North   America.      Philadelphia,  1885,  3  vols. 

494  Morgan,  Lewis  H.  Ancient  Society  (New  York,  1877), 
pp.  62  —  215. 

495  Morgan,  Lewis  H.  Contributions  to  American  Ethnology. 
Washington,   1881. 

496  Morgan,  Lewis  H.  Houses  and  House-Life  of  the  American 
Aborigines,  in  Geographical  and  Geological  Survey  of  the  Rocks 
Mountain  Region,  vol.  4.      Washington,   1881. 

497  Morgan,  Lewis  H.  League  of  the  Iroquois.  Rochester, 
I  8  5 1 . 

498  Morton,  Thomas.  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Indians  (an 
extract  from  his  Nezv  English  Canaan,  1637),  in  Old  South 
Leaflets  (155),  No.  87. 

499  Parkman,  Francis.  The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac  (Boston, 
1870,  2  vols.),  vol.    I,  chap.    I. 

500  Parkman,  Francis.  The  Jesuits  in  North  America  (Boston, 
1867),  introduction. 

501  Royce,    Charles   C.      Spanish,    French,   and    English    Policy 


Bibliographical  Appendix        405 

TOWARD  THE  Indians,  in  eighteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  United 
States  Bureau  ot  American  Ethnology  (Washington,  1900),  pp. 
538-561. 

502  Shaler,  Nathaniel  S.  The  Physiography  of  North  America, 
in  Winsor's  America  {"3^%),  vol.  4,  pp.  i  — x. 

503  Stone,  William  L.  Border  Wars  of  the  American  Revo- 
lution.     New  York,  1854. 

504  Stone,  William  L.      Life  of  Brant.      Albany,   1865,  2  vols. 

505  Stone,  William  L.      Life  of  Red  Jacket.      Albany,   1866. 

506  Strachey,  William.  The  Indians  of  the  South  (161 8 J,  in 
Hart's  Contemporaries  (145),  vol.   i,  p.  203. 

507  Thwaites,  Reuben  G.,  editor.  The  Jesuit  Relations  and 
Allied  Documents.  Cleveland,  1896— 190 1.  A  monumental 
work  in  73  vols. 

508  LInited  States  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  Reports  of. 

509  Winsor,  Justin.  Progress  of  Opinion  respecting  the  Origin 
AND  Antiquity  of  Man  in  America,  in  Winsor's  America  (38), 
vol.    I,  p.   369. 


For  the  general  index  to  this  work 
see  volume  12 


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